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Henry Beveridge* {primus), Advocate — 

A Comprehensive History o! India 3 vol. London and 
Glasgow, 1862. 

Henry Beveridge* (secundus), Indian Civil Service, 
retired — 

Akbar-nama trs. (Persian), Calcutta, 1894-192 1. 

Annette Susannah Beveridge — 

Kaiser Akbar trs. (German), Calcutta, 1890. 

Humayun-nama Pers. text ed. and trs. RAS. 1902. 
(Out of print.) 

Bibi Brooke's Key of the Hearts of Beginners trs. (Persian) , 
London, 1908. 

Notes on the MSS. 0! the Babur-nama (Turki), JRAS. 
1 900-2-5-6-7-8-9 . 

The Babur-nama Facsimile edited and indexed for the 
Gibb Trust, London, 1905. 

* See Bibliography of Dunfermline (Erskine Beveridge (x<f<r««a'«j-), LL.D.). 

The Babur-nama in English 

(Memoirs of Babur) 

Translated from the original Turki Text 


Zahiru'd-din Mubammad Babur Padshah Ghdzt 



Issued in Four Fasciculi: — Farghana 1912 — Kabul 
1914— Hindustan 1917— Preface, Indices, etc. 

Vol. I 


LUZAC & CO.. 46, Great Russell Street, London. 




Preface: Introductory. — Cap. I. Babur's exemplars in the 
Arts of peace, p. xxvii. — Cap. II. Problems of the mutilated 
Babur-nama, p. xxxi. — Cap. III. The Turki MSS. and 
work connecting with them, p. xxxviii. — Cap. IV. 
The Leyden and Erskine " Memoirs of Baber ", p. Ivii. — 
Postscript of Thanks, p. Ix. 


899 AH.— Oct. 12th 1493 to Oct. 2nd 1494 AD.— Babur's age at 
the date of his accession — Description of Farghana 

(pp. 1 to 12) — Death and biography of 'Umar Shaikh 
(13 to 19 and 24 to 28) — Biography of Yunas Chaghatdi 
(18 to 24) — Babur's uncles Ahmad Mtrdn-shdhi and 
Mahmud Chaghatdi (The Khan) invade Farghana — Death 
and biography of Ahmad — Misdoings of his successor, his 
brother Mahmud 1-42 

900 AH.— Oct. 2nd 1494 to Sep. 21st 1495 ad.— Invasion of 
Farghana continued — Babur's adoption of orthodox 
observance — Death and biography of Mahmud Mirdn-shdhi 
— Samarkand affairs — revolt of Ibrahim Sdru defeated— 
Babur visits The Khan in Tashklnt — tribute collected from 
the Jigrak tribe — expedition into Auratipa . . 43-56 

901 AH.— Sep. 21st 1495 to Sep. 9th 1496 AD.— Husain Bdi- 
qard's campaign against Khusrau Shah — Babur receives 
Auzbeg sultans — Revolt of the Tarkhans in Samarkand — 
Babur's first move for Samarkand . . . 57-64 

902 AH. — Sep. 9th 1496 to Aug. 30th 1497 AD. — Babur's second 

move for Samarkand — Dissensions of Husain Bdi-qard and 
his sons — Dissensions between Khusrau Shah and Mas'ud 
Mirdn-shdhi ....... 65-71 

903 AH.— Aug. 30th 1497 to Aug. 19th 1498 AD.— Babur's 
second attempt on Samarkand is successful — Description 
of Samarkand (pp. 74 to 86) — his action there — Mughuls 
demand and besiege Andijan for Babur's half-brother 
Jahanglr — his mother and friends entreat his hel'p — he 
leaves Samarkand in his cousin 'All's hands — has a relapse 
of illness on the road and is believed dying — on the news 
Andijan is surrendered by a Mughul to the Mughul faction 
— Having lost Samarkand and Andijan, Babur is hospitably 
entertained by the KhujandTs — he is forced to dismiss 
Khalifa — The Khan (his uncle) moves to help him but is 


persuaded to retire — many followers go to Andijan where 
were their families — he is left with 200-300 men — his 
mother and grandmother and the families of his men sent 
to him in Khujand — he is distressed to tears — The Khan 
gives help against Samarkand but his troops turn back on 
news of ShaibanI — Babur returns to Khujand — speaks of 
his ambition to rule — goes in person to ask The Khan's 
help to regain Andijan — his force being insufficient, he 
goes back to Khujand — Affairs of Khusrau Shah and the 
Timurid Mirzas — Affairs of Husain Bdt-qard and his sons 
— Khusrau Shah blinds Babur's cousin Mas'ud — Babur 
curses the criminal ...... 72-96 

904 AH. — Aug. 19th 1498 to Aug. 8th 1499 AD. — Babur borrows 
Pashaghar for the winter and leaves Khujand — rides 70-80 
miles with fever — a winter's tug-of-war with Samarkand — 
his force insufficient, he goes back to Khujand — unwilling 
to burthen it longer, goes into the summer-pastures of 
Auratlpa — invited to Marghlnan by his mother's uncle 
'All-dost — a joyful rush over some 145 miles — near 
Marghlnan prudent anxieties arise and are stilled — he is 
admitted to Marghlnan on terms — is attacked vainly by 
the Mughul faction — accretions to his force — helped by 
The Khan — the Mughuls defeated near Akhsi — Andijan 
recovered — Mughuls renew revolt — Babur's troops beaten 
by Mughuls — Tambal attempts Andijan . . 97-107 

905 AH.— Aug. 8th 1499 to July 28th 1500 AD.— Babur's cam- 
paign against Ahmad Tambal and the Mughiil faction — he 
takes Mazu — Khusrau Shah murders Bal-sunghar Mirdn- 
shdhi — Biography of the Mirza — Babur wins his first ranged 
battle, from Tambal supporting Jahanglr, at Khuban — 
winter-quarters — minor successes — the winter-camp broken 
up by Qarnbar-i-*ali's taking leave — Babur returns to 
Andijan — The Khan persuaded by Tambal's kinsmen in 
his service to support Jahanglr — his troops retire before 
Babur — Babur and Tarnbal again opposed — Qarnbar-i-'all 
again gives trouble — minor action and an accommodation 
made without Babur's wish — terms of the accommodation — 
The self-aggrandizement of 'All-dost Mughul — Babur's first 
marriage — a personal episode — Samarkand affairs — *AlI 
quarrels with the Tarkhans — The Khan sends troops against 
Samarkand — Mirza Khan invited there by a Tarkhan — *Ah 
defeats The Khan's Mughuls— Babur invited to Samarkand 
— prepares to start and gives Jahanglr rendezvous for the 


attempt — Tambal's brother takes Aush — Babur leaves this 
lesser matter aside and marches for Samarkand — Qarnbar- 
i-'all punishes himself — ShaibanI reported to be moving on 
Bukhara — Samarkand begs wait on Babur — the end of 
*AlI-dost — Babur has news of Shaibani's approach to 
Samarkand and goes to Kesh — hears there that 'All's 
Auzbeg mother had given Samarkand to ShaibanI on 
condition of his marriage with herself . . 108-126 

906 AH.— July 28th 1500 to July 17th 1501 AD.— ShaibanI 
murders 'All — a son and two grandsons of Ahrari's 
murdered — Babur leaves Kesh with a number of the 
Samarkand begs — is landless and isolated — takes a perilous 
mountain journey back into Auratlpa — comments on the 
stinginess shewn to himself by Khusrau Shah and another 
— consultation and resolve to attempt Samarkand — Babur's 
dream-vision of success — he takes the town by a surprise 
attack — compares this capture with Husain Bdi-qard's of 
Herl — his affairs in good position — birth of his first child — 
his summons for help to keep the Auzbeg down — literary 
matters — his force of 240 grows to allow him to face 
ShaibanI at Sar-i-pul — the battle and his defeat — Mughuls 
help his losses — he is besieged in Samarkand — a long 
blockade — great privation — no help from any quarter — 
Futile proceedings of Tarnbal and The Khan . 127-145 

907 AH.— July 1 7th 1 501 to July 7th 1 502 AD.— Babur surrenders 

Samarkand — his sister Khan-zada is married by ShaibanI — 
incidents of his escape to Dizak — his 4 or 5 escapes from 
peril to safety and ease — goes to Dikh-kat in Auratlpa — 
incidents of his stay there — his wanderings bare-head, bare- 
foot — sends gifts to Jahanglr, and to Tarnbal a sword which 
later wounds himself — arrival from Samarkand of the 
families and a few hungry followers — ShaibanI Khan raids 
in The Khan's country — Babur rides after him fruitlessly — 
Death of Nuyan Kukuldash — Babur's grief for his friend — 
he retires to the Zar-afshan valley before ShaibanI — reflects 
on the futility of his wanderings and goes to The Khan in 
Tashkint — Mughul conspiracy against Tarnbal Mughul — 
Babur submits verses to The Khan and comments on his 
uncle's scant study of poetic idiom — The Khan rides out 
against Tarnbal — his standards acclaimed and his army 
numbered — of the Chtngts-tiird — quarrel of Chlras and 
Begchik chiefs for the post of danger — Hunting — Khujand- 
river reached 146-156 


908 AH.— July 7th 1502 to June 26th 1503 AD.— Babur com- 
ments on The Khan's unprofitable move — his poverty and 
despair in Tashkint — his resolve to go to Khital and ruse 
for getting away — his thought for his mother — his plan not 
accepted by The Khan and Shah Beglm — The Younger 
Khan (Ahmad) arrives from Kashghar — is met by Babur — 
a half-night's family talk — gifts to Babur — the meeting of 
the two Khans — Ahmad's characteristics and his opinion 
of various weapons — The Khans march into Farghana 
against Jahanglr's supporter Tambal — they number their 
force — Babur detached against Aijsh, takes it and has great 
accretions of following — An attempt to take Andijan 
frustrated by mistake in a pass-word — Author's Note on 
pass-words — a second attempt foiled by the over-caution 
of experienced begs — is surprised in his bivouac by Tambal 
— face to face with Tambal — his new gosha-gir — his 
dwindling company — wounded — left alone, is struck by his 
gift-sword — escapes to Aush — The Khan moves from 
Kasan against Andijan — his disposition of Babur's iands — 
Qarnbar-i-*all's counsel to Babur rejected — Babur is treated 
by the Younger Khan's surgeon — tales of Mughul surgery 
— Qambar - i - *all flees to Tarnbal in fear through his 
unacceptable counsel — Babur moves for AkhsT — a lost 
chance — minor actions — an episode of Pap — The Khan's 
do not take Andijan — Babur invited into Akhsi — Tambal's 
brother Bayazld joins him with Nasir Mirdn-shdhi — Tambal 
asks help from ShaibanI — On news of Shaibanl's consent 
the Khans retire from Andijan — Babur's affairs in Akhsl — 
he attempts to defend it — incidents of the defence — Babur 
wounded — unequal strength of the opponents — he flees with 
20-30 men — incidents of the flight — Babur left alone — is 
overtaken by two foes — his perilous position — a messenger 
arrives from Tarnbal's brother Bayazld — Babur expecting 
death, quotes Nizam! — (the narrative breaks off in the 
middle of the verse) 157-182 

Translator'sNote.— 908to909AH.— 1503tol504AD. 

— Babur will have been rescued — is with The Khans in 

the battle and defeat by ShaibanI at Archlan — takes refuge 

in the Asfara hills — there spends a year in misery and 

poverty — events in Farghana and Tashkint — ShaibanI 

sends the Mughul horde back to Kashgar — his disposition 

of the women of The Khan's family — Babur plans to go to 

Husain Bdi-qard in Khurasan — changes his aim for Kabul 

[End of Translator's Note.] 



910 AH. — June 14th 1504 to June 4th 1505 AD. — Babur halts 
on an alp of Hisar — enters his 22nd (lunar) year — delays 
his march in hope of adherents — writes a second time of 
the stinginess of Khusrau Shah to himself — recalls Sherim 
Taghal MughuVs earlier waverings in support — is joined by 
Khusrau Shah's brother Baqi Beg — they start for Kabul — 
Accretions of force — their families left in Fort Ajar 
(Kahmard) — Jahanglr marries a cousin — BaqI advises his 
dismissal to Khurasan — Babur is loyal to his half-brother — 
Jahanglr is seduced, later, by disloyal Begchik chiefs — 
\{\x^2\\\ Bdi-qard summons help against Shaibani — Despair 
in Babur's party at Husain's plan of " defence, not attack " 
— Qarnbar-i-'ali dismissed to please Baq! — Khusrau makes 
abject submission to Babur — Mirza Khan demands venge- 
ance on him — Khusrau's submission having been on terms, 
he is let go free — Babur resumes his march — first sees 
Canopus — is joined by tribesmen — Khusrau's brother Wall 
flees to the Auzbegs and is executed — Risks run by the 
families now fetched from Kahmard — Kabul surrendered 
to Babur by Muqim Arghun — Muqim's family protected — 
Description of Kabul (pp. 199 to 277) — MuqIm leaves 
for Qandahar — Allotment of fiefs — Excess levy in grain — 
Foray on the Sultan Mas'udi Hazara — Babur's first move 
for Hindustan — Khaibar traversed — Bigram visited — BaqI 
Beg prevents crossing the Sind — and persuades for Kohat 
— A plan for Bangash, Bannu and thence return to Kabul — 
Yar-i-husain Daryd-khdni asks for permission to raise a 
force for Babur, east of the Sind — Move to Thai, Bannu, 
and the Dasht — return route varied without consulting 
Babur — Pir Kanu's tomb visited — through the Pawat-pass 
into Diiki — horse-food fails — baggage left behind — men 
of all conditions walk to Ghaznl — spectacle of the 
Ab-istada — mirage and birds— Jahanglr is Babur's host in 
Ghaznl — heavy floods — Kabul reached after a disastrous 
expedition of four months — Nasir's misconduct abetted by 
two Begchik chiefs — he and they flee into Badakhshan — 
Khusrau Shah's schemes fail in Herat — imbroglio between 
him and Nasir — Shaibani attempts Hisar but abandons the 
siege on his brother's death — Khusrau attempts Hisar and 
is there killed — his followers revolt against Babur — his 
death quenches the fire of sedition . . . 188-245 


911 AH.— June 4th 1505 to May 24th 1506 AD.— Death of 
Babur's mother — Babur's illness stops a move for Qandahar 
— an earth-quake — campaign against and capture of Qalat- 
i-ghilzal — Baqi Beg dismissed towards Hindustan — 
murdered in the Khaibar — Turkman Hazara raided — 
Nijr-au tribute collected — Jahanglr misbehaves and runs 
away — Babur summoned by Husain Bdl-qard against 
Shaibani — ShaibanI takes Khwarizm and Chin Sufi is 
killed — Death and biography of Husain Bdi-qard (256 to 
292) — his burial and joint-successors . . . 246-293 

912 AH.— May 24th 1506 to May 13th 1507 AD.— Babur, without 

news of Husain Bdi-qard' s death, obeys his summons and 
leaves Kabul — Jahanglr flees from Babur's route — Nasir 
defeats Shaibani's men in Badakhshan — Babur, while in 
Kahmard, hears of Husain's death — continues his march 
with anxious thought for the Timurid dynasty — Jahanglr 
waits on him and accompanies him to Herat — Co-alition 
of Khurasan Mlrzas against ShaibanI — their meeting with 
Babur — etiquette of Babur's reception — an entertainment 
to him — of the Chingiz-turd — Babur claims the ceremonial 
observance due to his military achievements — entertain- 
ments and Babur's obedience to Muhammadan Law against 
wine — his reflections on the Mlrzas — difficulties of winter- 
plans (300, 307) — he sees the sights of Herl — visits the 
Beglms — the ceremonies observed — tells of his hitherto 
abstention from wine and of his present inclination to drink 
it — Qasim Beg's interference with those pressing Babur to 
break the Law — Babur's poor carving — engages Ma'suma 
in marriage — leaves for Kabul — certain retainers stay 
behind — a perilous journey through snow to a wrong pass 
out of the Herlrud valley — arrival of the party in Yaka- 
aulang — ^joy in their safety and comfort — Shibr-tu traversed 
into Ghur-bund — Turkman Hazara raided — News reaches 
Babur of conspiracy in Kabul to put Mirza Khan in his 
place — Babur concerts plans with the loyal Kabul garrison 
— moves on through snow and in terrible cold — attacks and 
defeats the rebels — narrowly escaped death — attributes his 
safety to prayer — deals mercifully, from family considera- 
tions, with the rebel chiefs — reflects on their behaviour to 
him who has protected them — asserts that his only aim is 
to write the truth — letters-of-victory sent out — Muh. 
Husain Dughldt and Mirza Khan banished — Spring excur- 
sion to Koh-daman — Nasir, driven from Badakhshan, takes 
refuge with Babur . ' 294-322 


913 AH.— May 13th 1507 to May 2nd 1508 ad.— Raid on the 
Ghiljl Afghans — separation of the Fifth {Khams) — wild-ass 
hunting — ShaibanT moves against Khurasan — Irresolution 
of the Tlmiarid Mirzas — Infatuation of Zu'n-nun Arghfin — 
ShaibanT takes Her! — his doings there — Defeat and death 
of two Bdi-qards — The Arghuns in Qandahar make over- 
tures to Babur — he starts to join them against ShaibanT — 
meets Ma'suma in GhaznT on her way to Kabul — spares 
Hindustan traders — meets JahangTr's widow and infant-son 
coming from Herat — The Arghun chiefs provoke attack on 
Qandahar — Babur's army — organization and terminology 
— wins the battle of Qandahar and enters the fort — its 
spoils — Nasir put in command — Babur returns to Kabul 
rich in goods and fame — marries Ma'suma — ShaibanT lays 
siege to Qandahar — Alarm in Kabul at his approach — 
MTrza Khan and Shah BegTm betake themselves to Badakh- 
shan — Babur sets out for Hindustan leaving 'Abdu'r-razzaq 
in Kabul — Afghan highwaymen — A raid for food — Mah- 
chuchak's marriage — Hindustan plan abandoned — Nur-gal 
and Kunar visited — News of ShaibanT's withdrawal from 
Qandahar — Babur returns to Kabul — gives GhaznT to Nasir 
— assumes the title of Padshah — Birth of Humayun, feast 
and chronogram ...... 323-344 

914 AH.— May 2nd 1508 to April 21st 1509 AD.— Raid on the 
Mahmand Afghans — Seditious offenders reprieved — 
Khusrau Shah's former retainers march off from Kabul — 
'Abdu'r-razzaq comes from his district to near Kabul — not 
known to have joined the rebels — earlier hints to Babur of 
this "incredible" rebellion — later warnings of an immediate 

rising 345-346 

Translator's Note.— 914to925 AH.— l508tol519AD. 
— Date of composition of preceding narrative — Loss of 
matter here seems partly or wholly due to Babur's death — 
Sources helping to fill the Gap — Events of the remainder 
of 914 AH. — The mutiny swiftly quelled — Babur's five-fold 
victory over hostile champions — Sa'Td Chaghatdi takes 
refuge with him in a quiet Kabul — ShaibanT's murders of 
ChaghataT and Dughlat chiefs .... 347-366 

915 AH.— April 21st 1509 to April 11th 1510 ad.— Beginning 
of hostilities between Isma'Tl Safawi2.n^ ShaibanT — Haidar 
Dughlat takes refuge with Babur. 

916 AH.— April 11th 1510 to March 31st 1511 AD.— Isma'Tl 
defeats the Auzbegs near Merv — ShaibanT is killed — 20,000 


Mughuls he had migrated to Khurasan, return to near 
Qunduz — Mirza Khan invites Babur to join him against 
the Auzbegs — Babur goes to Qunduz — The 20,000 Mughuls 
proffer allegiance to their hereditary Khan Sa'ld — they 
propose to set Babur aside — Sa'id's worthy rejection of the 
proposal — Babur makes Sa'ld The Khan of the Mughuls 
and sends him and his Mughuls into Farghana — significance 
of Babur's words, *'I made him Khan" — Babur's first attempt 
on Hisar where were Hamza and Mdhdl Auzbeg — beginning 
of his disastrous intercourse with Ismail Safawi — Isma'll 
sends Khan-zada Beglm back to him — with thanks for the 
courtesy, Babur asks help against the Auzbeg — it is promised 
under dangerous conditions. 

917 AH.— March 31st 1511 to March 19th 1512 AD.— Babur's 
second attempt on Hisar — wins the Battle of Pul-i-sangin — 
puts Hamza and Mahdl to death — his Persian reinforcement 
and its perilous cost — The Auzbegs are swept across the 
Zar-afshan — The Persians are dismissed from Bukhara — 
Babur occupies Samarkand after a nine-year's absence — he 
gives Kabul to Nasir — his diflficult position in relation to 
the Shi'a Isma'll — Ismail sends Najm SanT to bring him 
to order. 

918 AH.— March 1 9th 1 5 1 2 to March 9th 1 5 1 3 ad.— The Auzbegs 

return to the attack — 'Ubaid's vow — his defeat of Babur at 
Kul-i-malik — Babur flees from Samarkand to Hisar — his 
pursuers retire — Najm San! from Balkh gives him rendez- 
vous at Tlrmlz — the two move for Bukhara — Najm perpe- 
trates the massacre of QarshI — Babur is helpless to prevent 
it — Najm crosses the Zar-afshan to a disadvantageous 
position — is defeated and slain — Babur, his reserve, does 
not fight — his abstention made a reproach at the Persian 
Court against his son Humayun (1544 AD. ?) — his arrow- 
sped message to the Auzbeg camp — in Hisar, he is attacked 
suddenly by Mughuls — he escapes to Qunduz — the retri- 
butive misfortunes of Hisar — Haidar on Mughuls — Ayiab 
Begchik's death-bed repentance for his treachery to Babur 
— Haidar returns to his kinsfolk in Kashghar. 

919 AH.— March 9th 1513 to Feb. 26th 1514 AD.— Babur may 
. have spent the year in Khishm — Ismail takes Balkh from 

the Auzbegs — surmised bearing of the capture on his later 

920 AH.— Feb. 26th 1514 to Feb. 15th 1515 AD. — Haidar's 
account of Babur's misery, patience and courtesy this year 

in Qunduz — Babur returns to Kabul — his daughter Gul- 
rang is born in Khwast — he is welcomed by Nasir who 
goes back to GhaznI. 

921 AH.— Feb. 15th 1515 to Feb. 5th 1516 ad.— Death of 
Nasir — Riot in GhaznI led by Sherim Taghai Mughfd — 
quiet restored — many rebels flee to Kashghar — Sherim 
refused harbourage by Sa'Id Khan and seeks Babur's pro- 
tection — Haidar's comment on Babur's benevolence. 

922 AH. — Feb. 5th 1516 to Jan. 24th 1517 ad.— A quiet year _ 
in Kabul apparently — Birth of 'Askarl. 

923 AH.— Jan. 24th 1517 to Jan. 13th 1518 AD.— Babur visits 
Balkh — Khwand-amlr's account of the affairs of Muhammad 
-i-zaman Mirza Bdi-qard — Babur pursues the Mirza — has 
him brought to Kabul — gives him his daughter Ma'siima in 
marriage — An expedition to Qandahar returns fruitless, on 
account of his illness — Shah Beg's views on Babur's per- 
sistent attempts on Qandahar — Shah Beg's imprisonment 
and release by his slave Sarnbal's means. 

924 AH.— Jan. 13th 1518 to Jan. 3rd 1519 AD.— Shah Beg's son 
Hasan flees to Babur — stays two years — date of his return 
to his father — Babur begins a campaign in Bajaur against 
Haidar-i-*all Bajatirl — takes two forts. 

[End of Translator's Note.] 

925 AH.— Jan. 3rd to Dec. 23rd 1519 AD.— Babur takes the Fort 

of Bajaur — massacres its people as false to Islam — Khwaja 
Kalan made its Commandant — an excessive impost in 
grain — a raid for corn — Mahlm's adoption of Dil-dar's 
unborn child — Babur marries Bibl Mubarika — Repopula- 
tion of the Fort of Bajaur — Expedition against Afghan 
tribesmen — Destruction of the tomb of a heretic qalandar 
— Babur first crosses the Sind — his long-cherished desire 
for Hindustan — the ford of the Sind — the Koh-i-jud (Salt- 
range) — his regard for Bhira, Khush-ab, Chln-ab and 
Chlnlut as earlier possessions of the Turk, now therefore 
his own — the Kalda-kahar lake and subsequent location on 
it of the Bagh-i-safa — Assurance of safety sent to BhIra as 
a Turk possession — History of Bhira etc. as Turk posses- 
sions — Author's Note on Tatar Khan Yusuf-khail — envoys 
sent to Baluchls in BhIra — heavy floods in camp — Offenders 
against BhIra people punished — Agreed tribute collected 
— Envoy sent to ask from Ibrahim Ludi the lands once 
dependent on the Turk — Daulat Khan arrests and keeps 


the envoy who goes back later to Babur re infectd — news 
of Hind-al's birth and cause of his name — description of 
a drinking-party — Tatar Khan Kakar compels Minuchihr 
Khan Turk^ going to wait on Babur, to become his son-in- 
law — Account of the Kakars — excursions and drinking- 
parties — Bhira appointments — action taken against Hat! 
Khan Kakar — Description and capture of Parhala — Babur 
sees the sambal plant — a tiger killed — Giir-khattrl visited 
— Loss of a clever hawk — Khaibar traversed — mid-day 
halt in the Bagh-i-wafa — Qara-tu garden visited — News of 
Shah Beg's capture of Kahan — Babur's boys carried out in 
haste to meet him — wine-parties — Death and biography 
of Dost Beg — Arrival of Sultanim Bdt-qard and ceremonies 
observed on meeting her — A long - imprisoned traitor 
released — Excursion to Koh-daman — Hindu Beg abandons 
BhIra — Babur has (intermittent) fever — Visitors from 
Khwast — Yusuf-zal chiefs wait on Babur — Khalifa's son 
sends a wedding-gift — Babur's amusement when illness 
keeps him from an entertainment — treatment of his illness 
— A Thursday reading of theology {see Add. Note p. 401) 
— Swimming — Envoy from Mirza Khan — Tribesmen allowed 
to leave Kabul for wider grazing-grounds — Babur sends his 
first Diwdn to Pulad Auzbegm Samarkand — Arrivals and 
departures — Punitive expedition against the'Abdu'r-rahman 
Afghans — punishment threatened and inflicted (p. 405) on 
defaulters in help to an out-matched man — Description of 
the Rustam-maidan — return to Kabul — Excursion to Koh- 
daman — snake incident — Tramontane begs warned for 
service — fish-drugging — Babur's non-pressure to drink, on 
an abstainer — wine-party — misadventure on a raft — tooth- 
picks gathered — A new retainer — Babur shaves his head — 
Hind-al's guardian appointed — Auzbeg raiders defeated in 
Badakhshan — Various arrivals — Yusuf-zai campaign — 
Babur dislocates his wrist — Varia — Dilah-zak chiefs wait 
on him — Plan to store corn in Hash-nagar — Incidents of 
the road — Khaibar traversed — Bara urged on Babur as a 
place for corn — Kabul river forded at Bara — little corn found 
and the Hash-nagar plan foiled — Plan to store Pashawar 
Fort — return to *AlI-masjid — News of an invasion of 
Badakhshan hurries Babur back through the Khaibar — The 
Khizr-khail Afghans punished — Babur first writes since 
dislocating his wrist — The beauty and fruits of the Bagh-i- 
wafa — incidents of the return march to Kabul — Excursion 
to the Koh-daman — beauty of its harvest crops and autumnal 


trees — a line offensive to Khalifa {see Add. Note p. 416) — 
Humayun makes a good shot — Beauty of the harvest near 
Istallf and in the Bagh-i-padshahi — Return to Kabul — 
Babur receives a white falcon in gift — pays a visit of 
consolation to an ashamed drinker — Arrivals various — he 
finishes copying 'All-sher's four Dtwdns — An order to 
exclude from future parties those who become drunk — 
Babur starts for Lamghan ..... 367-419 

926 AH.— Dec. 23rd 1519 to Dec. 12th 1520 AD.— Excursion to 
Koh-daman and Kohistan — incidents of the road — Babur 
shoots with an easy bow, for the first time after the disloca- 
tion of his wrist — Nijr-au tribute fixed — Excursions in 
Lamghan — Kafir head-men bring goat-skins of wine — 
Halt in the Bagh-i-wafa — its oranges, beauty and charm — 
Babur records his wish and intention to return to obedience 
in his 40th year and his consequent excess in wine as the 
end approached — composes an air — visits Nur-valley — 
relieves Kwaja Kalan in Bajaur — teaches a talisman to stop 
rain — his opinion of the ill-taste and disgusting intoxication 
of beer — his reason for summoning Khwaja Kalan, and 
trenchant words to Shah Hasan relieving him — an old 
beggar loaded with gifts — the raft strikes a rock — Descrip- 
tion of the Kindir spring — Fish taken from fish-ponds — 
Hunting— Accident to a tooth — Fishing with a net — A 
murderer made over to the avengers of blood — A Qoran 
chapter read and start made for Kabul — (here the diary 
breaks off) 420-425 

Translator's Note— 926to932 AH.— I520to 1525 AD. 

— Babur's activities in the Gap — missing matter less 
interesting than that lost in the previous one — its distinctive 
mark is biographical — Dramatis personce — Sources of 
information 426-444 

926 AH.— Dec. 23rd 1519 to Dec. 12th 1520 AD.— Babur's five 
expeditions into Hindustan — this year's cut short by menace 
from Qandahar — Shah Beg's position — particulars of his 
menace not ascertained— Description of Qandahar -fort 
— Babur's various sieges — this year's raised because of pesti- 
lence within the walls — Shah Beg pushes out into Sind. 

927 AH.— Dec. 12th 1520 to Dec. 1st 1521 ad.— Two accounts 
of this year's siege of Qandahar — (i) that of the Habibu s- 
siyar — (ii) that of the Tdrikh-i-sind — concerning the dates 
involved — Mirza Khan's death. 


928 AH.— Dec. 1st 1521 to Nov. 20th 1522 AD.— Babur and 
Mahlm visit Humayun in Badakhshan — Expedition to 
Qandahar — of the duel between Babur and Shah Beg — 
the Chihil-zTna monument of victory — Death of Shah Beg 
and its date — Babur's Hterary work down to this year. 

929 AH.— Nov. 20th 1522 to Nov. 10th 1523 AD.— Hindustan 
affairs — Daulat Khan Liidi, Ibrahim Liidi 2.x\6. Babur — 
Dilawar (son of Daulat Khan) goes to Kabul and asks 
help against Ibrahim — Babur prays for a sign of victory — 
prepares for the expedition — 'Alam Khan Lfidl (apparently 
in this year) goes to Kabul and asks Babur's help against 
his nephew Ibrahim — Birth of Gul-badan. 

930 AH.— Nov. 10th 1523 to Oct. 27th 1524 AD.— Babur's fourth 
expedition into Hindustan — differs from earlier ones by its 
concert with malcontents in the country — Babur defeats 
Bihar Khan Ludi near Labor — Labor occupied — Dibalpur 
stormed, plundered and its people massacred — Babur moves 
onward from Sihrind but returns on news of Daulat Khan's 
doings — there may have been also news of Auzbeg threat 
to Balkh — The Panj-ab garrison — Death of Isma'il Safawi 
and of Shah Beg — Babur turns for Kabul — plants bananas 
in the Bagh-i-wafa. 

931 AH.— Oct. 29th 1524 to Oct. 18t_h 1525 AD.— Daulat Khan's 

large resources — he defeats 'Alam Khan at Dibalpur — 
'Alam Khan flees to Kabul and_again asks help — Babur's 
conditions of reinforcement — *Alam Khan's subsequent 
proceedings detailed s.a. 932 AH. — Babur promises to follow 
him speedily — is summoned to Balkh by its Auzbeg menace 
— his arrival raises the siege — he returns to Kabul in time 
for his start to Hindustan in 932 . . . 426-444 
[End of Translator's Note.] 


932 AH.— Oct. 18th 1525 to Oct. 8th 1526 ad.— Babur starts on 
his fifth expedition into Hindustan — is attacked by illness 
at Gandamak — Humayun is late in coming in from Badakh- 
shan — Verse-making on the Kabul-river — Babur makes a 
satirical verse such as he had forsworn when writing the 
J/«^f«— attributes a relapse of illness to his breach of vow 
— renews his oath — Fine spectacle of the lighted camp at 

All-masjid — Hunting near Bigram — Preparations for ferry- 
ing the Sind— Order to make a list of all with the army, 


and to count them up — continuation of illness — Orders sent 
to the Lahor begs to delay engagement till Babur arrived 
— The Sind ferried (for the first time) and the army tale 
declared as 12,000 good and bad — The eastward march — 
unexpected ice — Rendezvous made with the Lahor begs — 
J at and Gujur thieves — a courier sent again to the begs — 
News that 'Alam Khan had let Ibrahim Ludi defeat him 
near Dihll — particulars of the engagement — he takes refuge 
with Babur — The Lahor begs announce their arrival close 
at hand — Ibrahim's troops retire before Babur's march — 
Daulat Khan Ludi surrenders Milwat (Malot) — waits on 
Babur and is reproached — Ghazi Khan's abandonment of 
his family censured — Jaswan-valley — GhazI Khan pursued 
— Babur advances against Ibrahim Ludi — his estimate of 
his adversary's strength — *Alam Khan's return destitute to 
Babur — Babur's march leads towards Panlpat — Humayun's 
first affair succeeds — reiterated news of Ibrahim's approach 
— Babur's success in a minor encounter — he arrays and 
counts his effective force — finds it under the estimate — 
orders that every man in the army shall collect carts 
towards Rij ml defence — 700 carts brought in — account of 
the defences of the camp close to the village of Panlpat — 
Babur on the futility of fear ; his excuses for the fearful in 
his army — his estimate of Ibrahim's army and of its higher 
possible numbers — Author's Note on the Auzbeg chiefs in 
Hisar (918 AH. 1512 AD.) — Preliminary encounters — Battle 
and victory of Panlpat — Ibrahim's body found — Dihll and 
Agra occupied by Babur — he makes the circuit of a 
Farghana-born ruler in Dihll — visits other tombs and sees 
sights — halts opposite Tughluqabad — the khutba read for 
him in Dihli — he goes to Agra — Author's Note on rulers in 
Gilallar — The (Koh-i-nijr) diamond given by the Guallar 
family to Humayun — Babur's dealings with Ibrahim's 
mother and her entourage — Description of Hindustan 
(pp. 478 to 521) — Revenues of Hind (p. 521) — Agra treasure 
distributed — local disaffection to Babur — discontent in his 
army at remaining in Hindustan — he sets the position forth 
to his Council — Khwaja Kalan decides to leave — his and 
Babur's verses on his desertion — Babur's force grows locally 
— action begun against rebels to Ibrahim in the East — 
Gifts made to officers, and postings various — Biban Jalwdni 
revolts and is beaten — The Mir of Blana warned — Mention 
of Rana Sanga's failure in his promise to act with Babur—- 
Sanga's present action — Decision in Council to leave Sanga 


aside ajid to march to the East — Humayun leads out the 
army — Babur makes garden, well and mosque near Agra — 
Progress of Humayun's campaign — News of the Auzbegs 
in Balkh and Khurasan — Affairs of Gujrat . . 445-535 

933 AH.— Oct 8th 1526 to Sep. 27th 1527 AD.— Birth announced 
of Babur's son Faruq — incomplete success in casting a large 
mortar — Varia — Humayun summoned from the East to act 
against Sanga — Plundering expedition towards Blana — 
Tahangar, Guallar and Dulpur obtained — Hamid Khan 
Sdrang-khdni defeated — Arrival of a Persian embassy — 
Ibrahim's mother tries to poison Babur — Copy of Babur's 
letter detailing the ajBfair — his dealings wi^h the 
poisoner and her agents — Humayun's return to Agra — 
Khw. Dost-i-khawand's arrival from Kabul — Reiterated 
news of the approach of Rana Sanga — Babur sends an 
advance force to Blana — Hasan YshSiXiMiwdtl — Tramontane 
matters disloyal to Babur^— Trial-test of the large mortar 
(p. 536) — Babur leaves Agra to oppose Sanga — adverse 
encounter with Sanga by Blana garrison — Alarming reports 
of Rajput prowess — Spadesmen sent ahead to dig wells in 
M3idhsik\ir pargana — Babur halts there — arrays and moves 
to SikrI — various joinings and scoutings — discomfiture of 
a party reconnoitring from Slkri — the reinforcement also 
overcome — The enemy retires at sight of a larger troop 
from Babur — defence of the SikrI camp Rumi fashion, with 
ditch besides — Continued praise of Rajput prowess — Further 
defence of the camp made to hearten Babur's men — 20-25 
days spent in the above preparations — arrival of 500 men 
from Kabul — also of Muh. Sharif an astrologer who augurs 
ill for Babur's success — Archers collected and Mlwat over- 
run — Babur reflects that he had always wished to cease 
from the sin of wine — verses about his then position — 
resolves to renounce wine — details of the destruction of 
wine and precious vessels, and of the building of a com- 
memorative well and alms-house — his oath to remit a tax 
if victorious is recalled to him — he remits the tanighd — 
Shaikh Zain writes the farmdn announcing the two acts — 
Copy of the farmdn — Great fear in Babur's army — he 
adjures the GhazI spirit in his men who vow to stand fast — 
his perilous position ^ — he moves forward in considerable 
array — his camp is laid out and protected by ditch and 
carts — An omen is taken and gives hope — Khalifa advising, 
the camp is moved — While tents were being set up, the 


enemy appears — The battle and victory of Kan wa — described 
in a copy of the Letter-of- victory — Babur inserts this because 
of its full particulars (pp. 559 to 574) — assumes the title of 
GhazI — Chronograms of the victory and also of that in 
Dibalpur (930 AH.) — pursuit of the fugitive foe — escape of 
Sanga — the falsely-auguring astrologer banished with a gift 
— ra small revolt crushed — a pillar of heads set up — Babur 
visits Blana — Little water and much heat set aside plan to 
invade Sanga's territory — Babur visits Miwat — give some 
historical account of it — Commanders rewarded — Alwar 
visited — Humayun and others allowed to leave Hindustan 
— Despatch of the Letter-of-victory — Various excursions — 
Humayun bidden farewell — Chandwar and RaprI recovered 
— Apportionment of fiefs — Bibari flees before Babur's men — 
Dispersion of troops for the Rains — Misconductof Humayun 
and Babur's grief — Embassy to 'Iraq — TardI Beg khdksdr 
allowed to return to the darwesh-life — Babur's lines to 
departing friends — The Ramzan-feast — Playing-cards — 
Babur ill (seemingly with fever) — visits Diilpur and orders 
a house excavated — visits Barl and sees the ebony-tree — 
has doubt of Bayazld Farmuli's loyalty — his remedial and 
metrical exercises — his Treatise on Prosody composed — 
a relapse of illness — starts on an excursion to Kul and 
Sarnbal 536-586 

934 AH.— Sep. 27th 1527 to Sep. 15th 1528 AD.— Babur visits 
Kul and Sarnbal and returns to Agra — has fever and ague 
intermittently for 20-25 days — goes out to welcome kins- 
women — a large mortar bursts with fatal result — he visits 
SikrI — starts for Holy War against Chandlrl — sends troops 
against Bayazld Farmuli — incidents of the march to 
Chandlrl — account of Kachwa — account of Chandlrl — its 
siege — Meantime bad news arrives from the East — Babur 
keeping this quiet, accomplishes the work in hand — Chandlrl 
taken^ — change of plans enforced by defeat in the East — 
return northwards — Further losses in the East — Rebels take 
post to dispute Babur's passage of the Ganges — he orders 
a pontoon-bridge — his artillery is used with effect, the bridge 
finished and crossed and the Afghans worsted — Tukhta- 
bugha Chaghatdi arrives from Kashgar — Babur visits 
Lakhnau — suffers from ear-ache — reinforces Chin-tlmur 
against the rebels — Chin-tlmur gets the better of Bayazld 
Fanniili — Babur settles the affairs of Aud (Oude) and plans 
to hunt near 587-602 


Translator's Note (part of 934 ah.)— On the cir. 
half-year's missing matter — known events of the Gap : — 
Continued campaign against Biban and Bayazld — Babur at 
Junpur, Chausa and Baksara — swims the Ganges^ — bestows 
SarQn on a Farmiall — orders a Char-bagh made — is ill for 
40 days — is inferred to have visited Dulpur, recalled 'Askarl 
from Multan, sent Khw. Dost-i-khawand to Kabul on family 
affairs which were causing him much concern — Remarks on 
the Gap and, incidentally, on the Rampur Dlwan and verses 
in it suiting Babur's illnesses of 934 AH. 

[End of Translator's Note.] 

935 AH. Sep. 15th 1528 to Sep. 5th 1529 ad.— 'Askari reaches 
Agra from Multan — Khwand-amir and others arrive from 
Khurasan — Babur prepares to visit Gualiar — bids farewell 
to kinswomen who are returning to Kabul — marches out — ■ 
is given an unsavoury medicament — inspects construction- 
work in Dulpur — reaches Giiallar — Description of Gualiar 
(p. 607 to p. 614) — returns to Dulpur — suffers from ear-ache 
• — inspects work in SikrI and reaches Agra — visit and 
welcomes to kinswomen — sends an envoy to take charge of 
Rantanbhur — makes a levy on stipendiaries — sends letters 
to kinsfolk in Khurasan^ — News arrives of Kamran and 
Dost-i-khawand in Kabul — of Tahmasp SafazuTs defeat at 
Jam of 'Ubaidu'1-lah Auzbeg — of the birth of a son to 
Humayun, and of a marriage by Kamran- — he rewards an 
artificer — is strongly attacked by fever — for his healing 
translates Ahrarl's Wdlidiyyah-risdla — account of the task 
— Troops warned for service^ — A long-detained messenger 
returns from Humayun — Accredited messengers-of-good- 
tidings bring the news of Humayun's son's birth — an instance 
of rapid travel — Further particulars of the Battle of Jam — 
Letters written and summarized — Copy of one to 
Humayiin inserted here — Plans for an eastern cam- 
paign under *AskarI — royal insignia given to him — Ojders 
for the measurement, stations and up-keep of the Agra- 
Kabul road — the Mubm quoted — A feast describes — 'Askarl 
bids his Father farewell — Babur visits Diilpur and inspects 
his constructions — Persian account of the Battle of Jam — 
Babur decides contingently to go to the East — Baluchi 
incursions — News reaches Dulpur of the loss of Bihar (town) 
and decides Babur to go East — News of Humayun's action 
in Badakhshan — Babur starts from Agra — honoured arrivals 
in the assembly-camp — incidents of the march — congratula- 


tions and gifts sent to Kamran, Humayun and others — also 
specimens of the Baburi-script, and copies of the translation 
of the Wdlidiyyah-risdla and the Hindustan Poems — 
commends his building-work to his workmen — makes a new 
ruler for the better copying of the Wdlidiyyah-risdla transla- 
tion — letters written — Copy of one to Khwaja Kalan 
inserted here — Complaints from Kitin-qara Ausbeg of 
Babur's begs on the Balkh frontier — Babur shaves his head 
— Mahim using his style, orders her own escort from Kabul 
to Agra — Babur watches wrestling — leaves the Jumna, 
disembarks his guns, and goes across country to Dugdugl 
on the Ganges — travels by litter — 'Askarl and other Com- 
manders meet him — News of Biban, Bayazld and other 
Afghans — Letters despatched to meet Mahim on her roadr 
— Babur sends a copy of his writings to Sam^^and — 
watches wrestling — hears news of the Afgljaifs — (here a 
surmised survival of record displaced from y34 AH.) — fall 
of a river-bank under his horse — swims^he Ganges — crosses 
the Jumna at Allahabad (Piag) and re-embarks his guns — 
wrestling watched — the evil Tons-— he is attacked by boils 
— a Rum! remedy applied — a futile attempt to hunt — he 
sends money-drafts to the travellers from Kabul — visits 
places on the Ganges he had seen last year — receives various 
letters below Ghazlpur — has news that the Ladies are 
actually on their w^ay from Kabul — last year's eclipse 
recalled — Hindu dread of the Karma-nasa river — wrestling 
watched — Rum! remedy for boils used again with much 
discomfort — fall of last year's landing-steps at Baksara — 
wrestling — Negociations with an envoy of Nasrat Shah of 
Bengal — Examination into Muhammad-i-zaman's objections 
to a Bihar appointment — despatch of troops to Bihar (town) 
— Muhammad-i-zaman submits requests which are granted 
— a small success against Afghans — Royal insignia given to 
Muhammad-i-zaman, with leave to start for Bihar — Babur's 
boats — News of the Bengal army — Muhammad-i-zaman 
recalled because fighting was probable — Dudii Bibl and her 
son Jalal escape from Bengal to come to Babur — Further 
discussions with the Bengal envoy — Favourable news from 
Bihar — Babur in Arrah — Position of the Bengal army near 
the confluence of Gang and Saru (Ganges and Gogra) — 
Babur making further effort for peace, sends an envoy to 
Nasrat Shah — gives Nasrat's envoy leave to go conveying 
an ultimatum — Arrival of a servant from Mahim west of 
the Bagh-i-safa — Babur visits lotus-beds near Arrah — also 


Munir and the Son — Distance measured by counting a 
horse's paces — care for tired horses — Babur angered by 
Junaid B arias' belated arrival — Consultation and plans 
made for the coming battle — the Ganges crossed (by the 
Burh-ganga channel) and move made to near the confluence 
— Babur watches 'All-quli's stone-discharge — his boat 
entered by night — Battle and victory of the Gogra — Babur 
praises and thanks his Chaghatal cousins for their great 
services — crosses into the Nirhun pargana — his favours to 
a Farmiali — News of Biban and Bayazld — and of the strange 
deaths in Sarnbal — Chln-tlmur sends news from the west of 
inconveniences caused by the Ladies' delay to leave Kabul 
— and of success against the Baluchi — he is ordered to 
Agra — Settlement made with the Nuhani Afghans — Peace 
made with Nasrat Shah — Submissions and various guerdon 
— Biban and Bayazld pursued — Babur's papers damaged in 
a storm — News of the rebel pair as taking Luknur(?)— 
Disposition of Babur's boats — move along the Saru — (a 
surmised survival of the record of 934 AH.) — Account of 
the capture of Luknur (?) — Dispositions against the rebel 
pair — fish caught by help of a lamp — incidents of the march 
to Adampur on the Jumna — Biban and Bayazld flee to 
Mahuba — Eastern Campaign wound up — Babur's rapid ride 
to Agra (p. 686) — visits kinswomen — is pleased with Indian- 
grown fruits — Mahim arrives — her gifts and Humayun's set 
before Babur — porters sent off for Kabul to fetch fruits — 
Account of the deaths in Sarnbal brought in — sedition in 
Labor — wrestling watched — seditjon of Rahlm-dad in 
Giialiar — Mahdl Khwaja comes to Agra . . 605-689 

936 AH.— Sep. 5th 1529 to Aug. 25th 1530 ad.— Shaikh Ghaus 
comes from Guallar to intercede for Rahlm-dad — GualTar 
taken over 690 

Translator's Note.— 936 and 937 ah. — 1529 and 
1530 AD. — Sources from which to fill the Gap down to 
Babur's death (December 26th 1530) — Humayun's pro- 
ceedings in Badakhshan — Haidar Dughldfs narrative of 
them — Humayun deserts his post, goes to Kabul, and, 
arranging with Kamran, sends Hind-al to Badakhshan — 
goes on to Agra and there arrives unexpected by his 
Father — as he is unwilling to return, Sulaiman Mirdn- 
shdhi is appointed under Babur's suzerainty — Said Khan 
is warned to leave Sulaiman in possession — Babur moves 
westward to support him and visits Labor — waited on in 


Sihrind by the Raja of Kahlur — received in Labor by 
Kamran and there visited from Kabul by Hind-al ■ — 
leaves Labor (March 4th 1530 AD.) — from Sihrind sends 
a punitive force against Mundahir Rajputs — hunts near 
Dihh — appears to have started off an expedition to 
Kashmir — family matters fill the rest of the year — 
Humayun falls ill in Sarnbal and is brought to Agra — 
his disease not yielding to treatment, Babur resolves to 
practise the rite of intercession and self-surrender to save 
his life — is urged rather to devote the great diamond 
(Koh-i-nur) to pious uses — refuses the substitution of the 
jewel for his own life^ — performs the rite — Humayijn recovers 
— Babur falls ill and is bedridden till death — his faith in 
the rite unquestionable,- belief in its efficacy general in the 
East — Plan to set Babur's sons aside from the succession — 
The Tabaqdt-i-akbari story discussed (p. 702 to 708) — 
suggested basis of the story (p. 705) — Babur's death 
(Jumada I. _5th 937 AH.— Dec. 26th 1530 AD.) and burial 
first, near Agra, later near Kabul — Shah-jahan's epitaph 
inscribed on a tablet near the grave — Babur's wives and 
children — Mr. Erskine's estimate of his character 691-716. 

[End of Translator's Note.] 


A. Site and disappearance of old AkhsT. 

B. The birds Qll-qOylrQgh and Baghrl-qara. 

C. On the gosha-gir. 

D. The Rescue-passage. 

E. Nagarahar and Ning-nahar. 

F. The name Dara-i-nur. 

G. On the names of two Dara-i-nur wines. 
H. On the counter-mark Bih-bud of coins. 

L The weeping- willows of f 190<^. 

J. Babur's excavated chamber at Qandahar. 

K. An Afghan Legend. 

L. Mahlm's adoption of Hind-al. 

M. On the term Bahrl-qutas. 

N. Notes on a few birds. 

O. Notes by Humayun on some Hindustan fruits. 

P. Remarks on Babur's Revenue List. 

Q. On the Rampur Dlwan. 

R. Plans of Chandlrl and Gualiar. 

S. The Babur-nama dating of 935 AH. 




On Lrknu (Lakhnau) and L:knur (Lakhnur />.Shahabad 

in Rampur). 
The Inscriptions in Babur's Mosque at Ajodhya (Oude). 
Babur's Gardens in and near Kabul. 

Indices: — I. Personal, II. Geographical, III. General, p. 717 

et seq. 
Omissions, Corrigenda, Additional Notes. 

List of Illustrations. 

Plane-tree Avenue in Babur's (later) Burial- 
garden ^ ...... 

View from above his grave and Shah-jahan's 
Mosque ^ . . . 

His Grave ^ . 

Babur in Prayer 3 . 

His Signature 

Plans of Chandiri and Gualiar 

facing p. xxvii 

facing p. d&! 
facing p. 445 
facing p. 702 
App. Q, Ixi 
App. R, Ixvii 

' From Atkinson's Sketches in Afghanistan (I.O. Lib. & B.M.). 

" See p. 710 (where for "Daniels" read Atkinson) . 

3 See Gul-badan Begim's Humayiin-nama Index III, in loco. 












O Spring of work ! O Source of power to Be ! 
Each line, each thought I dedicate to Thee ; 
Each time I fail, the failure is my own, 
But each success, a jewel in Thy Throne. 

Jessie E. Cadei.l. 


This book is a translation of Babur Padshah's Autobiography, made 
from the original Turki text. It was undertaken after a purely- 
Turki manuscript had become accessible in England, the Haidarabad 
Codex (19/5) which, being in Babur's ipsissima verba^ left to him 
the control of his translator's diction • — a control that had been 
impracticable from the time when, under Akbar (1589), his book was 
translated into Persian. What has come down to us of pure text is, 
in its shrunken amount, what was translated in 1589. It is difficult, 
here and there, to interpret owing to its numerous and in some places 
extensive lactmae, and presents more problems than one the solution 
of which has real importance because they have favoured suggestions 
of malfeasance by Babur. 

My translation has been produced under considerable drawback, 
having been issued in four fasciculi, at long intervals, respectively in 
June 1912, May 1914, October 1917, and September 1921. I have put 
with it of supplementary matter what may be of service to those 
readers whom Babur's personality attracts and to those who study 
Turki as a linguistic entertainment, but owing to delays in production 
am unable to include the desiderata of maps. 

Chapter I. 


Babur's civilian aptitudes, whether of the author and penman, the 

maker of gardens, the artist, craftsman or sportsman, were nourished 

in a fertile soil of family tradition and example. Little about his 

teaching and training is now with his mutilated book, little indeed of 

xxviii PREFACE 

any kind about his prae-accession years, not the date of his birth 
even, having escaped destruction.^ Happily Haidar Mirza {q.v.) 
possessed a more complete Codex than has come down to us through 
the Timurid libraries, and from it he translated many episodes of 
Baburiana that help to bridge gaps and are of special service here 
where the personalities of Babur's early environment are being 

Babur's home-milieu favoured excellence in the quiet Arts and 
set before its children high standard and example of proficiency. 
Moreover, by schooling him in obedience to the Law, it planted 
in him some of Art's essentials, self-restraint and close attention. 
Amongst primal influences on him, his mother Qut-luq-nigar's ranked 
high ; she, well-born and a scholar's daughter, would certainly be 
educated in Turki and Persian and in the home-accomplishments 
her governess possessed {dtiin q.v.). From her and her mother 
Aisan-daulat, the child would learn respect for the attainments of his 
wise old grandfather Yunas Khan. Aisan-daulat herself brought to 
her grandson much that goes to the making of a man ; nomad-born 
and sternly-bred, she was brave to obey her opinion of right, and was 
practically the boy's ruling counsellor through his early struggle to 
hold Farghana. With these two in fine influence must be counted 
Khan-zada, his five-years elder sister who from his birth to his death 
proved her devotion to him. Her life-story tempts, but is too long to 
tell ; her girlish promise is seen fulfilled in Gul-badan's pages. 'Umar 
Shaikh's own mother Shah Sultan Begim brought in a type of merit 
widely differing from that of Aisan-daulat Begim ; as a town-lady of 
high Tarkhan birth, used to the amenities of life in a wealthy house 
of Samarkand, she was, doubtless, an accomplished and cultured 

*Umar Shaikh's environment was dominated for many years by 
two great men, the scholar and lover of town-life Yunas Khan and 
the saintly Ahrari {i.e. Khwaja *Ubaidu'l-lah) who were frequently 
with him in company, came at Babur's birth and assisted at his 

' Cf. Cap. II, PROBLEMS OF THE MUTILATED BABUR-NAMA and Tarikk-i-rashidi, 
trs. p. 174. 


naming. Ahrari died in 895-1491 when the child was about seven 
years old but his influence was life-long ; in 935-1529 he was invoked 
as a spiritual helper by the fever-stricken Babur and his mediation 
believed efficacious for recovery (pp. 619, 648). For the babe or boy 
to be where the three friends held social session in high converse, 
would be thought to draw blessing on him ; his hushed silence in 
the presence would sow the seed of reverence for wisdom and virtue, 
such, for example, as he felt for Jami {q.v.). It is worth while to tell 
some part at least of Yunas' attainments in the gentler Arts, because 
the biography from which they are quoted may well have been written 
on the information of his wife Aisan-daulat, and it indicates the 
breadth of his exemplary influence. Yunas was many things — 
penman, painter, singer, instrumentalist, and a past master in the 
crafts. He was an expert in good companionship, having even 
temper and perfect manners, quick perception and conversational 
charm. His intellectual distinction was attributed to his twelve 
years of wardship under the learned and highly honoured Yazdi 
(Sharafu'd-din 'Ali), the author of the Zafar-nama [Timur's Book 
of Victory]. That book was in hand during four years of Yunas' 
education ; he will thus have known it and its main basis Timur's 
Turki Malfuzdt (annals). What he learned of either book he would 
carry with him into 'Umar Shaikh's environment, thus magnifying 
the family stock of Timuriya influence. He lived to be some 74 years 
old, a length of days which fairly bridged the gap between Timur's 
death [807-1404] and Babur's birth (888-1483). It is said that no 
previous Khan of his (Chaghatai) line had survived his 40th year ; 
his exceptional age earned him great respect and would deepen his 
influence on his restless young son-in-law 'Umar Shaikh. It appears 
to have been in 'Umar's 20th year (aV.) that Yunas Khan began the 
friendly association with him that lasted till Yunas' death (892-1483), 
a friendship which, as disparate ages would dictate, was rather that 
of father and son than of equal companionship. One matter 
mentioned in the Khan's biography would come to Babur's 
remembrance in the future days when he, like Yunas, broke the Law 
against intoxicants and, like him, repented and returned. 


That two men of the calibre and high repute of Ahrari and Yunas 
maintained friendly guidance so long over *Umar cannot but be held 
an accreditment and give fragrance of goodness to his name. Apart 
from the high justice and generosity his son ascribes to him, he could 
set other example, for he was a reader of great books, the Qoran and 
the Masnawi being amongst his favourites. This choice, it may be, 
led Abu'1-fazl to say he had the darwesh-mind. Babur was old 
enough before 'Umar's death to profit by the sight of his father 
enjoying the perusal of such books. As with other parents and other 
children, there would follow the happy stilling to a quiet mood, the 
piquing of curiosity as to what was in the book, the sight of refuge 
taken as in a haven from self and care, and perhaps, Babur being 
intelligent and of inquiring mind and *Umar a skilled reciter, the 
boy would marvel at the perennial miracle that a lifeless page can 
become eloquent — gentle hints all, pointers of the way to literary 

Few who are at home in Baburiana but w'xVi take Timur as Babur's 
great exemplar not only as a soldier but as a chronicler. Timur 
cannot have seemed remote from that group of people so well-informed 
about him and his civilian doings ; his Shahrukhi grandchildren in 
Samarkand had carried on his author-tradition ; the 74 years of 
Yunas Khan's life had bridged the gap between Timur's death in 
807-1405 and Babur's birth in 888-1483. To Babur Timur will 
have been exemplary through his grandson Aulugh Beg who has 
two productions to his credit, the Char-ulus (Four Hordes) and the 
Kurkani Astronomical Tables. His sons, again, Babur {qalandar) 
and Ibrahim carried on the family torch of letters, the first in verse 
and the second by initiating and fostering Yazdi's labours on the 
Zafar-nama. Wide-radiating and potent influence for the Arts of 
Peace came forth from Herat during the reign of that Sultan Husain 
Mirza whose Court Babur describes in one of the best supplements 
to his autobiography. Husain was a Timurid of the elder branch of 
Bai-qara, an author himself but far more effective as a Macsenas ; 
one man of the shining galaxy of competence that gave him fame, 
set pertinent example for Babur the author, namely, the Andijani 


of noble Chaghatai family, 'Ali-sher Nawdi who, in classic Turki 
verse was the master Babur was to become in its prose. That the 
standard of effort was high in Herat is clear from Babur's dictum 
(p. 233) that whatever work a man took up, he aspired to bring it to 
perfection. Elphinstone varies the same theme to the tune of 
equality of excellence apart from social status, writing to Erskine 
(August, 1826), that "it gives a high notion of the time to find" (in 
Babur's account of Husain's Court) "artists, musicians and others, 
described along with the learned and great of the Age ". 

My meagre summary of Babur's exemplars would be noticeably 
incomplete if it omitted mention of two of his life-long helpers in 
the gentler Arts, his love of Nature and his admiration for great 
architectural creations. The first makes joyous accompaniment 
throughout his book ; the second is specially called forth by Timur's 
ennoblernent of Samarkand. Timur had built magnificently and laid 
out stately gardens ; Babur made many a fruitful pleasaunce and 
gladdened many an arid halting-place ; he built a little, but had 
small chance to test his capacity for building greatly ; never rich, 
he was poor in Kabul and several times destitute in his home-lands. 
But his sword won what gave wealth to his Indian Dynasty, and he 
passed on to it the builder's unused dower, so that Samarkand was 
surpassed in Hindustan and the spiritual conception Timur's creations 
embodied took perfect form at Sikandra where Akbar lies entombed. 

Chapter H. 

problems of the mutilated babur-nama. 

Losses from the text of Babur's book are the more disastrous 
because it truly embodies his career. For it has the rare distinction 
of being contemporary with the events it describes, is boyish in his 
boyhood, grows with his growth, matures as he matured. Undulled 
by retrospect, it is a fresh and spontaneous recital of things just seen, 
heard or done. It has the further rare distinction of shewing a boy 
who, setting a future task before him — in his case the revival of 
Timurid power, — began to chronicle his adventure in the book which 

xxxii PREFACE 

through some 37 years was his twinned comrade, which by its special 
distinctions has attracted readers for nearly a half-millennium, still 
attracts and still is a thing apart from autobiographies which look 
back to recal dead years. 

Much circumstance makes for the opinion that Babur left his 
life-record complete, perhaps repaired in places and recently supple- 
mented, but continuous, orderly and lucid ; this it is not now, nor 
has been since it was translated into Persian in 1589, for it is fissured 
by lacuncey has neither Preface nor Epilogue,^ opens in an -oddly 
abrupt and incongruous fashion, and consists of a series of fragments 
so disconnected as to demand considerable preliminary explanation. 
Needless to say, its dwindled condition notwithstanding, it has place 
amongst great autobiographies, still revealing its author playing a 
man's part in a drama of much historic and personal interest. Its 
revelation is however now like a portrait out of drawing, because it 
has not kept the record of certain years of his manhood in which he 
took momentous decisions, (1) those of 1511-12 [918] in which he 
accepted reinforcement — at a great price — from Isma'il the Shi'a 
Shah of Persia, and in which, if my reading be correct, he first 
(1512) broke the Law against the use of wine,^ (2) those of 1519-1525 
[926-932], in which his literary occupations with orthodox Law (see 
Mubin) associated with cognate matters of 932 AH. indicate that his 
return to obedience had begun, in which too was taken the decision 
that worked out for his fifth expedition across the Indus with its 
sequel of the conquest of Hind. — The loss of matter so weighty 
cannot but destroy the balance of his record and falsify the drawing 
of his portrait. 

a. Problem of Titles. 

As nothing survives to decide what was Babur's chosen title for 
his autobiography, a modern assignment of names to distinguish it 

' The suggestion, implied by my use of this word, that Babur may have definitely closed 
his autobiography (as Timur did under other circumstances) is due to the existence of 
a compelling cause viz. that he would be expectant of death as the price of Humayun's 
restored life (p. 701). 

" Cf . p. 83 and n. and Add. Note, P. 83 for further emendation of a contradiction effected 
by some malign influence in the note (p. 83) between parts of that note, and between it and 
Babur's account of his not-drinking in Herat. 

PREFACE xxxtu 

from its various descendants is desirable, particularly so since the 
revival of interest in it towards which the Facsimile of its Haidarabad 
Codex has contributed,^ 

Babtir-nama (History of Babur) is a well-warranted name by which 
to distinguish the original Turki text, because long associated with 
this and rarely if ever applied to its Persian translation.^ It is 
not comprehensive because not covering supplementary matter of 
biography and description but it has use for modern readers of 
classing Babur's with other Timuriya and Timurid histories such as 
the Zafar-Humayim-A kbar-namas. 

Waqi'dt-i-babtiri (Babur's Acts), being descriptive of the book and 
in common use for naming both the Turki and Persian texts, might 
usefully be reserved as a title for the latter alone. 

Amongst European versions of the book Memoirs of Baber is 
Erskine's peculium for the Leyden and Erskine Perso-English trans- 
lation — Menioires de Baber is Pavet de Courteille's title for his 
French version of the Bukhara [Persified-Turki] compilation — Babur- 
nama in English links the translation these volumes contain with its 
purely-Turki source. 

b. Problems of the Constituents of the Books. 

Intact or mutilated, Babur's material falls naturally into three 
territorial divisions, those of the lands of his successive rule, Farghana 
(with Samarkand), Kabul and Hindustan. With these are distinct 
sub-sections of description of places and of obituaries of kinsmen. 

The book might be described as consisting of annals and diary, 
which once met within what is now the gap of 1508-19 (914-925). 
Round this gap, amongst others, bristle problems of which this 
change of literary style is one ; some are small and concern the 
mutilation alone, others are larger, but all are too intricate for terse 

' Teufel held its title to be waqV (this I adopted in 1908), but it has no definite support 
and in numerous instances of its occarrence to describe the acts or doings of Babur, it could 
be read as a common noun. 

^ It stands on the reverse of the frontal page of the Haidarabad Codex ; it is Timur- 
pulad's name for the Codex he purchased in Bukhara, and it is thence brought on by Kehr 
(with Ilminski), and Klaproth (Cap. Ill) ; it is used by Khwafi Khan (d. cir. 1732), etc. 


xxxiv PREFACE 

statement and all might be resolved by the help of a second MS. 
e.^, one of the same strain as Haidar's. 

Without fantasy another constituent might be counted in with the 
three territorial divisions, namely, the grouped lacunce which by their 
engulfment of text are an untoward factor in an estimate either of 
Babur or of his book. They are actually the cardinal difficulty of 
the book as it now is ; they foreshorten purview of his career and 
character and detract from its merits ; they lose it perspective and 
distort its proportions. That this must be so is clear both from the 
value and the preponderating amount of the lost text. It is no 
exaggeration to say that while working on what survives, what is 
lost becomes like a haunting presence warning that it must be 
remembered always as an integral and the dominant part of the book. 

The relative proportions of saved and lost text are highly 
significant : — Babur's com memorable years are about 47 and 10 
months, i.e. from his birth on Feb. 14th 1483 to near his death on 
Dec. 26th 1530; but the aggregate of surviving text records some 
18 years only, and this not continuously but broken through by 
numerous gaps. That these gaps result from loss of pages is fre- 
quently shewn by a broken sentence, an unfinished episode. The 
fragments — as they truly may be called — are divided by gaps some- 
times seeming to remove a few pages only (cf s.a. 935 AH.), sometimes 
losing the record of 6 and cir. 18 months, sometimes of 6 and 11 
years ; besides these actual clefts in the narrative there are losses of 
some 12 years from its beginning and some 16 months from its end. 
Briefly put we now have the record of cir. 18 years where that of over 
47 could have been.^ 

c. Causes of the gaps. 

Various causes have been surmised to explain the lacuncs ; on the 
plea of long intimacy with Babur's and Haidar's writings, I venture 
to say that one and all appear to me the result of accident. This 
opinion rests on observed correlations between the surviving and the 

' That Babur left a complete record much indicates beyond his own persistence and 
literary bias, e.g. cross-reference with and needed complements from what is lost ; mention 
by other writers of Babur's information, notably by Haidar. " 


lost record, which demand complement — on the testimony of Haidar's 
extracts, and firmly on Babur's orderly and persistent bias of mind 
and on the prideful character of much of the lost record. Moreover 
occasions of risk to Babur's papers are known. 

Of these occasions the first was the destruction of his camp near 
Hisar in 1512 (918; p. 357) but no information about his papers 
survives ; they may not have been in his tent but in the fort. The 
second was a case of recorded damage to " book and sections " (p. 679) 
occurring in 1529 (935). From signs of work done to the Farghana 
section in Hindustan, the damage may be understood made good at 
the later date. To the third exposure to damage, namely, the attrition 
of hard travel and unsettled life during Humayun's 14 years of exile 
from rule in Hindustan (1441-1555) it is reasonable to attribute even 
the whole loss of text. For, assuming — as may well be done — that 
Babur left (1530) a complete autobiography, its volume would be safe 
so long as Humayun was in power but after the Timurid exodus 
(1441) his library would be exposed to the risks detailed in the 
admirable chronicles of Gul-badan, Jauhar and Bayazid {q.v.). He 
is known to have annotated his father's book in 1555 (p. 466 n. 1) 
just before marching from Kabul to attempt the re-conquest of 
Hindustan. His Codex would return to Dihli which he entered in 
July 1555, and there would be safe from risk of further mutilation. 
Its condition in 1555 is likely to have remained what it was found 
when 'Abdu'r-rahim translated it into Persian by Akbar's orders 
(1589) for Abu'l-fazl's use in the Akbar-nama. That Persian trans- 
lation with its descendant the Memoirs of Baber, and the purely- 
Turki Haidarabad Codex with its descendant the Babur-nama in 
English, contain identical contents and, so doing, carry the date of 
the mutilation of Babur's Turki text back through its years of safety, 
1589 to 1555, to the period of Humayun's exile and its dangers for 
camel-borne or deserted libraries. 

d. Two misinterpretations of lacunce. 

Not unnaturally the frequent interruptions of narrative caused 
by lacunce have been misinterpreted occasionally, and sometimes 

xxxvi PREFACE 

detractory comment has followed on Babur, ranking him below the 
accomplished and lettered, steadfast and honest man he was. I select 
two examples of this comment neither of which has a casual origin. 

The first is from the B.M. Cat. of Coins of the Shahs of Persia 
p. xxiv, where after identifying a certain gold coin as shewing 
vassalage by Babur to Isma'il Safawi, the compiler of the Catalogue 
notes, *' We can now understand the omission from Babar's 'Memoirs' 
of the occurrences between 914 H. and 925 H." Can these words 
imply other than that Babur suppressed mention of minting of the 
coins shewing acknowledgment of Shi'a suzerainty ? Leaving aside 
the delicate topic of the detraction the quoted words imply, much 
negatives the surmise that the gap is a deliberate " omission " of 
text: — (1) the duration of the Shi'a alliance was 19-20 months of 
917-918 AH. (p. 355), why omit the peaceful or prideful and victorious 
record of some 9-10 years on its either verge ? (2) Babur's Transoxus 
campaign was an episode in the struggle between Shaibaq Khan 
(Shaibani) Auzbeg and Shah Isma'il — between Sunni and Shi'a ; 
how could " omission " from his book, always a rare one, hide what 
multitudes knew already ? " Omission " would have proved a fiasco 
in another region than Central Asia, because the Babur-Haidar story 
of the campaign, vassal-coinage included,^ has been brought into 
English literature by the English translation of the Tarikh~i rashidi. 
Babur's frank and self-judging habit of mind would, I think, lead 
him to write fully of the difficulties which compelled the hated alliance 
and certainly he would tell of his own anger at the conduct of the 
campaign by Isma'il's Commanders. The alliance was a tactical 
mistake ; it would have served Babur better to narrate its failure. 

The second misinterpretation, perhaps a mere surmising gloss, is 
Erskine's {Memoirs Supp. p. 289) who, in connection with *Alam 
Khan's request to Babur for reinforcement in order to oust his nephew 
Ibrahim, observes that " Babur probably flattered 'Alam Khan with 
the hope of succession to the empire of Hindustan." This idea does 
not fit the record of either man. Elphinstone was angered by 
Erskine's remark which, he wrote (Aug. 26th 1826) "had a bad 

* App. H, XXX. 

PREFACE xxxvii 

effect on the narrative by weakening the impHcit confidence in 
Babur's candour and veracity which his frank way of writing is so 
well-calculated to command." Elphinstone's opinion of Babur is not 
that of a reader but of a student of his book ; he was also orie of 
Erskine's staunchest helpers in its production. From Erskine's 
surmise others have advanced on the detractor's path saying that 
Babur used and threw over 'Alam Khan {q.v.). 

e. Reconstruction. 

Amongst the problems mutilation has created an important one is 
that of the condition of the beginning of the book (p. 1 to p. 30) with 
its plunge into Babur's doings in his 12th year without previous 
mention of even his day and place of birth, the names and status 
of his parents, or any occurrences of his prae-accession years. Within 
those years should be entered the death of Yunas Khan (1487) with 
its sequent obituary notice, and the death of [Khwaja 'Ubaidu'1-lah] 
Ahrari (1491). Not only are these customary entries absent but the 
very introductions of the two great men are wanting, probably with 
the also missing account of their naming of the babe Babur. That 
these routine matters are a part of an autobiography planned as 
Babur's was, makes for assured opinion that the record of more than 
his first decade of life has been lost, perhaps by the attrition to which 
its position in the volume exposed it. 

Useful reconstruction if merely in tabulated form, might be effected 
in a future edition. It would save at least two surprises for readers, 
one the oddly abrupt first sentence telling of Babur's age when he 
became ruler in Farghana (p. 1), which is a misfit in time and order, 
another that of the sudden interruption of *Umar Shaikh's obituary 
by a fragment of Yunas Khan's (p. 19) which there hangs on a mere 
name-peg, whereas its place according to Babur's elsewhere unbroken 
practice is directly following the death. The record of the missing 
prae-accession years will have included at the least as follows : — Day 
of birth and its place — names and status of parents — naming and 
the ceremonial observances proper for Muhammadan children — visits 
to kinsfolk in Tashkint, and to Samarkand (aet. 5, p. 35) where he 

xxxviii PREFACE 

was betrothed — his initiation in school subjects, in sport, the use of 
arms — names of teachers — education in the rules of his Faith (p. 44), 
appointment to the Andijan Command etc., etc. 

There is now no fit beginning to the book ; the present first 
sentence and its pendent description of Farghana should be removed 
to the position Babur's practice dictates of entering the description 
of a territory at once on obtaining it (cf Samarkand, Kabul, Hindu- 
stan). It might come in on p. 30 at the end of the topic (partly 
omitted on p. 29 where no ground is given for the manifest anxiety 
about Baburs safety) of the disputed succession (Haidar, trs, p. 135) 
Babur's partisan begs having the better of Jahangir's {q.v), and having 
testified obeisance, he became ruler in Farghana ; his statement of 
age (12 years), comes in naturally and the description of his newly 
acquired territory follows according to rule. This removal of text 
to a later position has the advantage of allowing the accession to 
follow and not precede Babur's father's death. 

By the removal there is left to consider the historical matter of 
pp. 12-13. The first paragraph concerns matter of much earlier date 
than 'Umar's death in 1494 (p. 13) ; it may be part of an obituary 
notice, perhaps that of Yunas Khan. What follows of the advance 
of displeased kinsmen against *Umar Shaikh would fall into place as 
part of Babur's record of his boyhood, and lead on to that of his 
father's death. 

The above is a bald sketch of what might be effected in the 
interests of the book and to facilitate its pleasant perusal. 

Chapter III. 


This chapter is a literary counterpart of " Babur Padshah's Stone- 
heap," the roadside cairn tradition says was piled by his army, each 
man laying his stone when passing down from Kabul for Hindustan 
in the year of victory 1525 (932).^ 

' p. 446, n. 6. Babur's order for the cairn would fit into the lost record of the first month 
of the year (p. 445). 

PREFACE xxxix 

For a title suiting its contents is " Babur Padshah's Book-pile," 
because it is fashioned of item after item of pen-work done by 
many men in obedience to the dictates given by his book. Unhke 
the cairn, however, the pile of books is not of a single occasion 
but of many, not of a single year but of many, irregularly spacing 
the 500 years through which he and his autobiography have had 
Earth's immortality. 

Part I. The MSS. themselves. 

Preliminary. — Much of the information given below was published 
in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society from 1900 onwards, as 
it came into my possession during a search for reliable Turki text 
of the Babur-nama. My notes were progressive ; some MSS. were 
in distant places, some not traceable, but in the end I was able to 
examine in England all of whose continued existence I had become 
aware. It was inevitable that some of my earlier statements should 
be superseded later ; my Notes (see s.n. JRAS.) need clearing of 
transitory matter and summarizing, in particular those on the 
Elphinstone Codex and Klaproth's articles. Neither they nor what 
is placed here makes claim to be complete. Other workers will 
supplement them when the World has renewed opportunity to 
stroll in the bye-paths of literature. 

Few copies of the Babur-nama seem to have been made ; of the 
few I have traced as existing, not one contains the complete 
autobiography, and one alone has the maximum of dwindled text 
shewn in the Persian translation (1589). Two books have been 
reputed to contain Babur's authentic text, one preserved in 
Hindustan by his descendants, the other issuing from Bukhara. 
They differ in total contents, arrangement and textual worth; 
moreover the Bukhara book compiles items of divers diction and 
origin and date, manifestly not from one pen. 

The Hindustan book is a record — now mutilated — of the Acts of 
Babur alone ; the Bukhara book as exhibited in its fullest accessible 
example, Kehr's Codex, is in two parts, each having its preface, the 
first reciting Babur's Acts, the second Humayun's. 


The Bukhara book is a compilation of oddments, mostly translated 
from compositions written after Babur's death. Textual and 
circumstantial grounds warrant the opinion that it is a distinct 
work mistakenly believed to be Babur's own ; to these grounds was 
added in 1903 the authoritative verdict of collation with the 
Haidarabad Codex, and in 1921 of the colophon of its original MS. 
in which its author gives his name, with the title and date of his 
compilation (JRAS. 1900, p. 474). What it is and what are its 
contents and history are told in Part III of this chapter. 

Part II. Work on the Hindustan MSS. 

Babur's Original Codex. 
My latest definite information about Babur's autograph MS. 
comes from the Padshah-nama (Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 4), whose author 
saw it in Shah-i-jahan's private library between 1628 and 1638. 
Inference is justified, however, that it was the archetype of the 
Haidarabad Codex which has been estimated from the quality 
of its paper as dating cir. 1700 (JRAS. 1906, p. 97). But two 
subsequent historic disasters complicate all questions of MSS. 
missing from Indian libraries, namely, Nadir Shah's vengeance on 
Dihli in 1739 and the dispersions and fires of the Mutiny. Faint 
hope is kept alive that the original Codex may have drifted into 
private hands, by what has occurred with the Rampur MS. of 
Babur's Hindustan verses (App. J), which also appears once to 
have belonged to Shah-i-jahan. 


Amongst items of work done during Babur's life are copies of 
his book (or of the Hindustan section of it) he mentions sending to 
sons and friends. 


The Tahaqat-i-haUiri was written during Babur's fife by his 
Persian secretary Shaikh Zainu'd-din of Khawaf ; it paraphrases 
in rhetorical Persian the record of a few months of Hindustan 
campaigning, including the battle of Panipat. 





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During the first decade of Humayun's reign (1530-40) at least 
two important codices seem to have been copied. 

The earher {see Table, No. 2) has varied circumstantial warrant. 
It meets the need of an archetype, one marginally annotated by 
Humayun, for the Elphinstone Codex in which a few notes are 
marginal and signed, others are pell-mell, interpolated in the text 
but attested by a scrutineer as having been marginal in its arche- 
type and mistakenly copied into its text. This second set has been 
ineffectually sponged over. Thus double collation is indicated 
(i) with Babur's autograph MS. to clear out extra Babur matter, 
and (ii) with its archetype, to justify the statement that in this 
the interpolations were marginal. — No colophon survives with the 
much dwindled Elph. Codex, but one, suiting the situation, has been 
observed, where it is a complete misfit, appended to the Alwar Codex 
of the second Persian translation, (estimated as copied in 1589) . Into 
the incongruities of that colophon it is not necessary to examine 
here, they are too obvious to aim at deceit ; it appears fitly to be an 
imperfect translation from a Turki original, this especially through 
its odd fashion of entitling " Humayun Padshah." It can be 
explained as translating the colophon of the Codex (No. 2) which, 
as his possession, Humayun allowably annotated and which makes 
it known that he had ordered *Ali'u-l-katib to copy his father's 
Turki book, and that it was finished in February, 153 1, some six 
weeks after Babur's death. ^ 

The later copy made in Humayun's first decade is Haidar 
Mirza's [infra). 


Muhammad Haidar Mirza Dughlat's possession of a copy of the 
Autobiography is known both from his mention of it and through 
numerous extracts translated from it in his Tarikh-i-rashidi. As a 
good boy-penman (p. 22) he may have copied down to 1512 (918) 
while with Babur (p. 350), but for obtaining a transcript of it his 

' For precise limits of the original annotation see p. 446 n. — For details about the 
E. Codex see'iKKS. 1907, art. The Elph. Codex, and for the colophon AQR. 1900, July, 
Oct. and JRAS. 1905, pp. 752, 761. 

PREFACE xlili 

Opportunity was while with Humayun before the Timurid exodus 
of 1541. He died in 1551 ; his Codex is hkely to have found its 
way back from Kashmir to his ancestral home in the Kashghar 
region and there it may still be. {See T.R. trs. Ney Ehas' biography 
of him). 


The Elphinstone Codex ^ has had an adventurous career. The 
enigma of its archetype is posed above ; it may have been copied 
during Akbar's first decade (1556-67) ; its, perhaps first, owner 
was a Bai-qara rebel (d. 1567) from amongst whose possessions it 
passed into the Royal Library, where it was cleared of foreign matter 
by the expunction of Humayun's marginal notes which its scribe 
had interpolated into its text. At a date I do not know, it must 
have left the Royal Library for its fly-leaves bear entries of prices 
and in 1810 it was found and purchased in Peshawar by Elphinstone. 
It went with him to Calcutta, and there may have been seen by 
Leyden during the short time between its arrival and the autumn 
month of the same year (1810) when he sailed for Java. In 1813 
Elphinstone in Poona sent it to Erskine in Bombay, saying that he 
had fancied it gone to Java and had been writing to Tzzatu'1-lah 
to procure another MS. for Erskine in Bukhara, but that all the 
time it was on his own shelves. Received after Erskine had dolefully 
compared his finished work with Leyden's (tentative) translation, 
Erskine sadly recommenced the review of his own work. The Codex 
had suffered much defacement down to 908 (1502) at the hands of 
" a Persian Turk of Ganj " who had interhned it with explanations. 
It came to Scotland (with Erskine ?) who in 1826 sent it with a 
covering letter (Dec. 12th, 1826), at its owner's desire, to the 
Advocates' Library where it now is. In 1907 it was fully described 
by me in the JRAS. 


Of two Waqiat-i-hahuri (Pers. trs.) made in Akbar's reign, the 
earlier was begun in 1583, at private instance, by two Mughuls 

. ' See Index s.n. and III tz«/,? and JRAS. 1900-3-5-6-7. 


Payanda-hasan of Ghazni and Muhammad-quli of Hisar. The 
Bodleian and British Museum Libraries have copies of it, very 
fragmentary unfortunately, for it is careful, likeable, and helpful 
by its small explanatory glosses. It has the great defect of not 
preserving autobiographic quahty in its diction. 


The later Waqi'at-i-hahuri translated by 'Abdu'r-rahim Mirza is 
one of the most important items in Baburiana, both by its special 
characteristics as the work of a Turkman and not of a Persian, 
and by the great service it has done. Its origin is well-known; 
it was made at Akbar's order to help Abu'1-fazl in the Akbar-nama 
account of Babur and also to facilitate perusal of the Babur-nama 
in Hindustan. It was presented to Akbar, by its translator who 
had come up from Gujrat, in the last week of November, 1589, on 
an occasion and at a place of admirable fitness. For Akbar had 
gone to Kabul to visit Babur's tomb, and was halting on his return 
journey at Barik-ab where Babur had halted on his march down 
to Hindustan in the year of victory 1525, at no great distance 
from " Babur Padshah's Stone-heap ". Abu'l-fazl's account of 
the presentation will rest on 'Abdu'r-rahim's information (A.N. 
trs. cap. ci). The diction of this translation is noticeable ; it gave 
much trouble to Erskine who thus writes of it {Memoirs Preface, 
Ix), " Though simple and precise, a close adherence to the idioms 
and forms of expression of the Turki original joined to a want of 
distinctness in the use of the relatives, often renders the meaning 
extremely obscure, and makes it difficult to discover the connexion 
of the different members of the sentence.^ The style is frequently 
not Persian. . . . Many of the Turki words are untranslated." 

Difficult as these characteristics made Erskine's interpretation, 
it appears to me likely that they indirectly were useful to him by 
restraining his diction to some extent in their Turki fettering. — This 
Turki fettering has another aspect, apart from Erskine's difficulties, 

' Here speaks the man reared in touch with European classics ; (pure) Turki though 
it uses no relatives (Radloff) is lucid. Cf. Cap. IV The Memoirs of Babur. 


\vtz. it would greatly facilitate re-translation into Turki, such as has 
been effected, I think, in the Farghana section of the Bukhara 


This item of work, a harmless attempt of vSaUm {i.e. Jahangir 
Padshah ; 1605-28) to provide the ancestral autobiography with 
certain stop-gaps, has caused much needless trouble and discussion 
without effecting any useful result. It is this : — In his own auto- 
biography, the Tuzuk-i-jahangiri s.a. 1607, he writes of a Babur-nama 
Codex he examined, that it was all in Babur's " blessed handwriting " 
except four portions which were in his own and each of which he 
attested in Turki as so being. Unfortunately he did not specify his 
topics ; unfortunately also no attestation has been found to passages 
reasonably enough attributable to his activities. His portions may 
consist of the " Rescue-passage " (App. D) and a length of trans- 
lation from the A kbarnama, a continuous part of its Babur chapter 
but broken up where only I have seen it, i.e. the Bukhara compila- 
tion, into (i) a plain tale of Kanwa (1527), (2) episodes of Babur's 
latter months (1529) — both transferred to the first person — and 
(3) an account of Babur's death (December 26th, 1530) and Court. 

Jahangir's occupation, harmless in itself, led to an imbroglio of 
Langles with Erskine, for the former stating in the Biographie 
Universelle art. Babour, that Babour's Commentaries " augvientes 
par Jahangir " were translated into Persian by 'Abdu'r-rahim. 
Erskine made answer, " I know not on what authority the learned 
Langles hazarded this assertion, which is certainly incorrect " 
(Memoirs, Preface, p. ix). Had Langles somewhere met with 
Jahangir's attestations ? He had authority if he had seen merely the 
statement of 1607, but Erskine was right also, because the Persian 
translation contains no more than the unaugmented Turki text. 
The royal stop-gaps are in Kehr's MS. and through Ilminski reached 
De Courteille, whence the biting and thorough analysis of the 
three " Fragments " by Teufel. Both episodes — the Langles and the 

• ^ For analysis of a retranslated passage see JRAS. 1908, p. 85. 


Teufel ones — are time-wasters but they are comprehensible in the 
circumstances that Jahangir could not foresee the consequences 
of his doubtless good intentions. 

If the question arise of how writings that had had place in 
Jahangir's library reached Bukhara, their open road is through the 
Padshah's correspondence (App. Q and references), with a descendant 
of Ahrari in whose hands they were close to Bukhara.^ 

It groups scattered information to recal that Salim (Jahangir) was 
'Abdu'r-rahim's ward, that then, as now, Babur's Autobiography 
was the best example of classic Turki, and that it would appeal on 
grounds of piety — as it did appeal on some sufficient ground — to 
have its broken story made good. Also that for three of the four 
"portions" Abu'l-fazl's concise matter was to hand. 


My information concerning Baburiana under Shah-i-jahan Padshah 
(1628-58) is very meagre. It consists of (i) his attestation of a 
signature of Babur (App. Q and photo), (2) his possession of Babur's 
autograph Codex (Padshah-nama, Bib. Ind. ed., ii, 4), and (3) 
his acceptance, and that by his literary entourage, of Mir Abu-talib 
Husaini's Persian translation of Timur's Annals, the Malfuzat 
whose preparation the Zafar-nama describes and whose link with 
Babur's writings is that of the exemplar to the emulator.^ 


The Haidarabad Codex may have been inscribed under Aurang- 
zib Padshah (1655-1707). So many particulars about it have been 
given already that little needs saying here.3 It was the grande 
trouvaille of my search for Turki text wherewith to revive Babur's 
autobiography both in Turki and English. My husband in 1900 
saw it in Haidarabad ; through the kind offices of the late Sayyid 

' Timik-i-jahan^iri, Rogers & Beveridge's trs. i, 110; JRAS. 1900, p. 756, for the 
Persian passage, 1908, p. 76 for the "Fragments", 1900, p. 476 for Ihninski's Preface 
(a second translation is accessible at the B.M. and I.O. Library and R.A.S.), Memoirs 
Preface, p. ix, Index s.nn. de Courteille, Teufel, Bukhara MSS. and Part iii eo cap. 

' For Shah-i-jahan's interest in Timur see sign given in a copy of his note published in 
my translation volume of Gul-badan Begim's Humayutt-nama, p. xiii. 

3 JRAS. 1900 p. 466, 1902 p. 655, 1905 art. s.n., 1908 pp. 78, 98 ; Index in loco s.n. 

PREFACE xlvli 

Ali Bilgrami it was lent to me ; it proved to surpass, both in volume 

and quality, all other Babur-nama MSS. I had traced ; I made its 

merits known to Professor Edward Granville Browne, just when the 

E. J. Wilkinson Gibb Trust was in formation, with the happy and 

accordant result that the best prose book in classic Turki became 

the first item in the Memorial — matris ad filium — of literary work 

done in the name of the Turkish scholar, and Babur's very words 

were safeguarded in hundred-fold facsimile. An event so important 

for autobiography and for Turki literature may claim more than 

the bald mention of its occurrence, because sincere autobiography, 

however ancient, is human and social and undying, so that this 

was no mere case of multiplying copies of a book, but was one of 

preserving a man's life in his words. There were, therefore, joyful 

red-letter days in the English story of the Codex — outstanding from 

others being those on which its merits revealed themselves (on 

Surrey uplands) — the one which brought Professor Browne's 

acceptance of it for reproduction by the Trust — and the day of 

pause from work marked by the accomplished fact of the safety of 

the Babur-nama. 


The period from cir. 1700, the date of the Haidarabad Codex, 
and 1810, when the Elphinstone Codex was purchased by its sponsor 
at Peshawar, appears to have been unfruitful in work on the 
Hindustan MSS. Causes for this may connect with historic events, 
e.g. Nadir Shah's desolation of Dihli and the rise of the East India 
Company, and, in Baburiana, with the disappearance of Babur's 
autograph Codex (it was unknown to the Scots of 1800-26), and the 
transfer of the Elphinstone Codex from royal possession — this, 
possibly however, an accident of royal travel to and from Kabul at 
earlier dates. 

The first quarter of the nineteenth century was, on the contrary, 
most fruitful in valuable work, useful impulse to which was given 
by Dr. John Ley den who in about 1805 began to look into Turki. 
Like his contemporary Julius Klaproth {q.v.), he was avid of 
tongues and attracted by Turki and by Babur's writings of which he 

xlviii ^ PREFACE 

had some knowledge through the 'Abdu'r-rahim (Persian) trans- 
lation. His Turki text-book would be the MS. of the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal,^ a part-copy of the Bukhara compilation, from which he 
had the India Office MS. copied. He took up Turki again in 1810, 
after his return from Malay and whilst awaiting orders in Calcutta 
for departure to Java. He sailed in the autumn of the year and died 
in August 181 1. Much can be learned about him and his Turki 
occupations from letters [infra xiii) written to Erskine by him and 
by others of the Scottish band which now achieved such fine results 
for Babur's Autobiography. 

It is necessary to say something of Leyden's part in producing the 
Memoirs, because Erskine, desiring to " lose nothing that might 
add to Leyden's reputation ", has assigned to him an undue position 
of collaboration in it both by giving him premier place on its title- 
page and by attributing to him the beginning the translation. 
What one gleans of Leyden's character makes an impression of 
unassumption that would forbid his acceptance of the posthumous 
position given to him, and, as his translation shews the tyro in 
Turki, there can be no ground for supposing he would wish his 
competence in it over-estimated. He had, as dates show, nothing 
to do with the actual work of the Memoirs which was finished 
before Erskine had seen in 1813 what Leyden had set down before 
he died in 181 1. As the Memoirs is now a rare book, I quote 
from it what Erskine says (Preface, p. ix) of Leyden's rough 
translation: — "This acquisition [i.e. of Leyden's trs.) reduced me 
to rather an awkward dilemma. The two translations (his own 
and Leyden's) differed in many important particulars; but as 
Dr. Leyden had the advantage of translating from the original, 
I resolved to adopt his translation as far as it went, changing 
only such expressions in it as seemed evidently to be incon- 
sistent with the context, or with other parts of the Memoirs, or 
such as seemed evidently to originate in the oversights that are 
unavoidable in an unfinished work.^ This labour I had completed 

^ Cf. JRAS. 1900, Nos. VI, VII, VIII. 

=" Ilminski's difficulties are foreshadowed here by the same confusion of identity 
between the Babtir-nama proper and the Bukhara compilation (Preface, Part iii, p. li). 


^ith some difficulty, when Mr. Elphinstone sent me the copy of the 
Memoirs of Baber in the original TurkI {i.e. The Elphinstone Codex) 
which he had procured when he went to Peshawar on his embassy 
to Kabul. This copy, which he had supposed to have been sent 
with Dr. Leyden's manuscripts from Calcutta, he was now fortunate 
enough to recover (in his own library at Poona). " The discovery 
of this valuable manuscript reduced me, though heartily sick of the 
task, to the necessity of commencing my work once more." 

Erskine's Preface (pp. x, xi) contains various other references to 
Leyden's work which indicate its quality as tentative and unrevised. 
It is now in the British Museum Library. 


Little need be said here about the Memoirs of Baber. '^ Erskine 
worked on a basis of considerable earlier acquaintance with his 
Persian original, for, as his Preface tells, he had (after Leyden's 
death) begun to translate this some years before he definitely 
accepted the counsel of Elphinstone and Malcolm to undertake 
the Memoirs. He finished his translation in 1813, and by 1816 
was able to dedicate his complete volume to Elphinstone, but 
publication was delayed till 1826. His was difficult pioneer-work, 
and carried through with the drawback of working on a secondary 
source. It has done yeoman service, of which the crowning merit 
is its introduction of Babur's autobiography to the Western world. 


Amongst Erskine's literary remains are several bound volumes of 
letters from Elphinstone, Malcolm, Leyden, and others of that 
distinguished group of Scots who promoted the revival of Babur's 
writings. Erskine's grandson, the late Mr. Lestocq Erskine, placed 
these, with other papers, at our disposal, and they are now located 
where they have been welcomed as appropriate additions : — Elphin- 
stone's are in the Advocates' Library, where already (1826) he, 
through Erskine, had deposited his own Codex — and with his 

' Cf . Erskine's Preface passim, and in loco item XI, cap. iv. The Memoirs of Baber, 
and Index s.n. 



letters are those of Malcolm and more occasional correspondents; 
Leyden's letters (and various papers) are in the Memorial Cottage 
maintained in his birthplace Denholm (Hawick) by the Edinburgh 
Border Counties Association ; something fitting went to the Bombay 
Asiatic Society and a volume of diary to the British Museum. 
Leyden's papers will help his fuller biography ; Elphinstone's letters 
have special value as recording his co-operation with Erskine by 
much friendly criticism, remonstrance against delay, counsels and 
encouragement. They, moreover, shew the estimate an accom- 
plished man of modern affairs formed of Babur Padshah's character 
and conduct ; some have been quoted in Colebrooke's Life of 
Elphinstone, but there they suffer by detachment from the rest of 
his Baburiana letters ; bound together as they now are, and with 
brief explanatory interpolations, they would make a welcome item 
for " Babur Padshah's Book-pile ". 


In May 192 1 the contents of these volumes were completed, namely, 
the Bahur-nama in English and its supplements, the aims of which 
are to make Babur known in English diction answering to his 
ipsissima verba, and to be serviceable to readers and students of 
his book and of classic Turki. 


Of writings based upon or relating to Babur's the following 
have appeared : — 
Denkwurdigkeiten des Zahir-uddin Muhammad Babar — A. Kaiser 

(Leipzig, 1828). This consists of extracts translated from the 

An abridgement of the Memoirs — R. M. Caldecott (London, 1844). 
History of India — Baber and Humayun — W. Erskine (Longmans, 

Babar — Rulers of India series — Stanley Lane-Poole (Oxford, 1899). 
Tuzuk-i-babari or Waqi*at-i-babari [i.e. the Persian trs.) — Elliot 

and Dowson's History of India, 1872, vol. iv. 


'Babur Padshah Ghazi—B.. Beveridge (Calcutta Review, 1899). 
Babur's diamond, was it the Koh-i-nur ? — H. Beveridge, Asiatic 

Quarterly Review, April, 1899. 
Was 'Abdu'r-rahim the translator of Babur's Memoirs ? {i.e. the 

Babur-nama) — }!. Beveridge, AQR., July and October, 1900. 
An Empire- builder of the i6th century, Babur— Laurence F. L. 

Williams (Allahabad, 19 18). 
Notes on the MSS. of the Turki text [Babur-ndma) — A. S. Beveridge, 

JRAS. 1900, 1902, 1921, 1905, and Part II 1906, 1907, 1908, 

p. 52 and p. 828, 1909 p. 452 {see Index, s.n. A. S. B. for topics). 
[For other articles and notes by H. B. see Index s.n.] 

Part III. The "Bukhara Babur-nama ". 

This is a singular book and has had a career as singular as its 
characteristics, a very comedy of (blameless) errors and mischance. 
For it is a compilation of items diverse in origin, diction, and age, 
planned to be a record of the Acts of Babur and Humayun, dependent 
through its Babur portion on the 'Abdu 'r-rahim Persian translation 
for re-translation, or verbatim quotation, or dove-tailing effected on 
the tattered fragments of what had once been Kamran's Codex of 
the Babur-nama proper, the whole interspersed by stop-gaps attribut- 
able to Jahangir. These and other specialities notwithstanding, it 
ranked for nearly 200 years as a reproduction of Babur's authentic 
text, as such was sent abroad, as such was reconstructed and 
printed in Kasan (1857), translated in Paris (1871), catalogued for 
the Petrograd Oriental School (1894), and for the India Office (1903). 

Manifest causes for the confusion of identity are, (i) lack of the 
guidance in Bukhara and Petrograd of collation with the true text, 

(2) want of information, in the Petrograd of 1700-25, about Babur's 
career, coupled with the difficulties of communication with Bukhara, 

(3) the misleading feature in the compiled book of its author's 
retention of the autobiographic form of his sources, without ex- 
planation as to whether he entered surviving fragments of Kamran's 

' The last blow was given to the phantasmal reputation of the book by the authoritative 
Haidarabad Codex which now can be seen in facsimile in many Libraries. 


Codex, patchings or extracts from 'Abdu'r-rahim's Persian transla- 
tion, or quotations of Jahangir's stop-gaps. Of these three causes 
for error the first is dominant, entaihng as it does the drawbacks 
besetting work on an inadequate basis. 

It is necessary to enumerate the items of the Compilation here 
as they are arranged in Kehr's autograph Codex, because that codex 
(still in London) may not always be accessible,^ and because the 
imprint does not obey its model, but aims at closer agreement of the 
Bukhara Compilation with Ilminski's gratefully acknowledged 
guide — The Memoirs of Baber. Distinction in commenting on the 
Bukhara and the Kasan versions is necessary ; their discrepancy 
is a scene in the comedy of errors. 

* But for present difficulties of intercourse with Petrograd, I would have re-examined 
with Kehr's the collateral Codex of 1742 (copied in 1839 and now owned by the Petrograd 
University) . It might be useful, as Kehr's volume has lost pages and may be disarranged 
here and there. 

The list of Kehr's items is as follows : — 

1 («(?/ m f/ie Imprint), A letter from Babur to Kamran the date of which is 
fixed as 1527 by its committing Ibrahim Ludi's son to Kamran's charge (p. 544), It 
is heard of again in the Bukhara Compilation, is lost from Kehr's Codex, and preserved 
from his archetype by Klaproth who translated it. Being thus found in Bukhara in the 
first decade of the eighteenth century (our earliest knowledge of the Compilation is 
1709), the inference is allowed that it went to Bukhara as loot from the defeated 
Kamran's camp and that an endorsement its companion Babur-nama (proper) bears was 
made by the Auzbeg of two victors over Kamran, both of 1550, both in Tramontana.^ 

2 {not in Imp^. Timur-pulad's memo, about the purchase of his Codex in cir. 
1521 ^eo cap. post). 

3 {Ifnp. 1). Compiler's Preface of Praise (JRAS. 1900, p. 474). 

4 {Imp. 2). Babur's Acts in Farghana, in diction such as to seem a re-translation 
of the Persian translation of 1589. How much of Kamran's MS. was serviceable is 
not easy to decide, because the Turki fettering of 'Abdu'r-rahim's Persian lends itself 
admirably to re-translation.* 

5 ^mp. J). The " Rescue-passage" (App. D) attributable to Jahangir. 

6 {Imp. ¥). Babur's Acts in Kabul, seeming (like No. 4) a re-translation or 
patching of tattered pages. There are also passages taken verbatim from the Persian. 

7 (Imp. omits). A short length of Babur's Hindustan Section, carefully shewn 
damaged by dots and dashes. 

8 {Imp. S). Within 7, the spurious passage of App. L and also scattered passages 
about a feast, perhaps part of 7. 

9 {Imp. separates oj' at end of vol.) . Translated passage from the Akbar-nama, 
attributable to Jahangir, briefly telling of Kanwa (1527), Babur's latter years (both 
changed to first person), death and court. 3 

1 That Babur-nama of the " Kamrandocket " is the mutilated and tattered basis, allowed by 
circumstance, of the compiled history of Babur, filled out and mended by the help of the Persian 
translation of ] 589. Cf . Kehr's Latin Trs. fly-leaf entry ; Klaproth s.n. ; A.N. trs. H.B., p. 260 i 
JRAS. 1908, 1909, on the " Kamran-docket " (where are defects needing Klaproth's second article 

2 For an analysis of an illustrative passage see JRAS. 1906 ; for facilities of re- translation se$ 
eo cap. p. xviii, where Erskine is mioted. 

8 See A.N. trans., p. 260 ) Prefaces of Ilminski and de Courteille | ZDMG. xxxvii, Teufel's art. i 
JRAS. 1906. 


[Babur's history has been thus brought to an end, incomplete in the balance needed 
of 7. In Kehr's volume a few pages are left blank except for what shews a Russian 
librarian's opinion of the plan of the book, "Here end the writings of Shah Babur."] 

10 {Imp. omits). Preface to the history of Flumayun, beginning at the Creation 
and descending by giant strides through notices of Khans and Sultans to "Babur 
Mirza who was the father of Humayun Padshah ". Of Babur what further is said 
connects with the battle of Ghaj-davan (918-1512 q.v.). It is ill-informed, laying 
blame on him as if he and not Najm Sani had commanded — speaks of his preference 
for the counsel of young men and of the numbers of. combatants. It is noticeable for 
more than its inadequacy however ; its selection of the Ghaj-davan episode from all 
others in Babur's career supports circumstantially what is dealt with later, the Ghaj- 
davani authorship of the Compilation. 

11 {Imp. omits). Under a heading "Humayun Padshah" is a fragment about 
(his ? Accession) Feast, whether broken off by loss of his pages or of those of his arche- 
type examination of the P. Univ. Codex may show. 

12 {Imp. 6). An excellent copy of Babur's Hindustan Section, perhaps obtained 
from the Ahrari house. [This Ilminski places (I think) where Kehr has No. 7.] 
From its position and from its bearing a scribe's date of completion (which Kehr brings 
over), viz. Tamt shud 1126 (Finished 1714), the compiler may have taken it for 
Humayun's, perhaps for the account of his reconquest of Hind in 1555. 

[The remaining entries in Kehr's volume are a quatrain which may make jesting 
reference to his finished task, a librarian's Russian entry of the number of pages (831), 
and the words Etablissement Orientale, Fr. v. Adelung, 1825 (the Director of the 
School from 1793).^ 

> For particulars about Kehr's Codex see Smlmov's Catalogue of the School Library and JRAS. 
1900, 1906. Like others who have made statements resting on the mistaken identity of the Bukhara 
Compilation, many of mine are now given to the winds. 

Outline of the History of the Compilation. 
An impelling cause for the production of the Bukhara compilation 
is suggested by the date 1709 at which was finished the earliest 
example known to me. For in the first decade of the eighteenth 
century Peter the Great gave attention to Russian relations with 
foreign states of Central Asia and negociated with the Khan of 
Bukhara for the reception of a Russian mission.^ PoHtical aims 
would be forwarded if envoys were famiUar with Turki ; books 
in that tongue for use in the School of Oriental Languages would 
be desired ; thus the Compilation may have been prompted and, 
as wiU be shown later, it appears to have been produced, and not 
merely copied, in 1709. The Mission's despatch was delayed till 
1719 ; it arrived in Bukhara in 1721 ; during its stay a member of 
its secretariat bought a Compilation MS. noted as finished in 1714 
and on a fly-leaf of it made the following note :— 

' See Gregorief's ''Russian policy regarding Central Asia", quoted in Schuyler's 
Turkistan, App. IV. „ , t.^ ^ a u,. 

=■ The Mission was well received, started to return to Petrograd, was attacked by 
Turkmans, went back to Bukhara, and there stayed until it could attempt the devious route 
which brought it to the capital in 1725. 


" /, Timur-pulad son of Mirza Rajab son of Pay-chin, bought this 
book Babur-nama after coming to Bukhara with [the] Russian Florio 
Beg Beneveni, envoy of the Padshah . . . whose army is mimerous as 
the stars . . . May it be well received! A^nen ! O Lord of both 
Worlds ! " 

Timur-pulad's hope for a good reception indicates a definite 
recipient, perhaps a commissioned purchase. The vendor may have 
been asked for a history of Babur ; he sold one, but " Babur- 
nama " is not necessarily a title, and is not suitable for the 
Compilation ; by conversational mischance it may have seemed so 
to the purchaser and thus have initiated the mistake of confusing 
the " Bukhara Babur-nama " with the true one. 

Thus endorsed, the book in 1725 reached the Foreign Office ; 
there in 1737 it was obtained by George Jacob Kehr, a teacher of 
Turki, amongst other languages, in the Oriental School, who copied 
it with meticulous care, understanding its meaning imperfectly, 
in order to produce a Latin version of it. His Latin rendering was 
a fiasco, but his reproduction of the Arabic forms of his archetype 
was so obedient that on its sole basis Ilminski edited the Kasan 
Imprint (1857). ^ collateral copy of the Timur-pulad Codex was 
made in 1742 (as has been said). 

In 1824 Klaproth (who in 1810 had made a less valuable extract 
perhaps from Kehr's Codex) copied from the Timur-pulad MS. 
its purchaser's note, the Auzbeg?(?) endorsement as to the transfer 
of the " Kamran-docket " and Babur's letter to Kamran (Memoires 
relatifs ct VAsie (Paris). 

In 1857 Ilminski, working in Kasan, produced his imprint, which 
became de Courteille's source for Les Memoires de Baher in 1871. 
No worker in the above series shews doubt about accepting the 
Compilation as containing Babur's authentic text. Ilminski was 
in the difficult position of not having entire reliance on Kehr's 
transcription, a natural apprehension in face of the quaUty of the 
Latin version, his doubts sum up into his words that a reliable 
text could not be made from his source (Kehr's MS.), but that a 
Turki reading-book could — and was. As has been said, he did not 


obey the dual plan of the Compilation Kehr's transcript reveals, 
this, perhaps, because of the misnomer Babur-nama under which 
Timur-pulad's Codex had come to Petrograd ; this, certainly, 
because he thought a better history of Babur could be produced 
by following Erskine than by obeying Kehr — a series of errors 
following the verbal mischance of 1725. Ilminski's transformation 
of the items of his source had the ill result of misleading Pavet de 
Courteille to over-estimate his Turki source at the expense of 
Erskine's Persian one which, as has been said, was Ilminski's guide — 
another scene in the comedy. A mischance hampering the French 
work was its falling to be done at a time when, in Paris 1871, there 
can have been no opportunity available for learning the contents of 
Ilminski's Russian Preface or for quiet research and the examination 
of collateral aids from abroad.^ 

The Author of the Compilation. 

The Haidarabad Codex having destroyed acquiescence in the 
phantasmal view of the Bukhara book, the question may be con- 
sidered, who was its author ? 

This question a convergence of details about the Turki MSS. 
reputed to contain the Babur-nama, now allows me to answer with 
some semblance of truth. Those details have thrown new light 
upon a colophon which I received in 1900 from Mr. C. Salemann 
with other particulars concerning the " Senkovski Babur-nama," 
this being an extract from the Compilation ; its archetype reached 
Petrograd from Bukhara a century after Kehr's [viz. the Timur- 
pulad Codex]; it can be taken as a direct copy of the MuUa's 
original because it bears his colophon. ^ In 1900 I accepted it as 
merely that of a scribe who had copied Senkovski's archetype, but 
in 192 1 reviewing the colophon for this Preface, it seems to me to 
be that of the original autograph MS. of the Compilation and to 
tell its author's name, his title for his book, and the year (1709) in 
which he completed it. 

' One might say jestingly that the spirit in the book had rebelled since 1725 against 
enforced and changing masquerade as a phantasm of two other books ! 

» Neither Ilminski nor Smirnov mentions another "Babur-nama" Codex than Kehr's. 


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Senkovski brought it over from his archetype ; Mr. Salemann 
sent it to me in its original Turki form. (JRAS. 1900, p. 474). 
Senkovski's own colophon is as follows : — 

' fai acheve cette copie le 4 Mai, 1824, a St. Petersburg; elle a ete 
faite (Vhpres un exemplaire appartenant a Nazar Bat Turkistani, 
negociant Boukhari, qui etait venu cette annee a St. Petersburg, 
J. Senkovski!* 

The colophon Senkovski copied from his archetype is to the 
following purport : — 

" Knowti and entitled WaqVnama-i-padshahi (Record of Royal 
Acts), [tins'] autograph and composition (bay ad u navisht) of Mulla 
^ Abdu' l-wahhab the Teacher, of Ghaj-davan in Bukhara — God pardon 
his mistakes and the weakness of his endeavour t — was finished on 
Monday, Rajab 5, 1121 (Aug. 31st, \1Q^).— Thank God! " 

It will be observed that the title Waqi'nama-i-padshahi suits the 
plan of dual histories (of Babur and Humayun) better than does the 
" Babur-nama " of Timur-pulad's note, that the colophon does 
not claim for the Mulla to have copied the elder book (1494-1530) 
but to have written down and composed one under a differing title 
suiting its varied contents ; that the Mulla's deprecation and thanks 
tone better with perplexing work, such as his was, than with the 
steadfast patience of a good scribe ; and that it exonerates the 
Mulla from suspicion of having caused his compilation to be accepted 
as Babur's authentic text. Taken with its circumstanding matters, 
it may be the denoument of the play. 

Chapter IV. 


The fame and long literary services of the Memoirs of Baber 
compel me to explain why these volumes of mine contain a verbally 
new English translation of the Babur-nama instead of a second 
edition of the Memoirs. My explanation is the simple one of textual 
values, of the advantage a primary source has over its derivative, 


Babur's original text over its Persian translation which alone was 
accessible to Erskine. 

If the Babur-nama owed its perennial interest to its valuable 
multifarious matter, the Memoirs could suffice to represent it, but 
this it does not ; what has kept interest in it alive through some 
four centuries is the autobiographic presentment of an arresting 
personality its whole manner, style and diction produce. It is 
characteristic throughout, from first to last making known the 
personal quality of its author. Obviously that quality has the better 
chance of surviving a transfer of Babur's words to a foreign tongue 
when this can be effected by imitation of them. To effect this was 
impracticable to Erskine who did not see any example of the Turki 
text during the progress of his translation work and had little 
acquaintance with Turki. No blame attaches to his results ; they 
have been the one introduction of Babur's writings to English readers 
for almost a century ; but it would be as sensible to expect a potter 
to shape a vessel for a specific purpose without a model as a trans- 
lator of autobiography to shape the new verbal container for Babur's 
quality without seeing his own. Erskine was the pioneer amongst 
European workers on Baburiana — Leydens's fragment of un revised 
attempt to translate the Bukhara Compilation being a negligible 
matter, notwithstanding friendship's deference to it ; he had ready 
to his hand no such valuable collateral help as he bequeathed to his 
successors in the Memoirs volume. To have been able to help in 
the renewal of his book by preparing a second edition of it, revised 
under the authority of the Haidarabad Codex, would have been to 
me an act of literary piety to an old book-friend ; I experimented 
and failed in the attempt ; the wording of the Memoirs would not 
press back into the Turki mould. Being what it is, sound in its 
matter and partly representative of Babur himself, the all-round 
safer plan, one doing it the greater honour, was to leave it unshorn 
of its redundance and unchanged in its wording, in the place of 
worth and dignity it has held so long. 

Brought to this point by experiment and failure, the way lay open 
to make bee-line over intermediaries back to the fountain-head of 


re-discovered Turki text preserved in the Haidarabad Codex. Thus 
I have enjoyed an advantage no translator has had since 'Abdu'r- 
rahim in 1589. 

Concerning matters of style and diction, I may mention that three 
distinct impressions of Babur's personality are set by his own, 
Erskine's and de Courteille's words and manner. These divergencies, 
while partly due to differing textual bases, may result mainly from 
the use by the two Europeans of unsifted, current English and 
French. Their portrayal might have been truer, there can be no 
doubt, if each had restricted himself to such under-lying component 
of his mother-tongue as approximates, in linguistic stature to classic 
Turki. This probability Erskine could not foresee for, having no 
access during his work to a Turki source and no familiarity with 
Turki, he missed their lessoning. 

Turki, as Babur writes it — terse, word-thrifty, restrained and lucid, 
— comes over neatly into Anglo-Saxon English, perhaps through 
primal affinities. Studying Babur's writings in verbal detail taught 
me that its structure, idiom and vocabulary dictate a certain 
mechanism for a translator's imitation. Such are the simple sentence, 
devoid of relative phrasing, copied in the form found, whether abrupt 
and brief or, ranging higher with the topic, gracious and dignified — 
the retention of Babur's use of " we " and " I " and of his frequent 
impersonal statement — the matching of words by their root-notion — 
the strict observance of Babur's limits of vocabulary, effected by 
allotting to one Turki word one English equivalent, thus excluding 
synonyms for which Turki has little use because not shrinking from 
the repeated word ; lastly, as preserving relations of diction, the 
replacing of Babur's Arabic and Persian aliens by Greek and Latin 
ones naturalized in English. Some of these aids towards shaping a 
counterpart of Turki may be thought small, but they obey a model 
and their aggregate has power to make or mar a portrait. 

(1) Of the uses of pronouns it may be said that Babur's "we" is 
neither regal nor self-magnifying but is co-operative, as beseems the 
chief whose volunteer and nomad following makes or unmakes his 
power, and who can lead and command only by remittent consent 


accorded to him. His " I " is individual. The Memoirs varies 
much from these uses. 

(2) The value of reproducing impersonal statements is seen by 
the following example, one of many similar : — When Babur and a 
body of men, making a long saddle-journey, halted for rest and 
refreshment by the road-side ; " There was drinking," he writes, but 
Erskine, " I drank " ; what is likely being that all or all but a few 
shared the local vin du pays. 

(3) The importance of observing Babur's limits of vocabulary 
needs no stress, since any man of few words differs from any man of 
many. Measured by the Babur-nama standard, the diction of the 
Memoirs is redundant throughout, and frequently over-coloured. Of 
this a pertinent example is provided by a statement of which a 
minimum of seven occurrences forms my example, namely, that such 
or such a man whose life Babur sketches was vicious or a vicious 
person {fisq, fdsiq). Erskine once renders the word by " vicious " 
but elsewhere enlarges to " debauched, excess of sensual enjoyment, 
lascivious, libidinous, profligate, voluptuous ". The instances are 
scattered and certainly Erskine could not feel their collective effect, 
but even scattered, each does its ill-part in distorting the Memoirs 
portraiture of the man of the one word.' 

PosTCRiPT OF Thanks. 

I take with gratitude the long-delayed opportunity of finishing my 
book to express the obligation I feel to the Council of the Royal 
Asiatic Society for allowing me to record in the Journal my Notes on 
the Turki Codices of the Badur-napia begun in 1900 and occasionally 
appearing till 1921. In minor convenience of work, to be able to 
gather those progressive notes together and review them, has been of 

* A Correspondent combatting my objection to publishing a second edition of the 
Memoirs, backed his favouring opinion by reference to 'Umar Khayyam and Fitzgerald. 
Obviously no analogy exists ; Erskine's redundance is not the flower of a deft alchemy, but 
is the prosaic consequence of a secondary source. 


value to me in noticeable matters, two of which are the finding and 
multiplying of the Haidarabad Codex, and the definite clearance of the 
confusion which had made the Bukhara (reputed) Babur-nama be 
mistaken for a reproduction of Babur's true text. 

Immeasurable indeed is the obligation laid on me by the happy 
community of interests which brought under our roof the translation 
of the biographies of Babur, Humayun, and Akbar. What this has 
meant to my own work may be surmised by those who know my 
husband's wide reading in many tongues of East and West, his 
retentive memory and his generous communism in knowledge. One 
signal cause for gratitude to him from those caring for Baburiana, is 
that it was he made known the presence of the Haidarabad Codex 
in its home library (1899) and thus led to its preservation in facsimile. 

It would be. impracticable to enumerate all whose help I keep in 

grateful memory and realize as the fruit of the genial camaraderie of 


Annette S. Beveridge. 


August, 192L 



In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. 

In^ the month of Ramzan of the year 899 (June 1494) and Haidara- 
in the twelfth year of my age,^ I became ruler^ in the country of f^^ j^ " 

{a. Description of Farghana.) 

Farghana is situated in the fifth climate^ and at the limit of 
settled habitation. On the east it has Kashghar ; on the 
west, Samarkand ; on the south, the mountains of the 
Badakhshan border; on the north, though in former times 
there must have been towns such as Almaligh, Almatu and 

1 The manuscripts relied on for revising the first section of the Memoirs, 
{i.e. 899 to 908 AH. — 1494 to 1 502 AD.) are the Elphinstone and the Ilaidarabad 
Codices. To variants from them occurring in Dr. Kehr's own transcript no 
p^uthority can be allowed because throughout this section, his text appears to 
be a compilation and in parts a retranslation from one or other of the two 
Persian translations {Wdqi'dt-i-hdhuri) of the Bdbur-ndma. Moreover Dr. 
Ilminsky's imprmt of Kehr's text has the further defect in authority that it 
was helped out from the Memoirs, itself not a direct issue from the Turki 

Information about the manuscripts of the Bdbur-ndma can be found in the 
JRAS for 1900, 1902, 1905, 1906, 1907 and 1908. 

The foliation marked in the margin of this book is that of the Haidarabad 
Codex and of its facsimile, published in 1905 by the Gibb Memorial Trust. 

2 Babur, born on Friday, Feb. 14th. 1483 (Mul.iarram 6, 888 ah.), succeeded 
his father, 'Umar Shaikh who died on June 8th. 1494 (Ramzan 4, 899 ah.). 

-' pdd-shdh, protecting lord, supreme. It would be an anachronism to 
translate pddshdh by King or Emperor, previous to 913 ah. (1507 ad.) because 
until that date it was not part of the style of any Timurid, even ruling members 
of the house being styled Mirza. Up to 1507 therefore Babur's correct style 
is Babur Mirza. (C/. f . 2 1 5 and note.) 

* See Ayln-i-akbarl, Jarrett, p. 44. 


Yangi which in books they write Taraz,^ at the present time 
all is desolate, no settled population whatever remaining, 
because of the Mughuls and the Auzbegs.^ 

Farghana is a small country,^ abounding in grain and fruits. 
It is girt round by mountains except on the west, ue. towards 
Khujand and Samarkand, and in winter^ an enemy can enter 
only on that side. 
Foi. 2. The Saihun River (daryd) commonly known as the Water 
of Khujand, comes into the country from the north-east, flows 
westward through it and after passing along the north of 
Khujand and the south of Fanakat,^ now known as Shahrukh- 
iya, turns directly north and goes to Turkistan. It does not 

1 The Hai. MS. and a good many of the W.-i-B, MSS, here write Autrar. 
[Autrar like Taraz was at some time of its existence known as Yangi (New).] 
Taraz seems to have stood near the modern Auliya-ata ; Almaligh, — a Metro- 
politan see of the Nestorian Church in the 14th. century, — to have been the 
old capital of Kuldja, and Almatu (var. Almati) to have been where Vemoe 
(Vierny) now is. Almaligh and Almatii owed their names to the apple 
{dlmd). Cf. Bretschneider's Mediaeval Geography p. 140 and T.R. (Elias and 
Ross) s.nn. 

^ Mughul u Auzheg jihatdln. I take this, the first offered opportunity of 
mentioning (i) that in transliterating Turki words I follow Turki lettering 
because I am not competent to choose amongst systems which e.g. here, repro- 
duce Aiizbeg as Czbeg, Ozbeg and Euzbeg ; and (2) that style being part of an 
autobiography, I am compelled, in pressing back the Memoirs on Babur's 
Turki mould, to retract from the wording of the western scholars, Erskine and 
de Courteille. Of this compulsion Babur's bald phrase Mughul u Aiizbeg 
jihatdln provides an illustration. Each earlier translator has expressed his 
meaning with more finish than he himself ; 'Abdu'r-rahim, by az jihat 'ubHr-i 
{Mughul u) Aiizbeg, improves on Babur, since the three towns lay in the tide- 
way of nomad passage {'ubur) east and west ; Erskine writes " in consequence 
of the incursions " etc. and de C. " grace aux ravages commis " etc. 

3 Schuyler (ii, 54) gives the extreme length of the valley as about 160 miles 
and its width, at its widest, as 65 miles. 

* Following a manifestly clerical error in the Second W.-i-B. the Akbar- 
ndma and the Mems. are without the seasonal limitation, " in winter." 
Babur here excludes from winter routes one he knew well, the Kindirlik Pass ; 
on the other hand Kostenko says that this is open all the year round. Does 
this contradiction indicate climatic change ? [Cf. f . 546 and note ; A.N. Bib. 
Tnd, ed. i, 85 (H. Beveridge i, 221) and, for an account of the passes round 
Farghana, Kostenko's Turkistan Region, Tables of Contents.) 

5 Var. Banakat, Banakas, Fiakat, Fanakand. Of this place Dr. Rieu 
writes (Pers. cat. i, 79) that it was also called Shash and, in modern times, 
Tashkint. Babur does not identify Fanakat with the Tashkint of his day 
but he identifies it with Shahrukhiya {cf. Index s.nn.) and distinguishes 
between Tashkint-Shash and Fanakat-Shahrukhiya. It may be therefore 
that Dr. Rieu's Tashkint-Fanakat was Old Tashkint, — (Does Fana-kint mean 
Old Village ?) some 14 miles nearer to the Saihiin than the Tashkint of Babur's 
day or our own. 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 3 

join any sea^ but sinks into the sands, a considerable distance 
below [the town of] Turkistan. 

Farghana has seven separate townships,^ five on the south 
and two on the north of the Saihun. 

Of those on the south, one is Andijan. It has a central 
position and is the capital of the Farghana country. It pro- 
duces much grain, fruits in abundance, excellent grapes and 
melons. In the melon season, it is not customary to sell them 
-out at the beds.^ Better than the Andijan ndshpdti,^ there is 
none. After Samarkand and Kesh, the fort^ of Andijan is the 
largest in Mawara'u'n-nahr (Transoxiana). It has three gates. 
Its citadel (ark) is on its south side. Into it water goes by 
nine channels ; out of it, it is strange that none comes at even 
a single place.® Round the outer edge of the ditch ^ runs a 
gravelled highway ; the width of this highway divides the fort 
from the suburbs surrounding it. 

Andijan has good hunting and fowling ; its pheasants grow Foi. 2f, 

^ hech darya qdtllmds. A gloss of dlgar (other) in the Second W.-i-B. has 
Jed Mr. Erskine to understand " meeting with no other river in its course." 
I understand Babur to contrast the destination of the Saihun which he 
[erroneously] says sinks into the sands, with the outfall of e.g. the Amu into 
the Sea of Aral. 

Cf. First W.-i-B. I.O. MS. 215 f. 2 ; Second W.-i-B. I.O. MS. 217 f. ib and 
Ouseley's Ibn Haukal p. 232-244 ; also Schuyler and Kostenko I.e. 

2 Babur's geographical unit in Central Asia is the township or, with more 
verbal accuracy, the village i.e. the fortified, inhabited and cultivated oasis. 
Of frontiers he says nothing. 

3 i.e. they are given away or taken. Babur's interest in fruits was not a 
matter of taste or amusement but of food. Melons, for instance, fresh or 
stored, form during some months the staple food of Turkistanis. Cf. T.R. 
p. 303 and (in Kashmir) 425 ; Timkowski's Tvavels of the Russian Mission 
i, 419 and Th. Radloff's Rdceuils d'ltineraires p. 343. 

N.B. At this point two folios of the Elphinstone Codex are missing. 

* Either a kind of melon or the pear. For local abundance of pears see 
Ayin-i-akbarl, Blochmann p. 6 ; Kostenko and Von Schwarz. 

^ gUrghdn, i.e. the walled town within which was the citadel {ark). 

® TUqUz tavnau sU kirdr, bU 'ajab tUr ktm biv ytrdin ham chlqmds. Second 
W.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 2, nuh j'ii'l db dar qila dar ml dyid u In 'ajab ast kah 
hama az yak jd ham na mi bar dyid. {Cf. Mems. p. 2 and Mims. i, 2.) I 
understand Babur to mean that all the water entering was consumed in the 
town. The supply of Andijan, in the present day, is taken both from the 
Aq Bura {i.e. the Aush Water) and, by canal, from the Qara Darya. 

■^ khandaqnlng tdsh ydnl. Second W.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 2 dar klndr sang bast 
khandaq. Here as in several other places, this Persian translation has rendered 
Turki tdsh, outside, as if it were Turki tdsh, stone. Babur's adjective stone is 
sangln (f. 456 1.8). His point here is the unusual circumstance of a high-road 
running round the outer edge of the ditch. Moreover Andijan is built on and 


SO surprisingly fat that rumour has it four people could not 
finish one they were eating with its stew.^ 

Andijanis are all Turks, not a man in town or bazar but 
knows Turki. The speech of the people is correct for the pen ; 
hence the writings of Mir *All-shir Nawai,^ though he was bred 
and grew up in Hiri (Harat), are one with their dialect. Good 
looks are common amongst them. The famous musician, 
Khwaja Yusuf, was an AndijanL^ The climate is malarious; 
in autumn people generally get fever.^ 

Again, there is Aush (IJsh), to the south-east, inclining to 
east, of Andijan and distant from it four ytghdch by road.^ It 
has a fine climate, an abundance of running waters® and a 
most beautiful spring season. Many traditions have their rise 

of loess. Here, obeying his Persian source, Mr. Erskme writes " stone-faced 
ditch " ; M. de C. obeying his Turk! one, " bord exUrieur." 

^ qirghdwal dsh-klnasi hlla. Ash-klna, a diminutive of ash, food, is the rice 
and vegetables commonly served with the bird. Kostenko i, 287 gives a 
recipe for what seems dsh-ktna. 

2 b. 1440 ; d. 1500 AD. 

3 Yusuf was in the service of Bai-sunghar Mirza Shdhrukhi (d. 837 ah.- 
1434 AD.). Cf. Daulat Shah's Memoirs of the Poets (Browne) pp. 340 and 
350-1. (H.B.) 

* guzldf all blzkdk hub bulur. Second W.-i-B. (I.O. 217 f. 2) here and on 
f . 4 has read Turki gilz, eye, for Turki guz or goz, autumn. It has here a gloss 
not in the Haidarabad or Kehr's MSS. {Cf. Mems. p. 4 note.) This gloss 
may be one of Humayun's numerous notes and may have been preserved in 
the ElphJnstone Codex, but the fact cannot now be known because of the loss 
of the two folios already noted. {See Von Schwarz and Kostenko concerning 
the autumn fever of Transoxiana.) 

^ The Pers. trss. render ytghdch by farsang ', Ujfalvy also takes the yighdch 
and the farsang as having a common equivalent of about 6 kilometres. Babur's 
statements in yighdch however, when tested by ascertained distances, do not 
work out into the farsang of four miles or the kilometre of 8 kil. to 5 
miles. The yighdch appears to be a variable estimate of distance, sometimes 
indicating the time occupied on a given journey, at others the distance to 
which a man's voice will carry. {Cf. Ujfalvy Expedition scientifique ii, 179 ; 
Von Schwarz p. 124 and de C.'s Diet. s.n. yighdch. In the present instance, if 
Babur's 4 y. equalled 4 f. the distance from Aush to Andijan should be about 
16 m. ; but it is 33 m. if fur. i.e. 50 versts. (Kostenko ii, 33.) I find Babur's 
yighdch to vary from about 4 m. to nearly 8 m. 

^ dqdr sH, the irrigation channels on which in Turkistan all cultivation 
depends. Major-General Gerard writes, (Report of the Pamir Boundaiy Com- 
mission, p. 6,) "Osh is a charming little town, resembling Islamabad in Kashmir, 
— everywhere the same mass of running water, in small canals, bordered with 
willow, poplar and mulberry." He saw the Aq Bura, the White wolf, mother 
of all these running waters, as a " bright, stony, trout-stream ;" Dr. Stein saw 
it as a " broad, tossing river." (Buried Cities of Khotan, p. 45.) Cf. Reclus 
vi, cap. Farghana ; Kostenko i, 104 ; Von Schwarz s.nn. 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 5 

in its excellencies.^ To the south-east of the walled town 
(qurghdn) lies a symmetrical mountain, known as the Bara 
Koh;2 on the top of this, SI. Mahmud Khan built a retreat 
(hajra) and lower down, on its shoulder, I, in 902AH. (1496AD.) 
built another, having a porch. Though his lies the higher, 
mine is the better placed, the whole of the town and the suburbs 
being at its foot. 

The Andijan torrent^ goes to Andijan after having traversed ^'o'- 3- 
the suburbs of Aush. Orchards {hdghdt)^ lie along both its 
banks; all the Aush gardens (bdghldr) overlook it; their 
violets are very fine ; they have running waters and in spring 
are most beautiful with the blossoming of many tulips and roses. 

On the skirt of the Bara-koh is a mosque called the Jauza 

* Aushnlng fazllatldd khaill aJtddis wdrid dur. Second W.-i-B. (I.O. 217 
f. 2) FazUat-i-Aush akadis wdrid ast. Mems. (p. 3) " The excellencies of Usb 
are celebrated even in the sacred traditions." Mims. (i, 2) " On cite beaucoup 
de traditions qui ciUbrent V excellence de ce climat." Aush may be mentioned 
in the traditions on account of places of pilgrimage near it ; Babur's meaning 
may be merely that its excellencies are traditional. Cf. Ujfalvy ii, 172. 

2 Most travellers into Farghana comment on Babur's account of it. One 
much discussed point is the position of the Bara Koh. The personal observa- 
tions of Ujfalvy and Schuyler led them to accept its identification with the 
rocky ridge known as the Takht-i-sulaiman. I venture to supplement this 
by the suggestion that Babur, by Bara Koh, did not mean the whole of the 
rocky ridge, the name of which, Takht-i-sulaiman, an ancient name, must 
have been known to him, but one only of its four marked summits. Writing 
of the ridge Madame Ujfalvy says, " II y a quatre sommets dont le plus dlevi 
est le troisiime comptant par le nord." Which summit in her sketch (p. 327) 
is the third and highest is not certain, but one is so shewn that it may be 
the third, may be the highest and, as being a peak, can be described as sym- 
metrical i.e. Babur's mauzUn. For this peak an appropriate name would be 
Bara Koh. 

If the name Bara Koh could be restricted to a single peak of the 
Takht-i-sula^man ridge, a good deal of earlier confusion would be cleared 
away, concerning which have written, amongst others, Ritter (v, 432 and 
732) ; Reclus (vi. 54) ; Schuyler (ii, 43) and those to whom these three refer. 
For an excellent account, graphic with pen and pencil, of Farghana and of 
Aush see Madame Ujfalvy's De Paris a Samarcande cap. v. 

3 rUd. This is a precise word since the Aq Bura (the White Wolf), in a rela- 
tively short distance, falls from the Kurdun Pass, 13,400 ft. to Aush, 3040 ft. 
and thence to Andijan, 1380 ft. Cf. Kostenko i, 104 ; Huntingdon in 
Pumpelly's Explorations in Turkistdn p. 179 and the French military map 
of 1904. 

* Whether Babur's words, bdghdt, bdghldr and bdghcha had separate sig- 
nifications, such as orchard, vineyard and ordinary garden i.e. garden-plots 
of small size, I am not able to say but what appears fairly clear is that when 
he writes bdghdt u bdghldr he means all sorts of gardens, just as when writes 
begat u begldr, he means begs of all ranks. 


Masjid (Twin Mosque).^ Between this mosque and the town^ 
a great main canal flows from the direction of the hill. Below 
the outer court of the mosque lies a shady and delightful clover- 
meadow where every passing traveller takes a rest. It is the 
joke of the ragamuffins of Aush to let out water from the 
canal ^ on anyone happening to fall asleep in the meadow. A 
very beautiful stone, waved red and white^ was found in the 
Bara Koh in *Umar Shaikh Mirza's latter days ; of it are made 
knife handles, and clasps for belts and many other things. 
For climate and for pleasantness, no township in all Farghana 
equals Aush. 

Again there is Marghinan ; seven yJghdch^ by road to the west 
of Andijan, — a fine township full of good things. Its apricots 
{auruk) and pomegranates are most excellent. One sort of 
pomegranate, they call the Great Seed (Ddna-i-kaldn) ; its 
sweetness has a little of the pleasant flavour of the small apricot 
{zard-aliCj and it may be thought better than the Semnan pome- 
Fol. 3(^. granate. Another kind of apricot {auruk) they dry after stoning 
it and putting back the kernel;^ they then call it subhdm; it is 
very palatable. The hunting and fowling of Marghinan are 
good; dq klytk^ are had close by. Its people are Sarts,'' boxers, 

1 Madame Ujf alvy has sketched a possible successor. Schuyler found twc^ 
mosques at the foot of Takht-i-sulaiman, perhaps Babur's Jauza Masjid. 

2 aill shdh-ju'ldln su quydrldr. 

3 Ribbon Jasper, presumably. 

* Kostenko (ii, 30), yi^ versts i.e. 47 m. 4^ fur. by the Postal Road. 

s instead of their own kernels, the Second W.-i-B. stuffs the apricots, in a 
fashion well known in India by khubdni, with almonds [maghz-i baddm) . The 
Turki wording however allows the return to the apricots of their own kernels 
and Mr. Rickmers tells me that apricots so stuffed were often seen by him in 
the Zar-afshan Valley. My husband has shewn me that Nizami in his Haft 
Paikar appears to refer to the other fashion, that of inserting almonds : — 

" I gave thee fruits from the garden of my heart, 
Plump and sweet as honey in milk ; 
Their substance gave the lusciousness of figs. 
In their hearts were the kernels of almonds." 

^ What this name represents is one of a considerable number of points in 
the Bdbur-ndma I am unable to decide. Klylk is a comprehensive name 
(c/. Shaw's Vocabulary) ; dq klyik might mean white sheep or white deer. It is 
rendered in the Second W.-i-B., here, by ahU-i-wdriq and on f . 4, by ahU-i-safed. 
, Both these names Mr. Erskine has translated by "white deer." but he 
mentions that the first is said to mean atgdli i.e. ovis poli, and refers to 
Voyages de Pallas iv, 325. 

■^ Concerning this much discussed word, BSbur's testimony is of service. 
It seems to me that he uses it merely of those settled in towns (villages) and 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 to OCT. 2nd. 1494 7 

noisy and turbulent. Most of the noted bullies (jangraldr) of 
Samarkand and Bukhara are Marghlnanis. The author of the 
Hidayat^ was from Rashdan, one of the villages of Marghinan. 

Again there is Asfara, in the hill-country and nine ytghdch^ 
by road south-west of Marghinan. It has running waters, 
beautiful little gardens (bdghcha) and many fruit-trees but 
almonds for the most part in its orchards. Its people are all 
Persian-speaking^ Sarts. In the hills some two miles (birshar'z) 
to the south of the town, is a piece of rock, known as the Mirror 
Stone."* It is some lo arm-lengths (qdrl) long, as high as a man 
in parts, up to his waist in others. Everything is reflected by it 
as by a mirror. The Asfara district {wildyat) is in four sub- 
divisions {baluk) in the hill-country, one Asfara, one Warukh, 
one Sukh and one Hushyar. When Muhammad Shaibdm 
Khan defeated SI. Mahmud Khan and Alacha Khan and took 
Tashkint and Shahrukhiya,^ I went into the Sukh and Hushyar Fol. 4. 
hill-country and from there, after about a year spent in great 
misery, I set out {'azlmat) for Kabul.® 

Again there is Khujand,^ twenty-five yighdch by road to the 

without any reference to tribe or nationality. I am not sure that he uses it 
always as a noun ; he writes of a Sdrt klshi, a Sart person. His Asfara Sarts 
may have been Turki-speaking settled Turks and his MarghlnanI ones Persian- 
speaking Tajiks. Cf. Shaw's Vocabulary ; s.n. Sart ; Schuyler i, 104 and 
note ; Nalivkine's Histoire dti Khanat de Khokand p. 45 n. Von Schwarz s.n. ; 
Kostenko i, 287 ; Petzhold's Turkistan p. 32. 

1 Shaikh Burhanu 'd-d in ' All QUtch ; b. circa 530 ah. (1135 ad.) d. 593 ah. 
(1197 AD.). See Hamilton's Hiddyat. 

2 The direct distance, measured on the map, appears to be about 65 m. 
but the road makes detour round mountain spurs. Mr. Erskine appended 
here, to the " far sang " of his Persian source, a note concerning the reduction 
of Tatar and Indian measures to English ones. It is rendered the less 
applicable by the variability of the yighdch, the equivalent for a farsang 
presumed by the Persian translator. 

3 llai. MS. Farsl-gu'i. The Elph. MS. and all those examined of the 
W.-i-B. omit the word Farsl; some writing kohl (mountaineer) for gu'l. I judge 
that Babur at first omitted the word Farsl, smce it is entered in the Hai. MS. 
above the word gii'l. It would have been useful to Ritter (vii, 233) and to 
Ujfalvy (ii, 176). Cf. Kostenko i, 287 on the variety of languages spoken by 

* Of the Mirror Stone neither Fedtschenko nor Ujfalvy could get news. 
s Babur distinguishes here between Tashkint and Shahrukhiya. Cf. f. 2 
and note to Fanakat. 

6 He left the hill-country above Sukh in Muharram 910 AH. (mid- June 

1504 AD.). 

"^ For a good account of Khujand see Kostenko i, 346. 


west of Andijan and twenty-five ylghdch east of Samarkand.* 
Khujand is one of the ancient towns ; of it were Shaikh Maslahat 
and Khwaja Kamal.^ Fruit grows well there ; its pomegranates 
are renowned for their excellence; people talk of a Khujand 
pomegranate as they do of a Samarkand apple ; just now how- 
ever, Marghlnan pomegranates are much met with.^ The 
walled town (qurghdn) of Khujand stands on high ground; the 
Saihun River flows past it on the north at the distance, may 
be, of an arrow's flight.** To the north of both the town and 
the river lies a mountain range called Munughul;^ people say 
there are turquoise and other mines in it and there are many 
snakes. The hunting and fowling-grounds of Khujand are 
first-rate ; dq klyik,^ bughu-mardl,'^ pheasant and hare are all 
had in great plenty. The climate is very malarious ; in autumn 
there is much fever ;^ people rumour it about that the very 
sparrows get fever and say that the cause of the malaria is the 
mountain range on the north (i.e. Munughul). 

Kand-i-badam (Village of the Almond) is a dependency of 
Khujand ; though it is not a township {qasba) it is rather a good 

1 Khujand to Andijan 187 m. 2 fur. (Kostenko ii, 29-31) and, helped out by 
the time-table of the Transcaspian Railway, from Khujand to Samarkand 
appears to be some 1 54 m, 5i fur. 

2 Both men are still honoured in Khujand (Kostenko i, 348). For Khwaja 
Kamal's Life and Dlwdn, see Rieu ii, 632 and Ouseley's Persian Poets p. 192. 
Cf. f. 836 and note. 

3 kub artuq dur, perhaps brought to Hindustan where Babur wrote the 

* Turkish arrow-flight, London, 1791, 482 yards. 

^ I have found the following forms of this name, — Hai. MS., M:nugh:l ; 
Pers. trans, and Mems., Myoghil ; Ilminsky, M:tugh:l ; Minis. Mtoughuil ; 
Keclus, Schuyler and Kostenko, Mogul Tau ; Nalivkine, " d'apres Fed- 
tschenko," Mont Mogol ; Fr. Map of 1904, M. Muzbek. It is the western end 
of the Kurama Range (Kindlr Tau), which comes out to the bed of the Sir, is 
26f miles long and rises to 4000 ft, (Kostenko, i, loi). Von Schwarz describes 
it as being quite bare ; various writers ascribe climatic evil to it. 

® Pers. trans, ahu-i-safed. Cf. f. 36 note, 

"^ These words translate into Cervus mardl, the Asiatic Wapiti, and to this 
Babur may apply them. Dictionaries explain mardl as meaning hind or doe 
but numerous books of travel and Natural History show that it has wider 
application as a generic name, i.e. deer. The two words hUghvi and mardl 
appear to me to be used as e.g. drake and duck are used. Mardl and duck can 
both imply the female sex, iDut also both are generic, perhaps primarily so. 
Cf. for further mention of bUghU-mardl f . 2 1 9 and f . 276. For uses of the word 
matdl, sf-e the writings e.g.oi Atkinson, Kostenko (iii, 69), Lyddeker, Littledale, 
Selous, Ronaldshay, Church (Chinese Turkistan), Biddulph (Forsyth's Mission). 

^ Cf. f . 2 and note. 


899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 g 

approach to one (qasbacha). Its almonds are excellent, hence 

its name ; they all go to Hormuz or to Hindustan. It is five or Foi. 4^. 

six ylghdch'^ east of Khujand. 

Between Kand-i-badam and Khujand lies the waste known as 
Ha Darwesh. In this there is always (Jmmesha) wind; from it 
wind goes always [hamesha) to Marghinan on its east ; from it 
wind comes continually (dd'itn) to Khujand on its west.^ It has 
violent, whirling winds. People say that some darweshes, en- 
countering a whirlwind in this desert,^ lost one another and 
kept crying, " Hay Darwesh ! Hay Darwesh !" till all had perished, 
and that the waste has been called Ha Darwesh ever since. 

Of the townships on the north of the Saihun River one is 
Akhsi. In books they write it Akhsiklt^ and for this reason the 

1 Schuyler (ii, 3), 18 m. 

2 II ai. MS, Hamesha bu deshtta yil bar dur. Marghmdnghd klm sharqi dur, 
hamesha mundin yll bdrur ; Khujandghd klm gharibt dur, dd'im mundin yll 

This is a puzzling passage. It seems to say that wind always goes east and 
west from the steppe as from a generating centre. E. and de C. have given it 
alternative directions, east or west, but there is little point in saying this of 
wind in a valley hemmed in on the nortn and the south. Babur limits his 
statement to the steppe lying in the contracted mouth of the Farghana valley 
{pace Schuyler ii, 51) where special climatic conditions exist such as {a) differ- 
ence in temperature on the two sides of the Khujand narrows and currents 
resulting from this difference, — {b) the heating of the narrows by sun-heat 
reflected from the Mogol-tau, — and {c) the inrush of westerly wind over 
Mirza Rabat. Local knowledge only can guide a translator safely but Babur's 
directness of speech compels belief in the significance of his words and this 
particularly when what he says is unexpected. He calls the Ha Darwesh a 
whirling wind and this it still is. Thinkable at least it is that a strong westerly 
current (the jM-evailing wind of Farghana) entering over Mirza Rabat and 
becoming, as it does become, the whirlwind of Ha Darwesh on the hemmed-in 
steppe, — becoming so perhaps by conflict with the hotter indraught through 
the Gates of Khujand — might force that indraught back into the Khujand 
Narrows (in the way e.g. that one Nile in flood forces back the other), and at 
Khujand create an easterly current. All the manuscripts agree in writing 
to {ghd) Marghinan and to {ghd) Khujand. It may be observed that, looking 
at the map, it appears somewhat strange that Babur should take, for his 
wind objective, a place so distant from his (defined) Ha Darwesh and seem- 
ingly so screened by its near hills as is Marghinan. But that westerly winds are 
prevalent in Marghinan is seen e.g. in Middendorff' s Einblikke in den Farghdna 
Thai (p. 112). Cf. Reclus vi, 547; Schuyler ii, 51 ; Cahun's Histoire du 
Khanat de Khokand p. 28 and Sven Hedin's Dutch Asien's Wilsten s.n. butdn. 

•^ bddiya ; a word perhaps selected as punning on bdd, wind. 

* i.e. Akhsi Village. This word is sometimes spelled Akhsikis but as the 
old name of the place was Akhsi-kint, it may be conjectured at least that the 
fid'l masallasa of Akhsikis represents the three points due for the nUn and 
id of klnt. Of those writing Akhsikit may be mentioned the Hai. and Kehr's 


poet Asiru-d-din is known as Akhsiklti, After Andijan no town- 
ship in Farghana is larger than Akhsi. It is mne ylghach'^ by 
road to the west of Andijan. 'Urnar Shaikh Mlrza made it his 
capital. 2 The Saihun River flows below its walled town 
iqurghdn). This stands above a great ravine {buland jar) and it 
has deep ravines {'umiq jarldr) in place of a moat. When *Umar 
Shaikh Mirza made it his capital, he once or twice cut other 
ravines from the outer ones. In all Farghana no fort is so 
strong as Akhsi. *Its suburbs extend some two miles further 
Fol. 5. than the walled town.* People seem to have made of Akhsi the 
saying {misal), " Where is the village ? Where are the trees ?" 
(Dih hijd ? Dirakhtdn kujd ?) Its melons are excellent ; they 
call one kind Mir Timuri ; whether in the world there is another 
to equal it is not known. The melons of Bukhara are famous; 
when I took Samarkand, I had some brought from there and 
some from Akhsi ; they were cut up at an entertainment and 
nothing from Bukhara compared with those from Akhsi. The 
fowling and hunting of Akhsi are very good indeed ; dq klyik 
abound in the waste on the Akhsi side of the Saihun ; in the 
jungle on the Andijan side 5%A/l-mara/,^ pheasant and hare are 
had, all in very good condition. 

Again there is Kasan, rather a small township to the north 
of Akhsi. From Kasan the Akhsi water comes in the same way 
as the Andijan water comes from Aush. Kasan has excellent 
air and beautiful little gardens {bdghcha). As these gardens all 
lie along the bed of the torrent {sd'l) people call them the " fine 
front of the coat. "^ Between Kasanis and Aushis there is rivalry 
about the beauty and climate of their townships. 

MSS. (the Elph. MS. here has a lacuna) the Zafar-ndma (Bib. Ind. i, 44) and 
Ibn Haukal (Ouseley p. 270) ; and of those writing the word with the sd't 
mumllasa [i.e. as Akhsiki;;), Yaqut's Diet, i, 162, Reinaud's Abu'1-feda I. ii, 
225-6, Ilminsky (p. 5) departing from his source, and I.O. Cat. (Ethe) No. 1029. 
It may be observed that Ibn Haukal (Ouseley p. 280) writes Banakas for 
Banakat. For Asiru'd-din Akhsiklti, see Rieu u, 563 ; Daulat Shah (Browne) 
p. 121 and Ethe I.O. Cat. No. 1029. 

* Measured on the French military map of 1904, this may be 80 kil. i.e. 
50 miles. 

2 Concerning several difficult passages in the rest of Babur's account of 
Akhsi, see Appendix A. 

3 The W.-i-B. here translates bughu-mardl by gazawn and the same word is 
entered, under-line, in the Hai. MS. Cf. f. 36 and note and f. 4 and note. 

* postln pesh b:r:h. This obscure Persian phrase has been taken in the 
following ways : — 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 ii 

In the mountains round Farghana are excellent summer- 
pastures (yildq). There, and nowhere else, the tabalghu ^ grows, 
a tree (yzghdch) with red bark ; they make staves of it ; they Fol. s^- 
make bird-cages of it ; they scrape it into arrows ;^ it is an 
excellent wood (yighdch) and is carried as a rarity^ to distant 
places. Some books write that the mandrake^ is found in these 
mountains but for this long time past nothing has been heard 
of it. A plant called Aylq auti^ and having the qualities of the 
mandrake (mihr-giydh), is heard of in Yiti-kint f it seems to be 

(a) W.-i-B. I.e. 215 and 217 {i.e. both versions) reproduce the phrase. 

(b) W.-i-B. MS., quoted by Erskine, p. 6 note, postin-i mish burra. 

(c) Leyden's MS. Trs., a sheepskin mantle of five lambskins. 
{d) Mems., Erskine, p. 6, a mantle of five lambskins. 

(e) The Persian annotator of the Elph. MS., underlining pesh, writes, panj, 

(/) Klaproth (Archives, p. 109), pttstini pisch breh, d.h. gieb den vorderen 

(g) Kehr, p. 12 (Ilminsky p. 6) postin blsh b:r:h. 

{h) De. C, i, 9, fourrure d'agneau de la premiire qualiU. 

The "lambskins " of L. and E. carry on a notion of comfort started by 
their having read say ah, shelter, for Turki sa*l, torrent-bed ; de C. also lays 
stress on fur and warmth, but would not the flowery border of a mountain 
stream prompt rathar a phrase bespeaking ornament and beauty than one 
expressing warmth and textile softness ? If the phrase might be read as 
postin pesh perd, what adorns the front of a coat, or as postin pesh bar rah, the 
fine front of the coat, the phrase would recall the gay embroidered front of 
some leathern postins. 

1 Var. tabarkhun. The explanation best suiting its uses, enumerated here, 
is Redhouse's second, the Red Willow. My husband thinks it may be the 
Hjrrcanian Willow. 

2 Steingass describes this as " an arrow without wing or point " (barb ?) 
and tapering at both ends ; it may be the practising arrow, t'allm auql, often 
headless. , 

3 tabarrakluq. Cf. f. 486 foot, for the same use of the word. 

* yabruju's-sannam. The books referred to by Babur may well be the 
Rauzatu's-safd and the Hablbu's-siydr, as both mention the plant. 

5 The Turki word aylq is explained by Redhouse as awake and alert ; and 
by ]\Ieninski and de Meynard as sobered and as a return to right senses. It may 
be used here as a equivalent of mihr in mihr-giydh, the plant of love. 

6 Mr. Ney Elias has discussed the position of this group of seven villages. 
{Cf. T. R. p. 180 n.) Arrowsmith's map places it (as Iti-kint) approximately 
where Mr. Th. Radloff describes seeing it i.e. on the Farghana slope of the 
Kurama range. {Cf. Receuil d'ltineraires p. 188.) Mr. Th. Radloff came 
into Yiti-kint after crossing the Kindirlik Pass from Tashkint and he enumer- 
ates the seven villages as traversed by him before reaching the Sir. It is 
hardly necessary to say that the actual villages he names may not be those of 
Babur's Yiti-kint. Wherever the word is used in the Bdbtir-ndma and the 
Tdrlkh-i-rashldl, it appears from the context allowable to accept Mr. RadlofE's 
location but it should be borne in mind that the name Yiti-kint (Seven 


the mandrake {mihr-giydh) the people there call by this name 
(ue. dyiq auti). There are turquoise and iron mines in these 

If people do justly, three or four thousand men^ may be main- 
tained by the revenues of Farghana. 

(6. Historical narrative resumed.)^ 

As *Umar Shaikh Mirza was a ruler of high ambition and great 
pretension, he was always bent on conquest. On several 
occasions he led an army against Samarkand ; sometimes he 
was beaten, sometimes retired against his will.^ More than 
once he asked his father-in-law^ into the country, that is to say, 
my grandfather, Yunas Khan, the then Khan of the Mughuls 
in the camping ground (yurt) of his ancestor, Chaghatai Khan, 
the second son of Chlnglz Khan. Each time the Mirza brought 
The Khan into the Farghana country he gave him lands, but, 
partly owing to his misconduct, partly to the thwarting of the 
Foi. 6. Mughuls,* things did not go as he wished and Yunas Khan, not 
being able to remain, went out again into Mughulistan. When 
the Mirza last brought The Khan in, he was in possession of 

villages or towns) might be found as an occasional name of Alti-shahr (Six 
towns). See T.R. s.n. Alti-shahr. 

1 ktshl, person, here manifestly fighting men. 

2 Elph. MS. f. 2b ; First W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 46 ; Second W.-i-B. I.O. 217 
f . 4 ; Mems. p. 6 ; Ilminsky p. 7 ; Mdms. i. 10. 

The rulers whose affairs are chronicled at length in the Farghana Section 
of the B.N. are, (I) of Timurid Turks, (always styled Mirza), (a) the three 
Miran-shahi brothers, Ahmad, Mahmud and 'Umar Shaikh with their suc- 
cessors, Bai-sunghar, 'Ali and Babur ; [b) the Bal-qara, Ilusain of Harat : 
(II) of Chingiz Khanids, (always styled Khan,) {a) the two Chaghatai Mughul 
brothers, Mahmud and Ahmad ; (b) the Shaibanid Auzbeg, Muhammad 
ShaibUnl (Shah-i-bakht or Shaibaq or Shahi Beg). 

In electing to use the name Shaibanl, I follow not only the Ilai. Codex but 
also Shaibani's Boswell, Muhammad SaUh Mirza. The Elph. MS. frequently 
uses Shaibaq but its authority down to f . 198 (Ilai. MS. f . 2436) is not so great 
as it is after that folio, because not till f. 198 is it a direct copy of Babur's own. 
It may be more correct to write " the Shaibani Khan " and perhaps even " the 

3 bl murdd, so translated because retirement was caused once by the over- 
ruling of Khwaja 'Ubaidu'1-lah Ahrarl. (T.R. p. 113.) 

* Once the Mirza did not wish Yunas to winter in Akhsi ; once did not expect 
him to yield to the demand of his Mughiils to be led out of the cultivated 
country {wilayat). His own misconduct included his attack in Yunas on 
account of Akhsi and much falling-out with kinsmen. (T.R. s.nn.) 


899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 13 

Tashkint, which in books they write Shash, and sometimes 
Chach, whence the term, a Chachi, bow.^ He gave it to The 
Khan, and from that date (890AH.-1485AD.) down to 908AH. 
(1503AD.) it and the Shahrukhiya country were held by the 
Chaghatai Khans. 

At this date (i.e., 89gAH.-i4g4AD.) the Mughul Khanship 
was in SI. Mahmud Khan, Yunas Khan's younger son and a 
half-brother of my mother. As he and 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's 
elder brother, the then ruler of Samarkand, SI. Ahmad Mirza 
were offended by the Mirza's behaviour, they came to an agree- 
ment together ; SI. Ahmad Mirza had already given a daughter 
to SI. Mahmud Khan f both now led their armies against 
'Umar Shaikh Mirza, the first advancing along the south of 
the Khujand Water, the second along its north. 

Meantime a strange event occurred. It has been mentioned ^^'- ^^' 
that the fort of Akhsl is situated above a deep ravine ;^ along 
this ravine stand the palace buildings, and from it, on Monday, 
Ramzan 4, (June 8th.) *Umar Shaikh Mirza flew, with his 
pigeons and their house, and became a falcon.* 

He was 39 (lunar) years old, having been born in Samarkand, 
in 860AH. (1456AD.) He was SI. Abu-sa*id Mirza's fourth 
son,^ being younger than SI. Ahmad M. and SI. Muhammad 

1 i.e. one made of non-warping wood (Steingass), perhaps that of the White 
Poplar. The Shdh-ndma (Turner, Ma9on ed. i, 71) writes of a Chachi bow and 
arrows of khadang, i.e. white poplar. (H.B.) 

2 i.e. Rabl'a - sultan, married circa 893 ah. -1488 ad. For particulars 
about her and all women mentioned in the B.N. and the T.R. see Gulbadan 
Begim's HumdyHn-ndma, Or. Trs. Series. 

3 jar, either that of the Kasan Water or of a deeply-excavated canal. 
The palace buildings are mentioned again on f . 1 106. Cf. Appendix A. 

* i.e. soared from earth, died. For some details of the accident see A.N. 
(H. Beveridge, i, 220.) 

s II. S. ii, 192, Firishta, lith. ed. p. 191 and D'Herbelot, sixth. 

It would have accorded with Babur's custom if here he had mentioned the 
parentage of his father's mother. Three times (fs. 176, 706, 966) he writes 
of " Shah Sultan Begim " in a way allowing her to be taken as 'Umar Shailch's 
own mother. Nowhere, however, does he mention her parentage. One 
even cognate statement only have we discovered, viz. Khwand-amlr's (H.S. ii, 
192) that 'Umar Shaikh was the own younger brother {barddar khurdtar khud) 
of Ahmad and Mahmud. If his words mean that the three were full-brothers, 
'Umar Shaikh's own mother was Abu-sa'id's Tarkhan wife. Babur's omission 
(f. 216) to mention his father with A. and M. as a nephew of Darwesh Muh. 
Tarkhan would be negative testimony against taking Khwand-amlr's statement 
to mean " full-brother," if clerical slips were not easy and if Kh wand -amir's 


M. and SI. Mahmud Mirza. His father, SI. Abu-sa*Id Mirza, 
was the son of SI. Muhammad Mirza, son of Timur Beg's third 
son, Miran-shah M. and was younger than *Umar Shaikh Mirza, 
(the elder) and Jahangir M. but older than Shahrukh Mirza. 

c. ^Uniar Shaikh Mirza' s country. 

His father first gave him Kabul and, with Baba-i-KabulI^ for 
his guardian, had allowed him to set out, but recalled him from 
the Tamarisk Valley ^ to Samarkand, on account of the Mirzas' 
Circumcision Feast. When the Feast was over, he gave him 
Andijan with the appropriateness that Timur Beg had given 
Farghana (Andijan) to his son, the elder *Umar Shaikh Mirza. 
This done, he sent him off with Khudai-blrdi Tughchi Tlmur- 
idsh ^ for his guardian. 

d. His appearance and characteristics. 

He was a short and stout, round-bearded and fleshy-faced 
Foi. 7. person.* He used to wear his tunic so very tight that to fasten 
the strings he had to draw his belly in and, if he let himself 
out after tying them, they often tore away. He was not choice 
in dress or food. He wound his turban in a fold (dastar-pech) ; 
all turbans were in four folds (chdr-pech) in those days ; people 

means of information were less good. He however both was the son of 
Mahmud 's wazir (Il.S. ii. 194) and supplemented his book in Babur's presence. 

To a statement made by the writer of the biographies included in Kehr's 
B.N. volume, that 'U.S.'s family [aumagh) is not known, no weight can be 
attached, spite of the co-incidence that the Mongol form of aumagh, i.e. aumdk 
means Mutter-leib. The biographies contain too many known mistakes for 
their compiler to outweigh Khwand-amir in authority. 

^ Cf. Rauzatu' s-safd vi, 266. (H.B.) 

2 Dara-i-gaz, south of Balkh. This historic feast took place at Merv in 
870 AH. (1465 AD,). As 'Umar Shaikh was then under ten, he may have been 
one of the Mirzas concerned. 

3 Khudai-birdI is a Pers.-Turki hybrid equivalent of Theodore ; tughchi 
implies the right to use or (as hereditary standard-bearer,) to guard the tugh ; 
Timur-tash may mean i.a. Friend of Timur (a title not excluded here as borne 
by inheritance. Cf. f. 126 and note). Sword -friend {i.e. Companion-in-arms), 
and Iron-friend {i.e. stanch). Cf. Diet. s.n. Timur-bash, a sobriquet of 
Charles XII. 

* Elph. and Hai. MSS. qiibd yUzltiq ; this is under-lined in the Elph. MS. by 
ya'ni pur ghosht. Cf. i. 68b for the same phrase. The four earlier trss. viz. 
the two W.-i-B., the English and the French, have variants in this passage. 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 to OCT. 2nd. 1494 15 

wore them without twisting and let the ends hang down.^ In 
the heats and except in his Court, he generally wore the 
Mughul cap. 

e. His qualities and habits. 

He was a true believer {Hanafl mazhabllk) and pure in the 
Faith, not neglecting the Five Prayers and, his life through, 
making up his Omissions.^ He read the Qur'an very 
frequently and was a disciple of his Highness Khwaja 
*Ubaidu'l-lah (Ahrdrt) who honoured him by visits and 
even called him son. His current readings^ were the two 
Quintets and the Masnawl;^ of histories he read chiefly 
the Shdh-ndma. He had a poetic nature, but no taste for 
composing verses. He was so just that when he heard of a 
caravan returning from Khital as overwhelmed by snow in 
the mountains of Eastern Andijan,^ and that of its thousand 
heads of houses (awlldq) two only had escaped, he sent his 
overseers to take charge of all goods and, though no heirs were 
near and though he was in want himself, summoned the heirs 
from Khurasan and Samarkand, and in the course of a year 
or two had made over to them all their property safe and 

He was very generous ; in truth, his character rose altogether 
to the height of generosity. He was affable, eloquent and 
sweet-spoken, daring and bold. Twice out-distancing all his 

1 The apposition may be between placing the turban - sash round the 
turban-cap in a single flat fold and winding it four times round after twisting 
it on itself. Cf. f. 18 and Hughes Diet, of Islam s.n. turban, 

2 qazdldr, the prayers and fasts omitted when due, through war, travel 
sickness, etc. 

3 rawdn sawddi bar Idl ; perhaps, wrote a running hand. De C. i, 13, ses 
lectures courantes itaient ... 

* The dates of *Umar Shaikh's limits of perusal allow the Quintets 
(Khamsatin) here referred to to be those of Nizami and Amir Khusrau of Dihli. 
The Masnawi must be that of Jalalu'd-din Riimt. (H.B.) 

5 Probably below the Tirak (Poplar) Pass, the caravan route much exposed 
to avalanches. 

Mr. Erskine notes that this anecdote is erroneously told as of Babur by 
Firishta and others. Perhaps it has been confused with the episode on 

f. 2076. Firishta makes another mistaken attribution to Babur, that of 
Ilasan of Yaq'ub's couplet. (H.B.) Cf. f. 136 and Dow's Hindustan ii, 218. 

Fol. 'jb. 


braves,^ he got to work with his own sword, once at the Gate 
of Akhsl, once at the Gate of Shahrukhiya. A middling archer, 
he was strong in the fist,— not a man but fell to his blow. 
Through his ambition, peace was exchanged often for war, 
friendliness for hostility. 

In his early days he was a great drinker, later on used to have 
a party once or twice a week. He was good company, on 
occasions reciting verses admirably. Towards the last he 
rather preferred intoxicating confects^ and, under their sway, 
used to lose his head. His disposition^ was amorous, and he 
bore many a lover's mark.^ He played draughts a good deal, 
sometimes even threw the dice. 

/. His battles and encounters. 

He fought three ranged battles, the first with Yunas Khan, 
Foi. 8. on the Saihun, north of Andijan, at the Goat-leap,^ a village 
so-called because near it the foot-hills so narrow the flow of 
the water that people say goats leap across.^ There he was 
beaten and made prisoner. Yunas Khan for his part did well 
by him and gave him leave to go to his own district (Andijan). 
This fight having been at that place, the Battle of the Goat-leap 
became a date in those parts. 

His second battle was fought on the Urus,^ in Turkistan, with 
Auzbegs returning from a raid near Samarkand. He crossed 
the river on the ice, gave them a good beating, separated off all 
their prisoners and booty and, without coveting a single thing 
for himself, gave everything back to its owners. 

^ ylgitldr, young men, the modem jighit. Babur uses the word for men 
on the effective fighting strength. It answers to the " brave " of North 
American Indian story ; here de C. translates it by braves. 

2 ma'jun. Cf. Von Schwarz p. 286 for a recipe. 

3 mutaiyam. This word, not clearly written in all MSS., has been mistaken 
for ylttm. Cf. JRAS 1910 p. 882 for a note upon it by my husband to whom 
I owe the emendation. 

* na'l u ddghl bisydr Idi, that is, he had inflicted on himself many of the 
brands made by lovers and enthusiasts. Cf. Chardin's Voyages ii, 253 and 
Lady M. Montague's Letters p. 200. 

5 tlka slkrltku, lit. likely to make goats leap, from slkrlmak to jump close- 
footed (Shaw). 

* slkrikdn diir. Both slkrltku and slkrlkdn dur, appear to dictate translation 
in general terms and not by reference to a single traditional leap by one goat. 

"^ i.e. Russian ; it is the Arys tributary of the Sir. 


m His 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 to OCT. 2nd. 1494 17 

His third battle he fought with (his brother) SI. Ahmad 
Mirza at a place between Shahrukhiya and Aura-tlpa, named 
Khwas.^ Here he was beaten. 

g. His country. 

The Farghana country his father had given him ; Tashkint 
and Sairam, his elder brother, SI. Ahmad MTrza gave, and 
they were in his possession for a time ; Shahrukhiya he took 
by a ruse and held awhile. Later on, Tashkint and Shahrukhiya 
passed out of his hands; there then remained the Farghana 
country and Khujand, — some do not include Khujand in Fol. Sd. 
Farghana, — and Aura-tipa, of which the original name was 
Aurushna and which some call Aurush. In Aura-tipa, at the 
time SI. Ahmad Mirza went to Tashkint against the Mughuls, 
and was beaten on the Chlr^ (893AH.-1488AD.) was Hafiz Beg 
Drdddl; he made it over to *Umar Shaikh M. and the Mirza 
held it from that time forth. 

h. His children. 

Three of his sons and five of his daughters grew up. I, 
Zahlru'd-din Muhammad Babur,^ was his eldest son ; my 
mother was Qutluq-nigar Khanim. Jahangir Mirza was his 
second son, two years younger than I ; his mother, Fatima- 
sultan by name, was of the Mughul tymdn-hegs.^ Nasir Mirza 
was his third son ; his mother was an AndijanI, a mistress,^ 
named Umid. He was four years younger than I. 

*Umar Shaikh Mirza's eldest daughter was Khan-zada 
Begim,^ my full sister, five years older than I. The second 

1 The Fr. map of 1904 shows Kas, in the elbow of the Sir, which seems to 
represent Khwas. 

2 i.e. the Chir-chik tributary of the Sir. 
2 Concerning his name, see T.R. p. 173. 

* i.e. he was a head-man of a horde sub-division, nominally numbering 
10,000, and paying their dues direct to the supreme Khan. (T.R. p. 301.) 

" ghUnchachi i.e. one ranking next to the four legal wives, in Turki aUddltq, 
whence odalisque. Babur and Gul-badan mention the promotion of several to 
Begim's rank by virtue of their motherhood. 

6 One of Babur's quatrains, quoted in the AbUshqd, is almost certainly 
addressed to Khan-zada. Cf. A.Q. Review, Jan. 191 1, p. 4 ; H. Beveridge's 
Some verses of Bdbuv. For an account of her marriage see Shaibdni-namOr 
(Vambery) cap. xxxix. 



time I took Samarkand (905AH.-1500AD.), spite of defeat at 
Sar-i-pul,^ I went back and held it through a five months' siege, 
but as no sort of help or reinforcement came from any beg or 
ruler thereabouts, I left it in despair and got away ; in that 
throneless time {fair at) Khan-zada Begim fell* to Muhammad 
Shaibdnl Khan. She had one child by him, a pleasant boy,^ 
Fol. 9. named Khurram Shah. The Balkh country was given to 
him ; he went to God's mercy a few years after the death of 
his father (gi6AH.-i5i0AD.). Khan-zada Begim was in Merv 
when Shah Isma'il (Safawl) defeated the Auzbegs near that 
town (916AH.-1510AD.) ; for my sake he treated her well, giving 
her a sufficient escort to Qunduz where she rejoined me. We 
had been apart for some ten years; when Muhammadi 
kukhlddsh and I went to see her, neither she nor those about 
her knew us, although I spoke. They recognized us after 
a time. 

Mihr-banu Begim was another daughter, Nasir Mirza's full- 
sister, two years younger than I. Shahr-banu Begim was 
another, also Nasir Mirza's full-sister, eight years younger 
than I. Yadgar-sultan Begim was another, her mother 
was a mistress, called Agha-sultan. Ruqaiya-sultan Begim 
was another ; her mother, Makhdum-sultan Begim, people 
used to call the Dark-eyed Begim. The last-named two 
were born after the Mirza's death. Yadgar-sultan Begim wac 
brought up by my grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim ; she fell 
to 'Abdu'l-latif SI., a son of Hamza SI. when Shaibani Khan 
took Andijan and Akhsi (908AH.-1503AD.). She rejoined mi 
when (917AH.-1511AD.) in Khutlan I defeated Hamza SI. and 
other sultans and took Hisar. Ruqaiya-sultan Begim fell in that 
Fol. gd. same throneless time (Jatrat) to Jani Beg SI. (Ailzbeg). By him 
she had one or two children who did not live. In these days 

* Kehr's MS. has a passage here not found elsewhere and seeming to be an 
adaptation of what is at the top of Ilai. MS. f. 88. (Ilminsky, p. 10, ba wuiuu 
. . . taplb.) 

2 tushtl, which here seems to mean that she fell to his share on division 01 
captives, Mu . Sciiih makes it a love-match and places the marriage befort 
Babur's departure. Cf. i. 95 and notes. 

3 aughldn. Khurram would be about :*\ve when given Balldi in circa 
911 AH. (1505 AD.). He died when about 12. Cf. II. S. ii, 364. 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 19 

of our leisure (fursatlar) ^ has come news that she has gone to 
God's mercy. 

■i. His ladies and mistresses. 

Qutluq-nigar Khanim was the second daughter of Yunas 
Khan and the eldest (half-) sister of SI. Mahmud Khan and 
SI. Ahmad Khan. 

{j. Interpolated account of Bdbur's mother's family.) 

Yunas Khan descended from Chaghatal Khan, the second 
rson of Chlngiz Khan (as follows,) Yunas Khan, son of Wais 
Khan, son of Sher-'ali Aughldn, son of Muhammad Khan, son 
of Khizr Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluq-timur Khan, son of 
Aisan-bugha Khan, son of Dawa Khan, son of Baraq Khan, 
son of Ylsuntawa Khan, son of Muatukan, son of Chaghatal 
Khan, son of Chingiz Khan. 

Since such a chance has come, set thou down^ now a 
summary of the history of the Khans. 

Yunas Khan (d. 892 AH.-1487 ad.) and Alsan-bugha Khan 
(d. 866 AH. -1462 AD.) were sons of Wais Khan (d. 832 ah.- 
1428 AD.).^ Yunas Khan's mother was either a daughter or a 
grand-daughter of Shaikh Nuru'd-din Beg, a Turkistani 
Qipchaq favoured by Timur Beg. When Wais Khan died, the 
Mughal horde split in two, one portion being for Yunas Khan, 
the greater for Aisan-bugha Khan. For help in getting the 
upper hand in the horde, Airzln (var. Airazan) one of the 
Barin tumdn-begs and Beg Mirik Turkman, one of the Chlras 
tumdn-hegs, took Yunas Khan (aet. 13) and with him foI. io. 
three or four thousand Mughul heads of houses (awlluq), to 
Aulugh Beg Mirza (Shdhrukhl) with the littingness that Aulugh 
Beg M. had taken Yunas Khan's elder sister for his son, 'Abdu'l- 

^ This fatrat (interregnum) was between Babur's loss of Farghana and his 
gain of Kabul ; the fursatlar were his days of ease following success in 
Hindustan and allowing his book to be written. 

^ qildllng, lit. do thou be (setting down), a verbal form recurring on f. 2276 
I. 2. With the same form {alt)dling, lit. do thou be saying, the compiler of 
the Abushqd introduces his quotations. Shaw's paradigm, qlling only. Cf. 
A.Q.R. Jan. 191 1, p. 2. 

^ Kehr's MS. (Ilminsky p. 12) and its derivatives here interpolate the 
-erroneous statement that the sons of Yunas were Afaq and Baba Khans. 


*azlz Mlrza. Aulugh Beg Mlrza did not do well by them ; 
some he imprisoned, some scattered over the country^ one by 
one. The Dispersion of Airzin became a date in the Mughul 

Yunas Khan himself was made to go towards 'Iraq; one 
year he spent in Tabriz where Jahan Shah Bardnl of the Black 
Sheep Turkmans was ruling. From Tabriz he went to Shiraz 
where was Shahrukh Mirza's second son, Ibrahim Sultan 
Mirza.2 He having died five or six months later (Shawwal 4, 
838 AH. -May 3rd, 1435 AD.), his son, *Abdu'l-lah Mlrza sat in 
his place. Of this 'Abdu'1-lah Mlrza Yunas Khan became a 
retainer and to him used to pay his respects. The Khan was 
in those parts for 17 or 18 years. 

In the disturbances between Aulugh Beg Mlrza and his sons, 
Aisan-bugha Khan found a chance to invade Farghana ; he 
plundered as far as Kand-i-badam, came on and, having 
plundered Andijan, led all its people into captivity.^ SI. Abu- 
sa'Id Mirza, after seizing the throne of Samarkand, led an 
army out to beyond YangI (Taraz) to Aspara in Mughulistan, 
Fol. 10/^. there gave Alsan-bugha a good beating and then, to 
spare himself further trouble from him and with the fitting- 
ness that he had just taken to wife^ Yunas Khan's elder 
sister, the former wife of 'Abdu'l-'azlz Mirza (Shdhrukht), he 
invited Yunas Khan from Khurasan and *Iraq, made a feast, 
became friends and proclaimed him Khan of the Mughuls. 
Just when he was speeding him forth, the Sagharlchi tumdn- 
begs had all come into Mughulistan, in anger with Alsan- 
bugha Khan.^ Yunas Khan went amongst them and took to 
wife Aisan-daulat Beglm, the daughter of their chief, 'Ali-shir 

1 i.e. broke up the horde. Cf. T.R. p. 74. 

2 See f . 506 for his descent. 

3 Descendants of these captives were in Kashghar when Ilaidar was 
writing the T.R. It was completed in 953 ah. (1547 ad.). Cf. T.R. pp. 81 
and 149. 

* An omission from his Persian source misled Mr. Erskine here into making 
Abu-sa'id celebrate the Khanim's marriage, not with himself but with his 
defeated foe, 'Abdu'l-'aziz who had married her 28 years earlier. 

^ Aisan-bugha was at Aq Su in Eastern Turkistan ; Yunas Khan's head- 
quarters were in Yiti-klnt. The SaghSrichi tuman was a subdivision of the 
Kunchi Mughuls. 


899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 2i 

leg. They then seated him and her on one and the same 
white felt and raised him to the Khanship.^ 

By this Alsan-daulat Beglm, Yunas Khan had three 
daughters. Mihr-nigar Khanlm was the eldest ; SI. Abu-sa*id 
Mirza set her aside ^ for his eldest son, SI. Ahmad Mirza; she 
had no child. In a throneless time (905 ah.) she fell to 
Shaibani Khan ; she left Samarkand^ with Shah Begim for 
Khurasan (907 ah.) and both came on to me in Kabul (911 ah.). 
At the time Shaibani Khan was besieging Nasir Mirza in 
Qandahar and I set out for Lamghan^ (913 ah.) they went to 
Badakhshan with Khan Mirza (Wais).^ When Mubarak 
Shah invited Khan Mirza into Fort Victory,^ they were Foi. 
captured, together with the wives and families of all their 
people, by marauders of Aba-bikr Kdshgharl and, as captives to 
that ill-doing miscreant, bade farewell to this transitory world 
(circa 913 ah. -1507 ad.). 

Qutluq-nigar Khanim, my mother, was Yunas Khan's 
second daughter. She was with me in most of my guerilla 
expeditions and throneless times. She went to God's mercy in 
Muharram 911 ah. (June 1505 ad.) five or six months after the 
capture of Kabul. 

Khub-nigar Khanim was his third daughter. Her they gave 
to Muhammad Husain Kurkdn Diighldt (899 ah.). She had 
one son and one daughter by him. *Ubaid Khan {Auzheg) took 
the daughter (Habiba).'^ When I captured Samarkand and 

^ Khan kUtdrdlldr. The primitive custom was to lift the Khan-designate 
off the ground ; the phrase became metaphorical and would seem to be so 
here, since there were two upon the felt. Cf., however, Th. Radloff's RSceuil 
d'ltineraires p. 326. 

2 quyuh idl, probably in childhood. 

3 She was divorced by Shaibani Khan in 907 ah. in order to allow him to 
make lawful marriage with her niece, Khan-zada. 

* This was a prudential retreat before Shaibani Khan. Cf. f. 213. 

^ The "Khan" of his title bespeaks his Chaghatai - Mughul descent 
through his mother, the " Mirza," his Timurid-Turki, through his father. 
The capture of the women was f acihtated by the weakening of their travelUng 
escort through his departure, Cf. T.R. p. 203. 

« Qila'-i-zafar. Its ruins are still to be seen on the left bank of the 
Kukcha. Cf. T.R. p. 220 and Kostenko i, 140. For Mubarak Shah Muzaffarl 
seet. 213 and T.R. s.n. 

'■ Habiba, a child when captured, was reared by Shaibani and by him given 
in marriage to his nephew. Cf. T.R. p. 207 for an account of this marriage 
as saving Haidar's life. 



Bukhara (917 ah. -15 11 ad.), she stayed behind/ and when her 
paternal uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Dughldt came as SI. Sa*Id 
Khan's envoy to me in Samarkand, she joined him and with 
him went to Kashghar where (her cousin), SI. Sa'id Khan took 
her. Khub-nigar's son was Haidar Mirza.^ He was in my 
service for three or four years after the Auzbegs slew his 
father, then (gi8 AH.-1512 ad.) asked leave to go to Kashghar to 
the presence of SI. Sa'id Khan. 

" Everything goes back to its source. 
Pure gold, or silver or tin." ^ 

People say he now lives lawfully [td'ib) and has found the 
right way {tarlqd)^ He has a hand deft in every thing,, 
penmanship and painting, and in making arrows and arrow, 
Foi. 11/'. barbs and string-grips; moreover he is a born poet and in a 
petition written to me, even his style is not bad.^ 

Shah Begim was another of Yunas Khan's ladies. Though 
he had more, she and Aisan-daulat Begim were the mothers of 
his children. She was one of the (six) daughters of Shah 
Sultan Muhammad, Shah of Badakhshan.® His line, they say, 
runs back to Iskandar Filkus.'^ SI. Abu-sa*id Mirza took 
another daughter and by her had Aba-bikr Mirza.^ By this 

^ i.e. she did not take to flight with her husband's defeated force, but^ 
reljdng on the victor, her cousin Babur, remained in the town. Cf. T.R. 
p. 268. Her case receives light from Shahr-banu's (f. 169). 

2 Muhammad Ilaidar Mirza Kurkdn Dughldt Chaghatdl Mughul, the 
author of the Tdrtkh-i-rashidi ; h. 905 ah. d. 958 ah. (b. 1499 d. 1551 ad.). 
Of his clan, the " Oghlat " (Dughlat) Muh. Sahh says that it was called 
" Oghlat " by Mughuls but Qungiir-at (Brown Horse) by Auzbegs. 
3 Baz garadad ha asl-i-khud hama chtz, 
Zar-i-sdfi u naqra u airzln. 
These lines are in Arabic in the introduction to the Anwdr-i-suhaill. (H.B.) 
The first is quoted by Haidar (T.R. p. 354) and in Field's Diet, of Oriental 
Quotations (p. 160). I understand them to refer here to Haidar's return to his 
ancestral home and nearest kin as being a natural act. 

* td'ib and tariqa suggest that Haidar had become an orthodox Musalman 
inor about 933 ah. (1527 AD.). 

^ Abu'1-fazl adds music to Ilaidar's accomplishments and Haidar's own 
Prologue mentions yet others. 

* Cf. T.R. s.n. and Gul-badan's H.N. s.n. Haram Begim. 

"^ i.e. Alexander of Macedon. For modern mention of Central Asian 
claims to Greek descent see i.a. Kostenko, Von Schwarz, Holdich and 
A. Durand. Cf. Burnes' Kabul p. 203 for an illustration of a silver patera 
(now in the V. and A. Museum), once owned by ancestors of this Shah Sultan 

8 Cf. f . 6b note 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 23 

Shah Begim Yunas Khan had two sons and two daughters. 
Her first-born but younger than all Aisan-daulat Begim's 
daughters, was SI. Mahmud Khan, called Khanika Khan^ by 
many in and about Samarkand. Next younger than he was 
SI. Ahmad Khan, known as Alacha Khan. People say he was 
called this because he killed many Qalmaqs on the several 
occasions he beat them. In the Mughul and Qalmaq tongues, 
one who will kill {afdturguch'i) is called dldchi ; Alachi they 
called him therefore and this by repetition, became Alacha.^ 
As occasion arises, the acts and circumstances of these two 
Khans will find mention in this history {tdrikh). 

Sultan-nigar Khanim was the youngest but one of Yunas 
Khan's children. Her they made go forth {chlqdnb idlldv) Fol. 12. 
to SI. Mahmud Mirza ; by him she had one child, SI. 
Wais (Khan Mirza), mention of whom will come into this 
history. When SI. Mahmud Mirza died (goo ah. -1495 ad.), 
she took her son off to her brothers in Tashkint without a 
word to any single person. They, a few years later, gave her 
to Adik (Aung) Sultan,^ a Qazaq sultan of the line of Juji Khan, 
Chingiz Khan's eldest son. When Shaibani Khan defeated 
the Khans (her brothers), and took Tashkint and Shahrukhiya 
(go8 AH.), she got away with 10 or 12 of her Mughul servants, 
to (her husband), Adik Sultan. She had two daughters by 
Adik Sultan ; one she gave to a Shaiban sultan, the other to 
Rashid Sultan, the son of (her cousin) SI. Sa'id Khan. After 
Adik Sultan's death, (his brother), Qasim Khan , Khan of the 
Qazaq horde, took her.* Of all the Qazaq khans and sultans, 
no one, they say, ever kept the horde in such good order as he ; 

1 i.e. Khan's child. 

2 The careful pointing of the II ai. MS. clears up earlier confusion by 
showing the narrowing of the vowels from dldchi to alacha. 

3 The Elph. MS. (f. 7) writes Aung, Khan's son, Prester John's title, where 
other MSS. have Adik. Babur's brevity has confused his account of Sultan- 
nigar. Widowed of Mahmud in 900 ah. she married Adik ; Adik, later, 
joined Shaibani Khan but left him in 908 ah. perhaps secretly, to join his own 
Qazaq horde. He was followed by his wife, apparently also making a private 
departure. As Adik died shortly after 908 ah. his daughters were born before 
that date and not after it as has been understood. Cf. T.R. and G.B.'s H.N. 
s.nn. ; also Mems. p. 14 and Mims. i, 24. 

* Presumably by tribal custom, ylnkdllk, marriage with a brother's widow. 
Such marriages seem to have been made frequently for the protection of 
women left defenceless. 


his army was reckoned at 300,000 men. On his death the 
Khanim went to SI. Sa'ld Khan's presence in Kashghar. 
Daulat-sultan Khanim was Yunas Khan's youngest child. 
Foi. \2h. In the Tashkint disaster (908 ah.) she fell to Timur 
Sultan, the son of ShaibanI Khan. By him she had one 
daughter; they got out of Samarkand with me (918 ah.- 
1512 AD.), spent three or four years in the Badakhshan country, 
then went (923 ah.- 1420 ad.) to SI. Sa'id Khan's presence in 

(^. A ccount resumed of Bdbur's father^ s family.) 

In *Umar Shaikh Mirza's haram was also Aulus Agha, a 
daughter of Khwaja Husain Beg ; her one daughter died in 
infancy and they sent her out of the haram a year or eighteen 
months later. Fatima-sultan Agha was another; she was of 
the Mughul tuman-hegs and the first taken of his wives. Qara- 
guz (Makhdum sultan) Begim was another; the Mirza took her 
towards the end of his life ; she was much beloved, so to please 
him, they made her out descended from (his uncle) Minuchihr 
Mirza, the elder brother of SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza. He had many 
mistresses and concubines; one, Umid Aghacha died before 
him. Latterly there were also Tun-sultan (var. Yun) of the 
Mughuls and Agha Sultan. 

/. 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's Amirs. 

There was Khudai-birdi Tughchi Ttmur-tdsh, a descendant of 
the brother of Aq-bugha Beg, the Governor of Hirl (Herat, for 
Timiir Beg.) When SI. Abu-sa*id Mirza, after besieging Juki 
Mirza {Shdhrukhl) in Shahrukhiya (868AH.-1464AD.) gave the 
Farghana country to 'Urnar Shaikh Mirza, he put this Khudai- 
Fol. 13. birdi Beg at the head of the Mirza's Gate.^ Khudai-blrdT was 

1 Sa'id 's power to protect made him the refuge of several kinswomen 
mentioned in the B.N. and the T.R. This mother and child reached Kashghar 
in 932 AH. (1526 AD.). 

Here Babur ends his [interpolated] account of his mother's family and 
resumes that of his father's. 

* Babur uses a variety of phrases to express Lordship in the Gate. Here 
he writes atshikni bdshldttb ; elsewhere, aishik ikhtiydrl qllmdq and mining 
atshiklmdd sdhib ikhtiydrl qllmdq. Von Schwarz (p. 1 59) throws light on the 
duties of the Lord of the Gate {Alshlk Aghast). " Das Thiir . . . fiihrt in eine 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 25 

then 25 but youth notwithstanding, his rules and management 
were very good indeed. A few years later when Ibrahim 
Begchlk was plundering near Aush, he followed him up, fought 
him, was beaten and became a martyr. At the time, SI. Ahmad 
Mirza was in the summer pastures of Aq Qachghal, in Aura- 
tlpa, 18 ytghdch east of Samarkand, and SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza 
was at Baba Khaki, 12 ytghdch east of Hirl. People sent the 
news post-haste to the Mirza(s),^ having humbly represented it 
through 'Abdu'l-wahhab Shaghdwal. In four days it was carried 
those 120 ylghach of road.^ 

Hafiz Muhammad Beg Diilddl was another, SI. Malik Kdsh- 
gharl's son and a younger brother of Ahmad Hajl Beg. After 
the death of Khudai-blrdi Beg, they sent him to control *Umar 
Shaikh Mirza's Gate, but he did not get on well with the 
Andijan begs and therefore, when SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza died, 
went to Samarkand and took service with SI. Ahmad Mirza. 
At the time of the disaster on the Chir, he was in Aura-tipa 
and made it over to 'Umar Shaikh Mirza when the Mirza 
passed through on his way to Samarkand, himself taking Foi- 13^- 
service with him. The Mirza, for his part, gave him the 
Andijan Command. Later on he went to SI. Mahmud Khan 

grosse, vier-eckige, hohe Halle, deren Boden etwa 2 m. iiber den Weg erhoben 
ist. In dieser Halle, welche alle passiren muss, der dutch das Thor eingeht, 
reitet oder fahrt, ist die Thorwache placiert. Tagsiiber sind die Thore 
bestandig offen, nach Eintritt der Dunkelheit aber werden dieselben geschlos- 
sen und die Schliissel dera zustandigen Polizeichef abgeliefert. ... In den 
erwahnten Thorhallen nehmen in den hoch unabhangigen Gebieten an Bazar- 
tagen haufig die Richter Platz, um jedem der irgend ein Anliegen hat, so fort 
Recht zu sprechen. Die zudiktierten Strafen werden auch gleich in diesem 
selben locale vollzogen und eventuell die zum Hangen verurteilten Verbrecher 
an den Deckbalken aufgehangt, so dass die Besucher des Bazars unter den 
gehenkten durchpassieren miissen." 

^ bu khaharni 'Abdu'l-wahhab shaghdwaldin 'arza-ddsht qllib Mirzdghd 
chdpturdlldr . This passage has been taken to mean that the shaghdwal, i.e. 
chief scribe, was the courier, but I think Babur's words shew that the shaghd- 
wal's act preceded the despatch of the news. Moreover the only accusative 
of the participle and of the verb is khabarnl. 'Abdu'l-wahhab had been 'Umar 
Shaikh's and was now Ahmad's officer in Khujand, on the main road for Aura- 
tipa whence the courier started on the rapid ride. The news may have gone 
verbally to 'Abdu'l-wahhab and he have written it on to Ahmad and 

2 Measured from point to point even, the distance appears to be over 
500 miles. Concerning Baba Khaki see H.S. ii. 224 ; for rapid riding i.a. 
Kostenko iii, cap. Studs. 


in Tashkint and was there entrusted with the guardianship of 
Khan Mirza ( Wais) and given Dizak. He had started for Makka 
by way of Hind before I took Kabul (910AH. Oct. 1504AD.), but 
he went to God's mercy on the road. He was a simple person, 
of few words and not clever. 

Khwaja Husain Beg was another, a good-natured and simple 
person. It is said that, after the fashion of those days, he used 
to improvise very well at drinking parties.^ 

Shaikh Mazid Beg was another, my first guardian, excellent 
in rule and method. He must have served {khidmat qllghdn 
dm) under Babur Mirza {Shdhrukht). There was no greater beg 
in *Umar Shaikh Mirza's presence. He was a vicious person 
and kept catamites. 

*AlI-mazid QUchln was another ;" he rebelled twice, once at 
Akhsi, once at Tashkint. He was disloyal, untrue to his salt, 
vicious and good-for-nothing. 

Hasan (son of) Yaq'ub was another, a small-minded, good- 
tempered, smart and active man. This verse is his : — 

" Return, O Huma, for without the parrot-down of thy lip. 
The crow will assuredly soon carry off my bones." 3 

Fol. 14. He was brave, a good archer, played polo (chaughdn) well and 
leapt well at leap-frog.* He had the control of my Gate after 
*Umar Shaikh Mirza's accident. He had not much sense, was 
narrow-minded and somewhat of a strife-stirrer. 

Qasim Beg Qiichin, of the ancient army-begs of Andijan, was 
another. He had the control of my Gate after Hasan Yaq'ub 
Beg. His life through, his authority and consequence waxed 
without decline. He was a brave man ; once he gave some 
Auzbegs a good beating when he overtook them raiding near 
Kasan ; his sword hewed away in *Umar Shaikh Mirza's 

^ qushuqldvnl yakhsht aliurd tkan dur. Elph. IMS. for qushiiq, tuyuk. 
Qushuq is allowed, both by its root and by usage, to describe improvisations 
of combined dance and song. I understand from Babur's tense, that his 
information was hearsay only. 

2 i.e. of the military class. Cf. Vullers s.n. and T.R. p. 301. 

3 The Hiima is a fabulous bird, overshadowing by whose wings brings 
good-fortune. The couplet appears to be addressed to some man, under the 
name Huma, from whom Ilasan of Yaq'ub hoped for benefit. 

* khdk-hlla ; the Sangldkh, (quoting this passage) gives khdk-p:l:k as the 
correct form of the word. 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 to OCT. 2nd. 1494 27 

presence ; and in the fight at the Broad Ford (Yasi-kljit circa 
go4AH.-July, i4g9AD.) he hewed away with the rest. In the 
guerilla days he went to Khusrau Shah (907AH.) at the time I 
was planning to go from the Macha hill-country^ to SI. Mahmud 
Khan, but he came back to me in 910AH. (1504AD.) and I shewed 
him all my old favour and affection. When I attacked the 
Turkman Hazara raiders in Dara-i-khwush (911 ah.) he made 
better advance, spite of his age, than the younger men ; I gave 
him Bangash as a reward and later on, after returning to Kabul, 
made him Humayun's guardian. He went to God's mercy i^ol. 
about the time Zamin-dawar v/as taken {circa 928AH.-1522AD.). 
He was a pious, God-fearing Musalman, an abstainer from 
doubtful aliments ; excellent in judgment and counsel, very 
facetious and, though he could neither read nor write {umrniy), 
used to make entertaining jokes. 

Baba Beg's Baba Qull ('All) was another, a descendant of 
Shaikh *Ali Bahadur.^ They made him my guardian when 
Shaikh Mazid Beg died. He went over to SI. Ahmad Mirza 
when the Mirza led his army against Andijan (899AH.), and 
gave him Aura-tipa. After SI. Mahmud Mirza's death, he left 
Samarkand and was on his way to join me (900AH.) when Si. 
*Ali Mirza, issuing out of Aura-tipa, fought, defeated and slew 
him. His management and equipment were excellent and he 
took good care of his men. He prayed not ; he kept no fasts ; 
he was like a heathen and he was a tyrant. 

*Ali-dost Taghai^ was another, one of the Sagharlchi tumdn- 
begs and a relation of my mother's mother, Aisan-daulat Begim. 
I favoured him more than he had been favoured in 'Umar 
Shaikh Mirza's time. People said, " Work will come from his 
hand." But in the many years he was in my presence, no 
work to speak of ^ came to sight. He must have served SI. Foi. 
Abu-sa'Id Mirza. He claimed to have power to bring on rain 
with the jade- stone. He was the Falconer (qrishchi), worthless 

1 Cf. f . ggb. 

2 One of Timur's begs. 

3 i.e. uncle on the mother's side, of any degree, here a grandmother's 
brother. The title appears to have been given for life to men related to the 
ruling House. Parallel with it arc Madame Mere, Royal Uncle, Sultan Walida. 

* klm dlsd bulghdi, perhaps meaning, " Nothing of service to me." 


by nature and habit, a stingy, severe, strife-stirring person, false, 
self-pleasing, rough of tongue and cold-of-face. 

Wais Ldgharl,^ one of the Samarkand Tughchl people, was 
another. Latterly he was much in *Umar Shaikh Mirza's con- 
fidence ; in the guerilla times he was with me. Though some- 
what factious, he was a man of good judgment and counsel. 

MirGhiyas Taghai was another, a younger brother of *Ali-dost 
Taghai. No man amongst the leaders in SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza's 
Gate was more to the front than he ; he had charge of the 
Mirza's square seal^ and was much in his confidence latterly. 
He was a friend of Wais Ldghar'i, When Kasan had been given 
to SI. Mahmud Khan (899AH.-1494AD.), he was continuously in 
The Khan's service and was in high favour. He was a laugher* 
a joker and fearless in vice. 

*Ali-darwesh Khurdsdnl was another. He had served in the 
Khurasan Cadet Corps, one of two special corps of serviceable 
young men formed by SI. Abii-sa'id Mirza when he first began 
Foi. 15/;. to arrange the government of Khurasan and Samarkand, and, 
presumably, called by him the Khurasan Corps and the Samar- 
kand Corps. *Ali-darwesh was a brave man ; he did well in my 
presence at the Gate of Bishkaran.^ He wrote the naskh taH'iq 
hand clearly.* His was the flatterer's tongue and in his 
character avarice was supreme. 

Qarpbar-*ali Mughid of the Equerries (akhtachl) was another. 
People called him The Skinner because his father, on first 
coming into the (Farghana) country, worked as a skinner. 
Qambar-'ali had been Yunas Khan's water-bottle bearer,^ later 
on he became a beg. Till he was a made man, his conduct 
was excellent ; once arrived, he was slack. He was full of 
talk and of foolish talk, — a great talker is sure to be a foolish 
one, — his capacity was limited and his brain muddy. 

1 Wais the Thin. 

^ Cf. Chardin ed. Langles v, 461 and ed. 1723 ad. v, 183. 

^ n.e. of Kasan. Cf. f. 74. Hai MS., erroneously, Samarkand. 

* An occasional doubt arises as to whether a taurl of the text is Arabic 
and dispraises or Turki and laudatory. Cf. Mems. p. 17 and Mims. i, 3. 

^ Elph. and Ilai. MSS. aftdbachi, water-bottle bearer on journeys ; Kehr 
(p. 82) aftabchl, ewer-bearer ; Ilminsky (p. 19) akhtachi, squire or groom. 
Circumstances support aftdbachi. Yunas was town-bred, his ewer-bearer 
would hardly be the rough Mughul, Qambar-'ali, useful as an aftdbachi. 

^^f 899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 29 

m {I. Historical narrative.) 

m At the time of 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's accident, I was in the 
Four Gardens (Chdr-bdgh) of Andijan.^ The news reached 
Andijan on Tuesday, Ramzan 5 (June gth) ; I mounted at once, 
with my followers and retainers, intending to go into the fort 
but, on our getting near the Mirza's Gate, Shirim Taghal- took 
hold of my bridle and moved off towards the Praying Place.^ 
It had crossed his mind that if a great ruler like SI. Ahmad 
Mirza came in force, the Andijan begs would make over to him foI. 16. 
me and the country,^ but that if he took me to Auzkint and the 
foothills thereabouts, I, at any rate, should not be made over 
and could go to one of my mother's (half-) brothers, SI. Mahmud 
Khan or SI. Ahmad Khan.^ When Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi^ 

{Author's note on Khwaja Mauldnd-i-qdzl.) He was the son of SI. 
Ahmad Qazi, of the Una of Burhanu'd-din *Ali Qtlich"^ and through 
his mother, traced back to SI. Ailik Mdzt.^ By hereditary right 

1 Babur was Governor of Andijan and the month being June, would be 
living out-of-doors. Cf. II. S. ii. 272 and Schuyler ii, 37. 

2 To the word Sherim applies Abu'l-ghazi's explanation of Nurum and 
llajim, namely, that they are abbreviations of Nur and Haji Muhammad. 
It explains Sultanim also when used (f . 72) of SI, Muhammad Khanika but of 
Sultanim as the name is common with Babur, Ilaidar and Gul-badan, i.e. as 
a woman's, Busbecq's explanation is the better, namely, that it means My 
Sultan and is applied to a person of rank and_ means. This explains other 
women's titles e.g. Khanim, my Khan and Akam (Akim), My Lady. A 
third group of names formed like the last by enclitic 'm (my), may be called 
names of affection, e.g. Mahim, My Moon, Janim, My Life. {Cf. Persian 
equivalents.) Cf. Abu'l-ghazi's Shajarat-i-Turkt (Desmaisons p. 272) ; and 
Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq's Life and Letters (Forster and Daniel i, 38,) 

3 Namdz-gdh ; generally an open terrace, with a wall towards the Qibla and 
outside the town, whither on festival days the people go out in crowds to 
pray. (Erskine.) 

* Begldr {ning) mini u wildyatnl tdpshurghUldrl dur ; a noticeably idiom- 
atic sentence. Cf. f. 166 1. 6 and 1. 7 for a repetition. 

5 Mahmud was in Tashkint, Ahmad in Kashghar or on the Aq-su. 

^ The B.N. contains a considerable number of what are virtually foot- 
notes. They are sometimes, as here, entered in the middle of a sentence and 
confuse the narrative ; they are introduced by klm, a mere sign of parenthetical 
matter to follow, and some certainly, known not to be Babur's own, must have 
stood first on the margin of his text. It seems best to enter them as Author's 

■^ i.e. the author of the Hidayat. Cf. f . 3b and note ; Blochmann Ayln-i- 
akbarl s.n. qulij and note ; Bellew's Afghan Tribes p. 100, Khilich. 

^ Ar. dead, gone. The precision of Babur's words khdnwddaldr and 
yitsHnluq is illustrated by the existence in the days of Timur, in Marghinan, 
(Burhanu'd-din's township) of a ruler named Ailik Khan, apparently a 

Fol. i6h. 

30 farghAna 

{yusunluq) his high family {khdnwddaldr) must have come to be the 
Refuge {marji') and Pontiffs {Shaikhu'l-islam) of the (Farghana) 

and the begs in the fort heard of (the intended departure), they 
sent after us Khwaja Muhammad, the tailor,^ an old servant 
{hayrt) of my father and the foster-father of one of his daughters. 
He dispelled our fears and, turning back from near the Praying 
Place, took me with him into the citadel (ark) where I dis- 
mounted. Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi and the begs came to my 
presence there and after bringing their counsels to a head,'^ 
busied themselves in making good the towers and ramparts of 
the fort.^ A few days later, Hasan, son of Yaq'ub, and Qasim 
Quchm, arrived, together with other begs who had been sent to 
reconnoitre in Marghinan and those parts.'* They also, after 
waiting on me, set themselves with one heart and mind and with 
zeal and energy, to hold the fort. 

Meantime SI. Ahmad Mirza took Aura-tipa, Khujand and 
Marghinan, came on to Qaba,^ 4 yighdch from Andijan and 
there made halt. At this crisis, Darwesh Gau, one of the 
Andijan notables, was put to death on account of his improper 
proposals ; his punishment crushed the rest. 

Khwaja Qazi and Auzun (Long) Hasan,® (brother) of Khwaja 
Husain, were then sent to SI. Ahmad Mirza to say in effect 
that, as he himself would place one of his servants in the 
country and as I was myself both a servant and (as) a son, he 
would attain his end most readily and easily if he entrusted the 
service to me. He was a mild, weak man, of few words who, 
without his begs, decided no opinion or compact {aim)^ action 

descendant of Satuq-bughra Khan (b. 384 ah. -994 ad.) so that in Khwaja 
Qazi were united two dynasties, [khdnwddaldr), one priestly, perhaps also 
regal, the other of bye-gone ruling Khans. Cf. D'Herbelot p. 433 ; Yarkand 
Mission, Bellew p. 121 ; Tazkirat-i Sultan Sdtuq-bughrd Khdn Ghdzl Pddshdh 
and Tdrikh-i-ndsiri (Raverty s.n.) 

^ darzl ; U.S. khaiydt. 

2 blr ylrgd [qUyiib), lit. to one place. 

^ i.e. reconstructed the earthem defences. Cf. Von Schwarz s.n. loess. 

* They had been sent, presumably, before 'Umar Shaikh's death, to observe 
SI. Ahmad M.'s advance. Cf. f. 6. 

5 The time-table of the Andijan Railway has a station, Kouwa (Qaba), 

* Babur, always I think, calls this man Long Ilasan ; Khw and -amir styles 
him Khwaja Hasan ; he seems to be the brother of one of 'Umar Shaikh's 
lathers -in -law, Khwaja Husain. 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 to OCT. 2nd. 1494 31 

or move ; they paid attention to our proposal, gave it a harsh 
answer and moved forward. 

But the Almighty God, who, of His perfect power and with- 
out mortal aid, has ever brought my affairs to their right issue, 
made such things happen here that they became disgusted at 
having advanced {i.e. from Qaba), repented indeed that they 
had ever set out on this expedition and turned back with 
nothing done. 

One of those things was this : Qaba has a stagnant, morass- 
like Water,^ passable only by the bridge. As they were many, 
there was crowding on the bridge and numbers of horses and Fol. 
camels were pushed off to perish in the water. This disaster 
recalling the one they had had three or four years earlier when 
they were badly beaten at the passage of the Chir, they gave 
way to fear. Another thing was that such a murrain broke 
out amongst their horses that, massed together, they began to 
die off in bands.^ Another was that they found in our soldiers 
and peasants a resolution and single-mindedness such as would 
not let them flinch from making offering of their lives ^ so long 
as there was breath and power in their bodies. Need being 
therefore, when one ytghdch from Andijan, they sent Darwesh 
Muhammad Tarkhan* to us; Hasan of Yaq'ub went out from 
those in the fort ; the two had an interview near the Praying 
Place and a sort of peace was made. This done, SI. Ahmad 
Mirza's force retired. 

Meantime SI. Mahmud Khan had come along the north of 
the Khujand Water and laid siege to Akhsi.^ In Akhsi was 

1 bdtqdq. This word is underlined in the Elph. MS. by dil-dil and in the 
Ilai. MS. by jam-jama. It is translated in the W.-i-B. by ab pur h'lla, water 
iuU of deceit ; it is our Slough of Despond. It may be remarked that neither 
Zenker nor Steingass gives to dil-dil or jam-jama the meaning of morass ; the 
Akbat-ndma does so. (H.B. ii, 112.) 

2 tawila tawlla dtldr ytghUtb aUld ktrishtt. I understand the word yighUlb 
to convey that the massing led to the spread of the murrian. 

^ jdn tdrdtmdqldr i.e. as a gift to their over-lord. 

* Perhaps, Babur's maternal great-uncle. It would suit the privileges 
bestowed on Tarkhans if their title meant Khdn of the Gifts (Turki tar, gift). 
In the Bdburndma, it excludes all others. Most of Ahmad's begs were 
Tarkhans, Arghuns and Chingiz Khanids, some of them ancestors of later 
rulers in Tatta and Sind. Concerning the Tarkhans seeT.R. p. 55 and note ; 
A.N. (H.B. s.n.) Elliot and Dowson's History of India , 498. 

« Cf. f. 6. 


Jahangir Mirza (aet. 9) and of begs, *Ali-darwesh Beg, Mirza 
Quli Kukrdddsh, Muh. Baqir Beg and Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah, Lord 
of the Gate. Wais Ldgharl and Mir Ghiyas Taghal had been 
there too, but being afraid of the (Akhsi) begs had gone off to 
Kasan, Wais Ldghan's district, where, he being Nasir Mirza's 
guardian, the Mirza was.'^ They went over to SI. Mahmud 

Fol. lyd. Khan when he got near Akhsi ; Mir Ghiyas entered his service ; 
Wais Ldgharl took Nasir Mirza to SI. Ahmad Mirza, who 
entrusted him to Muh. Mazid Tarkhan's charge. The Khan, 
though he fought several times near Akhsi, could not effect any- 
thing because the Akhsi begs and braves made such splendid 
offering of their lives. Falling sick, being tired of fighting too, 
he returned to his own country {i.e. Tashkint). 

For some years, Aba-bikr Kdshghan Ddghldt,^ bowing the 
head to none, had been supreme in Kashgar and Khutan. He 
now, moved like the rest by desire for my country, came to the 
neighbourhood of Auzkint, built a fort and began to lay the 
land waste. Khwaja Qazi and several begs were appointed to 
drive him out. When they came near, he saw himself no match 
for such a force, made the Khwaja his mediator and, by a 
hundred wiles and tricks, got himself safely free. 

Throughout these great events, *Umar Shaikh Mirza's former 
begs and braves had held resolutely together and made daring 
offer of their lives. The Mirza's mother, Shah Sultan Begim,^ 
and Jahangir Mirza and the l^aram household and the begs came 
from Akhsi to Andijan ; the customary mourning was fulfilled 
and food and victuals spread for the poor and destitute.^ 

Fol. 18. In the leisure from these important matters, attention was 
given to the administration of the country and the ordering of 
the army. The Andijan Government and control of my Gate 
were settled (rnukarrar) for Hasan (son) Oi Yaq'ub ; Aush was 
decided on (qardr) for Qasim Quchm; Akhsi and Marghinan 
assigned (ta'm) to Auzun Hasan and *Ali-dost Taghai. For the 
rest of *Umar Shaikh Mirza's begs and braves, to each accord- 

^ beg dtdkd, lit. beg for father. 

2 T.R. s.n. Aba-bikr. 

3 Cf.i. 6b and note. 

* faqra u masdkin, i.e. those who have food for one day and those who* 
have none in hand. (Steingciss.) 

899 AH.— OCT. 12tm. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 33 

ing to his circumstances, were settled and assigned district 
iwildyat) or land (ylr) or office (mauja) or charge {jirga) or 
stipend (wajh). 

When SI. Ahmad Mirza had gone two or three stages on his 
return-march, his health changed for the worse and high fever 
appeared. On his reaching the Aq Sti near Aura-tipa, he bade 
farewell to this transitory world, in the middle of Shawwal of 
the date 899 (mid July 1494 ad.) being then 44 (lunar) years old. 

m. SI. A hmad Mtrzd's birth and descent. 

He was born in 855 ah. (1451 ad.) the year in which his father 
took the throne {i.e. Samarkand). He was SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza's 
eldest son ; his mother was a daughter of Aurdu-bugha Tarkhan 
(Arghun), the elder sister of Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan, and 
the most honoured of the Mirza's wives. 

n. His appearance and habits. 

He was a tall, stout, brown-bearded and red-faced man. He 
had beard on his chin but none on his cheeks. He had very Fol. 18*. 
pleasing manners. As was the fashion in those days, he wound 
his turban in four folds and brought the end forward over his 

0. His characteristics and manners. 

He was a True Believer, pure in the Faith ; five times daily, 
without fail, he recited the Prayers, not omitting them even on 
drinking-days. He was a disciple of his Highness Khwaja 
*Ubaidu'l-lah {A^rdri), his instructor in religion and the 
strengthener of his Faith. He was very ceremonious, particu- 
larly when sitting with the Khwaja. People say he never drew 
one knee over the other ^ at any entertainment of the Khwaja. 
On one occasion contrary to his custom, he sat with his feet 
together. When he had risen, the Khwaja ordered the place 
he had sat in to be searched ; there they found, it may have been, 
a bone.^ He had read nothing whatever and was ignorant 

* For fashions of sitting, see Tawdrtkh-i-guzlda Nasrat-nama B.M. Or. 3222. 
Ahmad would appear to have maintained the deferential attitude by kneeling 
and sitting back upon his heels. 

2 btr sunkdk bar ikdn dur. I understand that something defiling must have 
been there, perhaps a bone. 


('antt)f and though town-bred, unmannered and homely. Of 
genius he had no share. He was just and as his Highness the 
Khwaja was there, accompanying him step by step,^ most of his 
affairs found lawful settlement. He was true and faithful to 
his vow and word ; nothing was ever seen to the contrary. He 
had courage, and though he never happened to get in his own 
hand to work, gave sign of it, they say, in some of his en- 
Fol. 19. counters. He drew a good bow, generally hitting the duck^ 
both with his arrows (auq) and his forked-arrows (tir-giz), and, 
as a rule, hit the gourd ^ in riding across the lists {maiddn). 
Latterly, when he had grown stout, he used to take quail and 
pheasant with the goshawks,* rarely failing. A sportsman he 
was, hawking mostly and hawking well; since Aulugh Beg 
Mirza, such a sporting pddshdh had not been seen. He was 
extremely decorous ; people say he used to hide his feet even in 
the privacy of his family and amongst his intimates. Once 
settled down to drink, he would drink for 20 or 30 days at a 
stretch ; once risen, would not drink again for another 20 or 
30 days. He was a good drinker ;^ on non-drinking days he ate 
without conviviality (basTt). Avarice was dominant in his 
character. He was kindly, a man of few words whose will was 
in the hands of his begs. 

p. His battles. 

He fought four battles. The first was with Ni'mat Arghun, 
Shaikh Jamal ArghTm's younger brother, at Aqar-tu2i, near 
Zamin. This he won. The second was with *Umar Shaikh 
Mirza at Khwas ; this also he won. The third affair was when 
he encountered SI. Mahmud Khan on the Chir, near Tashkint 
Fol. 19^. (895 AH.-1469 AD.). There was no real fighting, but some Mughul 
plunderers coming up, by ones and twos, in his rear and laying 
hands on his baggage, his great army, spite of its numbers, 

^ Khwajanlng ham aydghldn drddd idi. 

2 llbdsun, a kind of mallard {Abushqd), here perhaps a popinjay. Cf. H.S. 
ii, 193 for Ahmad 's skill as an archer, and Payne-Gallwey's Cross-bow p. 225. 

' qabdq, an archer's mark. Abu'l-ghazi (Kasan ed. p. 18 1. 5) mentions a 
hen \tuquq) as a mark. Cf. Payne-Gallwey I.e. p. 231, 

* qirghicha, astar palumbarius. (Shaw's Voc. Scully.) 

* Perhaps, not quarrelsome. 


899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 35 

broke up without a blow struck, without an effort made, without 
a coming face to face, and its main body was drowned in the 
Chir.^ His fourth affair was with Haidar Kukulddsh (Mughul), 
near Yar-yilaq ; here he won. 

q. His country. 

Samarkand and Bukhara his father gave him ; Tashkint and 
Sairam he took and held for a time but gave them to his 
younger brother, 'Umar Shaikh Mirza, after 'Abdu'l-qadus 
(Dughldt) slew Shaikh Jamal {Arghun)\ Khujand and Aura- 
tipa were also for a time in his possession. 

r. His children. 

His two sons did not live beyond infancy. He had five 
daughters, four by Qataq Begim.^ 

Rabi'a-sultan Begim, known as the Dark-eyed Begim, was 
his eldest. The Mirza himself made her go forth to SI. Mah- 
mud Khan; 3 she had one child, a nice little boy, called Baba 
Khan. The Auzbegs killed him and several others of age as 
unripe as his when they martyred (his father) The Khan, in 
Khujand, (914 AH.-1508 ad.). At that time she fell to Jani 
Beg Su\t^n {A iizheg). Fol. 20. 

Saliha-sultan (Saliqa) Begim was his second daughter; 
people called her the Fair Begim. SI. Mahmud Mirza, after 
her father's death, took her for his eldest son, SI. Mas'ud 
Mirza and made the wedding feast (900 ah.). Later on she 
fell to the Kashghari with Shah Begim and Mihr-nigar Khanim. 

'Ayisha-sultan Begim was the third. When I was five and 
went to Samarkand, they set her aside for me ; in the guerilla 
times* she came to Khujand and I took her (905 ah.) ; her one 
little daughter, born after the second taking of Samarkand, 

1 The T.R. (p. 116) attributes the rout to Shaibani's defection. The H.S. 
(ii, 192) has a varied and confused account. An error in the T.R. trs. making 
ShaibanI plunder the Mughuls, is manifestly clerical. 

- i.e. condiment, ce qu'on afoute au pain. 

3 Cf.i.6. 

* qdzdqldr ; here, if Babur's, meaning his conflicts with Tambal, but as 
the Begim may have been some time in Khujand, the qdzdqldr may be of 


went in a few days to God's mercy and she herself left me at 
the instigation of an older sister. 

Sultanim Begim was the fourth daughter ; SI. 'Ali Mirza 
took her; then Timur Sultan (Auzbeg) took her and after him, 
Mahdi Sultan {Auzbeg). 

Ma'suma-sultan Begim was the youngest of Si. Ahmad 
Mirza's daughters. Her mother, Habiba-sultan Begim, was of 
the Arghuns, a daughter of Si. Husain ArghurCs brother. I 
saw her when I went to Khurasan (gi2 ah. -1506 ad.), liked her, 
asked for her, had her brought to Kabul and took her (913 ah.- 
1507 AD.). She had one daughter and there and then, went to 
God's mercy, through the pains of the birth. Her name was at 
once given to her child. 

s. His ladies and mistresses. 

Mihr-nigar Khanim was his first wife, set aside for him by 
his father, SI. Abu-sa*id Mirza. She was Yunas Khan's eldest 
Foi. 20b. daughter and my mother's full -sister. 

Tarkhan Begim of the Tarkhans was another of his wives. 

Qataq Begim was another, the foster-sister of the Tarkhan 
Begim just mentioned. SI. Ahmad Mirza took hex par amours 
{'dshiqldr bild) : she was loved with passion and was very 
dominant. She drank wine. During the days of her ascendancy 
(tirlkllk), he went to no other of his haram; at last he took up a 
proper position {aulnurdi) and freed himself from his reproach.^ 

1 All the (Turki) Babur-nama MSS. and those examined of the W.-i-B. by 
writing auUurdl (killed) where I suggest to read aulnurdi [devenir comme il faut) 
state that Ahmad killed Qataq. I hesitate to accept this (i) because the only 
evidence of the murder is one diacritical point, the removal of which lilts 
Ahmad's reproach from him by his return to the accepted rules of a poly- 
gamous household ; {2) because no murder of Qataq is chronicled by Khwand- 
amir or other writers ; and (3) because it is incredible that a mild, weak man 
living in a family atmosphere such as Babur, Haidar and Gul-badan reproduce 
for us, should, while possessing facility for divorce, kill the mother of four 
out of his five children. 

Reprieve must wait however until the word tlrlklik is considered. This 
Erskine and de C. have read, with consistency, to mean life-time, but if 
aUlnUrdl be read in place of auliurdl (killed), tirlkllk may be read, especially 
in conjunction with Babur's ' dshlqlikldr , as meaning living power or ascendancy. 
Again, if read as from tlrik, a small arrow and a consuming pain, tirlkllk may 
represent Cupid's darts and wounds. Again it might be taken as from tlrdmdk, 
to hinder, or forbid. 

Under these considerations, it is legitimate to reserve judgment on Ahmad. 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 37 

Khan-zada Begim, of the Tirmiz Khans, was another. He 
had just taken her when I went, at five years old, to Samar- 
kand; her face was still veiled and, as is the Turki custom, 
they told me to uncover it.^ 

Latif Begim was another, a daughter's child of Ahmad Haji 
Beg Duldai (Barlds). After the Mirza's death, Hamza SI. took 
her and she had three sons by him. They with other sultans' 
children, fell into my hands when I took Hisar (916 AH.-1510 AD.) 
after defeating Hamza Sultan and Timur Sultan. I set all free. 

Habiba-sultan Begim was another, a daughter of the brother 
of SI. Husain A rghiln. 

t. His amirs. 

Jani Beg Duldat {Barlds) was a younger brother of SI. Malik 
Kdshghart. SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza gave him the Government of 
Samarkand and SI. Ahmad Mirza gave him the control of 
his own Gate.2 He must have had singular habits and Fol. 21. 
manners f many strange stories are told about him. One is 
this : — While he was Governor in Samarkand, an envoy came 
to him from the Auzbegs renowned, as it would seem, for his 
strength. An Auzbeg, is said to call a strong man a bull {bukuh). 
" Are you a buhih ?" said Jani Beg to the envoy, " If you are, 
come, let's have a friendly wrestle together {kurdshdlmgy* 
Whatever objections the envoy raised, he refused to accept. 
They wrestled and Jani Beg gave the fall. He was a brave 

Ahmad Haji (Dulddi Barlds) was another, a son of SI. Malik 
Kdshghari. SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza gave him the Government of 
Hiri (Harat) for a time but sent him when his uncle, Jani Beg 

1 It is customary amongst Turks for a bride, even amongst her own family, 
to remain veiled for some time after marriage ; a child is then told to pluck 
ofif the veil and run away, this tending, it is fancied, to the child's own success 
in marriage. (Erskine.) 

^ Babur's anecdote about Jani Beg well illustrates his caution as a narrator. 
He appears to tell it as one who knowing the point of a story, leads up to it. 
He does not affirm that Jani Beg's habits were strange or that the envoy was 
an athlete but that both things must have been {than dur) from what he 
had heard or to suit the point of the anecdote. Nor does he afhrm as of his 
own knowledge that Auzbegs calls a strong man (his zor klshl) a bukuh (bull) 
but says it is so understood {dlr imlsh). 

3 C/.f. 170. 


died, to Samarkand with his uncle's appointments. He was 
pleasant-natured and brave. Wafa'i was his pen-name and he 
put together a diwan in verse not bad. This couplet is his : 

" I am drunk, Inspector, to-day keep your hand oflf me, 
" Inspect me on the day you catch me sober," 

Mir *Ali-sher Nawa'i when he went from Hiri to Samarkand, 
was with Ahmad Haji Beg but he went back to Hiri when 
SI. Husain Mirza (Bai-qara) became supreme (873 ah. -1460 ad.) 
and he there received exceeding favour. 
Foi. 2\b. Ahmad Haji Beg kept and rode excellent Upuchaqs^ mostly 
of his own breeding." Brave he was but his power to com- 
mand did not match his courage ; he was careless and what 
was necessary in his affairs, his retainers and followers put 
through. He fell into SI. 'Ali Mirza's hands when the Mirza 
defeated Bai-sunghar Mirza in Bukhara (goi ah.), and was then 
put to a dishonourable death on the charge of the blood of 
Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan.^ 

Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan (Arghun) was another, the 
son of Aurdu-bugha Tarkhan and full-brother of the mother of 
SI. Ahmad Mirza and SI. Mahmud Mirza.^ Of all begs in 
SI. Ahmad Mirza's presence, he was the greatest and most 
honoured. He was an orthodox Believer, kindly and darwesh- 
like, and was a constant transcriber of the Qu'ran.'* He played 
chess often and well, thoroughly understood the science of 
fowling and flew his birds admirably. He died in the height of 
his greatness, with a bad name, during the troubles between 
bl. *Ali Mirza and Bai-sunghar Mirza.^ 

*Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan was another, a near relation of Darwesh 
Muhammad Tarkhan, possessor also of his younger sister,® 
that is to say, Baqi Tarkhan's mother. Though both by the 
Mughul rule {turd) and by his rank, Darwesh Muhammad 

1 The points of a tlpuchdq are variously stated. If the root notion of the 
name be movement [tip), Erskine's observation, that these horses are taught 
special paces, is to the point. To the verb tipramdq dictionaries assign the 
meaning of movement with agitation of mind, an explanation fully illustrated 
in the B.N. The verb describes fittingly the dainty, nervous action of some 
trained horses. Other meanings assigned to tUpUchdq are roadster, roimd- 
bodied and swift. 

^ Cf. f. 376. 3 (;y f^ 5^ and note. * mashaf kitdbat qllilr idt. 

* Cf. i. 36 and II .S. ii. 271. ^ sinktllst ham mUndd Idl. 


AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 TO OCT. 2nd. 1494 39 

Tarkhan was the superior of 'Abdu'l-*ali Tarkhan, this Pharoah 
regarded him not at all. For some years he had the 
Government of Bukhara. His retainers were reckoned at Fol. 22. 
3,000 and he kept them well and handsomely. His gifts 
{bakhshish), his visits of enquiry (purshlsh), his public audience 
{dlwdn), his work-shops (dast-gah), his open-table {shllan) and 
his assemblies (majlis) were all like a king's. He was a strict 
disciplinarian, a tyrannical, vicious, self-infatuated person. 
Shaibani Khan, though not his retainer, was with him for a 
time ; most of the lesser (Shaiban) sultans did themselves take 
service with him. This same *Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan was the 
cause of Shaibani Khan's rise to such a height and of the down- 
fall of such ancient dynasties.^ 

Sayyid Yusuf, the Grey Wolfer^ was another ; his grandfather 
will have come from the Mughul horde ; his father was favoured 
by Aulugh Beg Mirza (Shdhrukhl). His judgment and counsel 
were excellent ; he had courage too. He played well on the 
guitar iqubuz). He was with me when I first went to Kabul ; I 
shewed him great favour and in truth he was worthy of favour. 
I left him in Kabul the first year the army rode out for Hin- 
dustan ; at that time he went to God's mercy.^ 

Darwesh Beg was another; he was of the line of Aiku-timur 
Beg,* a favourite of Timur Beg. He was a disciple of his 
Highness Khwaja ^Ubaidu'1-lah {Ahrdrl), had knowledge of the 
science of music, played several instruments and was naturally Fol. 22^. 
disposed to poetry. He was drowned in the Chir at the time of 
SI. Ahmad Mirza's discomfiture. 

Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan was another, a younger full- 
brother of Darwesh Muh. Tarkhan. He was Governor in 
Turkistan for some years till Shaibani Khan took it from him. 
His judgment and counsel were excellent ; he was an 
unscrupulous and vicious person. The second and third times 

^ khana-wddalar, viz. the Chaghatai, the Timurid in two Miran-shahi 
branches, 'All's and Babur's and the Bai-qara in Harat. 

2 aughlaqchi i.e. player at kUk-bUrd. Concerning the game, see Shaw's 
Vocabulary ; Schuyler i, 268 ; Kostenko iii, 82 ; Von Schwarz s.n. baiga. 

3 Zu'l-hijja 910 AH.-May 1505 ad. Cf. i. 154. This statement helps to 
define what Babur reckoned his expeditions into Hindustan. 

* Aiku (Ayagu)-timur Tarkhan Arghun d. circa 793 ah. -1 391 ad. He 
was a friend of Timur. See Z.N. i, 525 etc. 


I took Samarkand, he came to my presence and each time I 
shewed him very great favour. He died in the fight at Kul-i- 
malik (918 AH.-1512 ad.). 

Baqi Tarkhan was another, the son of 'Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan 
and SI. Ahmad Mirza's aunt. When his father died, they gave 
him Bukhara. He grew in greatness under SI. 'Ali Mirza, his 
retainers numbering 5 or 6,000. He was neither obedient nor 
very submissive to SI. 'All Mirza. He fought Shaibani Khan at 
Dabusi (go5AH.) and was crushed ; by the help of this defeat, 
Shaibani Khan went and took Bukhara. He was very fond of 
hawking; they say he kept 700 birds. His manners and habits 
were not such as may be told ;^ he grew up with a Mirza's 
state and splendour. Because his father had shewn favour 
to Shaibani Khan, he went to the Khan's presence, but that 
inhuman ingrate made him no sort of return in favour and kind- 
Fol. 23. ness. He left the world at Akhsi, in misery and wretchedness. 

S\. }lus3iin A rghlnw^s another. He was known as Qara- 
kuli because he had held the Qara-kul government for a time. 
His judgment and counsel were excellent ; he was long in my 
presence also. 

Quli Muhammad Bughdd^ was another, a qtlchin; he must 
have been a brave man. 

*Abdu'l-karim Ishrit^ was another; he was an Amghur, SI. 
Ahmad Mirza's Lord of the Gate, a brave and generous man. 

{u. Historical narrative resumed.) 

After SI. Ahmad Mirza's death, his begs in agreement, sent a 
courier by the mountain-road to invite SI. Mahmud Mirza.* 
Malik-i-Muhammad Mirza, the son of Minuchihr Mirza, SI. 

^ dnddq ikhldq u atawdrt yuq tdl htm dtsd bulghdi. The Shdh-ndma 
cap. xviii, describes him as a spoiled child and man of pleasure, caring only 
for eating, drinking and hunting. The Shaihdnl-ndma narrates his various 

^ i.e., cutlass, a parallel sobriquet to qllich. sword. If it be correct to 
translate by " cutlass," the nickname may have prompted Babur's brief 
following comment, marddna Ikdn dur, i.e. Quli Muh. must have been brave 
because known as the Cutlass. A common variant in MSS. from Bughdd is 
Baghdad ; Baghdad was first written in the ITai. MS. but is corrected by the 
scribe to bughdd. 

^ So pointed in the Ilai. MS. I surmise it a clan-name. 

* i.e. to offer him the succession. The mountain road taken from Aura-tipa 
would be by Ab-burdan. Sara-taq and the Kam Rud defile. 

899 AH.— OCT. 12th. 1493 to OCT. 2nd. 1494 41 

Abu-sa*id Mirza's eldest brother, aspired for his own part to 
rule. Having drawn a few adventurers and desperadoes to 
himself, they dribbled away^ from (SI. Ahmad Mirza's) camp 
and went to Samarkand. He was not able to effect anything, 
but he brought about his own death and that of several innocent 
persons of the ruling House. 

At once on hearing of his brother's death, SI. Mahmud Mirza 
went off to Samarkand and there seated himself on the throne, 
without difficulty. Some of his doings soon disgusted and 
alienated high and low, soldier and peasant. The first of these 
was that he sent the above-named Malik-i-Muhammad to the Foi. z-^b. 
Kuk-sarai,2 although he was his father's brother's son and his 
own son-in-law.2 With him he sent others, four Mirzas in all. 
Two of these he set aside ; Malik-i-Muhammad and one other 
he martyred. Some of the four were not even of ruling rank 
and had not the smallest aspiration to rule ; though Malik-i- 
Muhammad Mirza was a little in fault, in the rest there was no 
blame whatever. A second thing was that though his methods 
and regulations were excellent, and though he was expert in 
revenue matters and in the art of administration, his nature 
inclined to tyranny and vice. Directly he reached Samarkand, 
he began to make new regulations and arrangements and to 
rate and tax on a new basis. Moreover the dependants of his 
(late) Highness Khwaja *Ubaid'Mah, under whose protection 
formerly many poor and destitute persons had lived free from 
the burden of dues and imposts, were now themselves treated 
with harshness and oppression. On what ground should hard- 
ship have touched them ? Nevertheless oppressive exactions 
were made from them, indeed from the Khwaja's very children. 
Yet another thing was that just as he was vicious and tyrannical, 
so were his begs, small and great, and his retainers and followers. 
The Hisaris and in particular the followers of Khusrau Shah 

^ Irlldt. The departure can hardly have been open because Ahmad's begs 
favoured Mahmud ; Malik-i-Muhammad 's party would be likely to slip away 
in small companies. 

2 This well-known Green, Grey or Blue palace or halting-place was within 
the citadel of Samarkand. Cf. f. 37. It served as a prison from which return 
was not expected. 

3 Cf. f. 27. He married a full-sister of Bii-sunghar. 


engaged themselves unceasingly with wine and fornication. 
Once one of them enticed and took away a certain man's wife. 
Foi. 24. When her husband went to Khusrau Shah and asked for justice, 
he received for answer : " She has been with you for several 
years ; let her be a few days with him." Another thing was 
that the young sons of the townsmen and shopkeepers, nay ! 
even of Turks and soldiers could not go out from their houses 
from fear of being taken for catamites. The Samarakandis, 
having passed 20 or 25 years under SI. Ahmad Mirza in ease 
and tranquillity, most matters carried through lawfully and with 
justice by his Highness the Khwaja, were wounded and 
troubled in heart and soul, by this oppression and this vice. 
Low and high, the poor, the destitute, all opened the mouth to 
curse, all lifted the hand for redress. 

" Beware the steaming up of inward wounds. 
For an inward wound at the last makes head ; 
Avoid while thou canst, distress to one heart, 
For a single sigh will convulse a world. "^ 

By reason of his infamous violence and vice SI. Mahmud 
Mirza did not rule in Samarkand more than five or six 

^ Gulistdn Part I. Story 27. For " steaming up," see Tennyson's Lotus- 
eaters Choric song, canto 8 (H.B.). 

900 AH.— OCT. 2xND. 1494 to SEP. 21st. 1495 AD.i 

This year SI. Mahmud Mirza sent an envoy, named ' Abdu'l- 
qadus Beg,^ to bring me a gift from the wedding he had 
made with splendid festivity for his eldest son, Mas'ud Mirza 
with (Saliha-sultan), the Fair Begim, the second daughter of 
his elder brother, SI. Ahmad Mirza. They had sent gold and 
silver almonds and pistachios. 

There must have been relationship between this envoy and 
Hasan-i-yaq'iib, and on its account he will have been the man 
sent to make Hasan-i-yaq*ub, by fair promises, look towards 
SI. Mahmud Mirza. Hasan-i-yaq'iib returned him a smooth 
answer, made indeed as though won over to his side, and gave 
him leave to go. Five or six months later, his manners 
changed entirely ; he began to behave ill to those about me 
and to others, and he carried matters so far that he would 
have dismissed me in order to put Jahangir Mirza in my place. 
Moreover his conversation with the whole body of begs and 
soldiers was not what should be ; every-one came to know what 
was in his mind. Khwaja-i-Qazi and (Sayyid) Qasim Quchm 
and 'Ali-dost Taghai met other well-wishers of mine in the 
presence of my grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim and decided 
to give quietus to Hasan-i-yaq'iib's disloyalty by his deposition. 

Few amongst women will have been my grandmother's 
equals for judgment and counsel; she was very wise and far- 
sighted and most affairs of mine were carried through under 
her advice. She and my mother were (living) in the Gate- 
house of the outer fort;^ Hasan-i-yaq'ub was in the citadel. 

1 Elph. MS. f. i6b ; First W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 19 ; Second W.-i-B. I.O. 217 
f. 15& ; Memoirs p. 27. 

2 He was a Dughldt, uncle by marriage of Haidar Mirza and now holding 
Khost for Mahmud. See T.R. s.n. for his claim on Aisan-daulat's gratitude. 

3 task quvghdn da chlqdr da. Here (as e.g. i. 110b 1. 9) the Second W.-i-B. 
translates tdsh as though it meant stone instead of outer. Cf. f. 47 for an 



When I went to the citadel, in pursuance of our decision, he had 
ridden out, presumably for hawking, and as soon as he had 
Fol. 25. our news, went off from where he was towards Samarkand. 
The begs and others in sympathy with him,^ were arrested; 
one was Muhammad Baqir Beg; SI. Mahmud Dillddt, SI. 
Muhammad DulddVs father, was another; there were several 
more; to some leave was given to go for Samarkand. The 
Andijan Government and control of my Gate were settled on 
(Sayyid) Qasim Quchm. 

A few days after Hasan-i-yaq*iib reached Kand-i-badam on 
the Samarkand road, he went to near the Khuqan sub-division 
(aurchln) with ill-intent on Akhsi. Hearing of it, we sent 
several begs and braves to oppose him; they, as they went, 
detached a scouting party ahead; he, hearing this, moved 
against the detachment, surrounded it in its night-quarters^ 
and poured flights of arrows (shlba) in on it. In the dark- 
ness of the night an arrow (ailq), shot by one of his own men, 
hit him just (ailq) in the vent {qdchdr) and before he could take 
vent {qdchdr) j^ he became the captive of his own act. 

" If you have done ill, keep not an easy mind, 
For retribution is Nature's law."* 

This year I began to abstain from all doubtful food, my 
obedience extended even to the knife, the spoon and the 
table-cloth f also the after-midnight Prayer {tahajjud) was 
Fol. 2$^. less neglected. 

adjectival use of tdsh. stone, with the preposition {tdsh) din. The places 
contrasted here are the citadel [ark) and the walled -town [qurghdn). The 
chlqdr (exit) is the fortified Gate-house of the mud circumvallation. Cf. f. 46 
for another example of chlqdr. 

^ Elph. Ilai. Kehr's MSS., dning blla bdr klshi bdr begldrnl iuiuruldi. This 
idiom recurs on f, 76b 1. 8. A paUmpsest entry in the Elph. MS. produces the 
statement that when Hasan fled, his begs returned to Andijan. 

2 Hai. MS. awl munkiizl, underlined by sdgh-i-gdu, cows' thatched house. 
[T. munkiiz, ht. horn, means also cattle.] Elph. MS., awl munkush, under- 
Uned by dar j'd'l khwdb alfakhta, sleeping place. [T. munkush, retired.] 

^ The first qdchdr of this pun has been explained as gurez-gdh, sharm-gdh, 
hinder parts, fuiie and vertibre infirieur, The H.S. (ii, 273 1. 3 fr. ft.) says the 
wound was in a vital (maqattal) part. 

* From Nizaml's Khusrau u Shirln, Lahore lith. ed. p. 137 1. 8. It is quoted 
also in the A.N. Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 207 (H.B. ii, 321). (H.B.). 

^ See Hughes Dictionary of Isldm s.nn. Eating and Food. 

900 AH.— OCT. 2nd. 1494 to SEP. 21ST. 1495 A.D. 45 

^^^. Death of SI. Mahmud Mlrzd.) 

^^^n the month of the latter Rabi' (January 1495 AD.), SI. Mah- 
mud Mirza was confronted by violent illness and in six days, 
passed from the world. He was 43 (lunar) years old. 

b. His birth and lineage. 

He was born in 857 ah. (1453 ad.), was SI. Abu-sa'id 
Mirza's third son and the full-brother of SI. Ahmad Mirza.^ 

c. His appearance and characteristics. 

He was a short, stout, sparse-bearded and somewhat ill- 
shaped person. His manners and his qualities were good, his 
rules and methods of business excellent ; he was well-versed in 
accounts, not a dinar or a dirhdm^ of revenue was spent without 
his knowledge. The pay of his servants was never disallowed. 
His assemblies, his gifts, his open table, were all good. Every- 
thing of his was orderly and well-arranged f no soldier or 
peasant could deviate in the slightest from any plan of his. 
Formerly he must have been hard set (qdtirdr) on hawking but 
latterly he very frequently hunted driven game.* He carried 
violence and vice to frantic excess, was a constant wine-bibber 
and kept many catamites. If anywhere in his territory, there 
was a handsome boy, he used, by whatever means, to have him 
brought for a catamite ; of his begs' sons and of his sons' begs' 
sons he made catamites ; and laid command for this service on Foi. 26. 
his very foster brothers and on their own brothers. So 
common in his day was that vile practice, that no person was 
without his catamite ; to keep one was thought a merit, not to 
keep one, a defect. Through his infamous violence and vice, 
his sons died in the day of their strength {tamdm juwdn). 

1 Cf. f. 6h and note. If 'Umar Shaikh were Mahmud 's full-brother, his 
name might well appear here. 

2 i.e. " Not a farthing, not a half -penny." 

3 Here the Mems. enters a statement, not found in the Turki text, that 
Mahmud 's dress was elegant and fashionable. 

* n:h:l:m. My husband has cleared up a mistake (Mems. p. 28 and Mints. 
i, 54) of supposing this to be the name of an animal. It is explained in the 
A.N. (i, 255. H.B. i, 496) as a Badakhshi equivalent of iasqdwal : tasqdwal 
var. idshqdwal, is explained by the Far hang-i-az fart, a Turki-Persian Diet, 
seen in the Mulla Firoz Library of Bombay, to mean rdh band kunanda, the 
stopping of the road. Cf. J.R.A.S. 1900 p. 137. 


He had a taste for poetry and put a dlwdn^ together but his 
verse is flat and insipid, — not to compose is better than to 
compose verse such as his. He was not firm in the Faith and 
held his Highness Khwaja *Ubaidu'l-lah {Ahrdri) in sHght 
esteem. He had no heart (yuruk) and was somewhat scant in 
modesty, — several of his impudent buffoons used to do their 
filthy and abominable acts in his full Court, in all men's sight. 
He spoke badly, there was no understanding him at first. 

d. His battles. 

He fought two battles, both with SI. Husain Mirza {Bdi- 
qard). The first was in Astarabad; here he was defeated. 
The second was at Chikman (Saraij,^ near Andikhud; here 
also he was defeated. He went twice to Kafiristan, on the 
Fol. 26<). south of Badakhshan, and made Holy War; for this reason 
they wrote him SI. Mahmud Ghdzi in the headings of his. 
public papers. 

e. His countries, 

SI. Abii-sa'id Mirza gave him Astarabad.^ After the 'Iraq 
disaster {i.e., his father's death,) he went into Khurasan. At 
that time, Qambar-'ali Beg, the governor of Hisar, by SI. Abu- 
sa'id Mirza'3 orders, had mobilized the Hindustan^ army and 
was following him into 'Iraq ; he joined SI. Mahmiid Mirza in 
Khurasan but the Khurasanis, hearing of SI. Husain Mirza's 
approach, rose suddenly and drove them out of the country.. 
On this SI. Mahmiid Mirza went to his elder brother, Si. 
Ahmad Mirza in Samarkand. A few months later Sayyid 
Badr and Khusrau Shah and some braves under Ahmad 

^ i.e. " a collection of poems in the alphabetical order of the various end 
rhymes." (Steingass.) 

2 At this battle Daulat-shah was present, Cf. Browne's D.S, for Astarabad 
p. 523 and for Andikhud p. 532. For this and all other references to D.S.. 
and H.S. I am indebted to my husband. 

3 The following dates will help out Babur's brief narrative. Mahm'ud 
at. 7, was given Astarabad in 864 ah. (1459-60 ad.) ; it was lost to Husain at 
Jauz-wilayat and Mabmud went into Khurasan in 865 ah. ; he was restored 
by his father in 866 ah. ; on his father's death {873 ah.- 1469 ad.) he fled to 
Harat, thence to Samarkand and from there was taken to Ilisar cat. 16. Cf. 
D'Herbelot s.n. Abu-sa'ad ; H.S. i, 209 ; Browne's D.S. p. 522. 

* Presumably the " Hindustan the Less " of Clavijo (Markham p. 3 and 
p. 113), approx. Qainbar — 'all's districts. Clavijo includes Tirmiz under the. 

900 AH.— OCT. 2nd. 1494 TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 a.d. 47 

^Mushtdq^ took him and fled to Qambar-*ali in Hisar. From 
that time forth, SI. Mahmud Mirza possessed the countries 
lying south of Quhqa (Quhlugha) and the Kohtin Range as far 
as the Hindu-kush Mountains, such as Tirmiz, Chaghanian, 
Hisar, Khutlan, Qunduz and Badakhshan. He also held 
SI. Ahmad Mirza's lands, after his brother's death. 

/. His childreft. 

He had five sons and eleven daughters. 

SI. Mas'ud Mirza was his eldest son ; his mother was Khan- ^^^- ^7- 
zada Begim, a daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz. Bai- 
sunghar Mirza was another; his mother was Pasha (or Pasha) 
Begim. SI. *Ali Mirza was another; his mother was an 
Aiizbeg, a concubine called Zuhra Begi Agha. SI. Husain 
Mirza was another; his mother was Khan-zada Begim, a 
grand-daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz ; he went to God's 
mercy in his father's life-time, at the age of 13. SI. Wais 
Mirza (Mirza Khan) was another; his mother, Sultan-nigar 
Khanim was a daughter of Yiinas Khan and was a younger 
(half-) sister of my mother. The affairs of these four Mirzas 
will be written of in this history under the years of their 

Of Si. Mahmiid Mirza's daughters, three were by the same 
mother as Bai-sunghar Mirza. One of these, Bai-sunghar 
Mirza's senior, SI. Mahmiid Mirza made to go out to Malik-i- 
muhammad Mirza, the son of his paternal uncle, Miniichihr 

Five other daughters were by Khan-zada Begim, the grand- 
daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz. The oldest of these, 

* Perhaps a Sufi term, — longing for the absent friend. For particulars 
about this man see H.S. ii, 235 and Browne's D.S. p. 533. 

2 Here in the Hai. MS. is one of several blank spaces, waiting for information 
presumably not known to Babur when writing. The space will have been in 
the archetype of the Hai. MS. and it makes for the opinion that the Hai. MS. 
is a direct copy of Babur's own. This space is not left in the Elph. MS. but 
that MS. is known from its scribe's note (f. 198) down to f. 198 (Hai. MS. 
f. 2436) to have been copied from " other writings " and only subsequent to 
its f. 198 from Babur's own. Cf. JRAS 1906 p. 88 and 1907 p. 143. 


(Khan-zada Begim)^ was given, after her father's death, to Aba- 
Foi. ^^b. bikr {Diighldt) Kdshgharl. The second was Bega Begim. When 
SI. Husain Mirza besieged Hisar (901 ah.), he took her for 
Haidar Mirza, his son by Payanda Begim, SI. Abii-sa'id Mirza s 
daughter, and having done so, rose from before the place.^ 
The third daughter was Aq (Fair) Begim; the fourth^ — ,was 
betrothed to Jahangir Mirza {act. 5, circa 895 ah.) at the time 
his father, *Umar Shaikh Mirza sent him to help SI. Mahmud 
Mirza with the Andijan army, against SI. Husain Mirza, then 
attacking Qunduz.^ In 910 ah. (1504 ad.) when Baqi Chaghdn- 
idnl^ waited on me on the bank of the Amu (Oxus), these 
(last-named two) Begims were with their mothers in Tirmiz 
and joined me then with Baqi's family. When we reached 

Kahmard, Jahangir Mirza took Begim; one little 

daughter was born ; she now^ is in the Badakhshan country 
with her grandmother. The fifth daughter was Zainab-sultan 
Begim ; under my mother's insistance, I took her at the time 
of the capture of Kabul (910 AH.-Oct. 1504 ad.). She did not 
become very congenial ; two or three years later, she left the 
world, through small-pox. Another daughter was Makhdum- 
sultan Begim, SI. 'Ali Mirza's full-sister; she is now in the 
Badakhshan country. Two others of his daughters, Rajab- 
sultan and Muhibb-sultan, were by mistresses (ghunchachl), 

g. His ladies (khwdtmldr) and concubines (sardrl). 

His chief wife, Khan-zada Begim, was a daughter of the 

Foi. 28. Great Mir of Tirmiz ; he had great affection for her and must 

have mourned her bitterly ; she was the mother of SI. Mas'ud 

Mirza. Later on, he took her brother's daughter, also called 

Khan-zada Begim, a grand-daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz. 

1 The T.R. (p. 330) supplies this name. 

2 Cf. i. 356. This was a betrothal only, the marriage being made in 903 ah. 
Cf. U.S. ii, 260 and Gul-badan's H.N. f. 246. 

3 Kehr's MS. supplies Ai (Moon) as her name but it has no authority. 
The Elph. MS. has what may be Id nam, no name, on its margin and over 
tufutunchl (4th.) its usual sign of what is problematical. 

* See H.S. ii, 250. Here Pir-i-Muhammad Allchl-bughd was drowned. 
Cf. f . 29. * 

^ Chaghanian is marked in Erskine's (Mems.) map as somewhere about the 
head of (Fr. map 1904) the Ilyak Water, a tributary of the Kafir-nighan. 

^ i.e. when Babur was writing in Hindustan. 

900 AH.— OCT. 2nd. 1494 to SEP. 21ST. 1495 AD. 49 

She became the mother of five of his daughters and one of his 
sons. Pasha (or Pasha) Begim was another wife, a daughter of 
*Ali-shukr Beg, a Turkman Beg of the Black Sheep Baharlii 
Aimaq.^ She had been the wife of Jahan-shah {Bar dm) of the 
Black Sheep Turkmans. After Auziin (Long) Hasan Beg of 
the White Sheep had taken Azar-baijan and 'Iraq from the 
sons of this Jahan-shah Mirza (872 AH.-1467 ad.), *Ali-shukr 
Beg's sons went with four or five thousand heads-of-houses 
of the Black Sheep Turkmans to serve SI. Abii-sa'id Mirza and 
after the Mirza's defeat (873 ah. by Auzun Hasan), came down 
to these countries and took service with SI. Mahmud Mirza. 
This happened after SI. Mahmiid Mirza came to Hisar from 
Samarkand, and then it was he took Pasha Begim. She 
became the mother of one of his sons and three of his daughters. 
Sultan-nigar Khanim was another of his ladies; her descent 
has been mentioned already in the account of the (Chaghatai) 
Khans. F«i- 28*. 

He had many concubines and mistresses. His most honoured 
concubine (mu'atabar ghuma) was Zuhra Begi Agha ; she was 
taken in his father's life-time and became the mother of one son 
and one daughter. He had many mistresses and, as has been 
said, two of his daughters were by two of them. 

h. His amirs. 

Khusrau Shah was of the Turkistani Qipchaqs. He had 
been in the intimate service of the Tarkhan begs, indeed had 
been a catamite. Later on he became a retainer of Mazid Beg 
(Tarkhan) ArgJiun who favoured him in all things. He was 
favoured by SI. Mahmiid Mirza on account of services done by 
him when, after the 'Iraq disaster, he joined the Mirza on his 
way to Khurasan. -He waxed very great in his latter days; 
his retainers, under SI. Mahmiid Mirza, were a clear five or six 
thousand. Not only Badakhshan but the whole country from 
the Amu to the Hindii-kush Mountains depended on him and 
he devoured its whole revenue {darobast ylr Idl). His open table 
was good, so too his open hand; though he was a rough getter,^ 

^ For his family seei. 556 note to Yar-'ali Baldl. 
2 hd wujud turkluk inuhkam paidd kunanda idl. 

Fol. 29. 


what he got, he spent liberally. He waxed exceeding great 
after SI. Mahmud Mirza s death, in whose sons' time his re- 
tainers approached 20,000. Although he prayed and abstained 
from forbidden aliments, yet was he black-souled and vicious, 
dunder-headed and senseless, disloyal and a traitor to his salt. 
For the sake of this fleeting, five-days world,^he blinded one of 
his benefactor's sons and murdered another. A sinner before 
God, reprobate to His creatures, he has earned curse and 
execration till the very verge of Resurrection. For this world's 
sake he did his evil deeds and yet, with lands so broad and 
with such hosts of armed retainers, he had not pluck to 
stand up to a hen, ., An account of him will come into this 

Pir-i-muhammad Allchl-bughd^ QucJim was another. In 
Hazaraspi's fight ^ he got in on challenge with his fists in SI. 
Abu-sa'id Mirza's presence at the Gate of Balkh. He was a 
brave man, continuously serving the Mirza (Mahmiid) and 
guiding him by his counsel. Out of rivalry to Khusrau Shah, 
he made a night-attack when the Mirza was besieging Qunduz, 
on SI. Husain Mirza, with few men, without arming* and 
without plan ; he could do nothing ; what was there he could 
do against such and so large a force ? He was pursued, threw 
himself into the river and was drowned. 

Ayub {Begchik Mughul) ^ was another. He had served in SI. 
Abu-sa'id Mirza's Khurasan Cadet Corps, a brave man, Bai- 
sunghar Mirza's guardian. He was choice in dress and food ; 

1 Roebuck's Oriental Proverbs (p. 232) explains the five of this phrase 
where seven might be expected, by saying that of this Seven days' world (qy. 
days of Creation) one is for birth, another for death, and that thus five only 
are left for man's brief life. 

2 The cognomen AUchl-bughd, taken with the bearer's recorded strength of 
fist, may mean Strong man of Ailchi (the capital of Khutan). One of Timor's 
commanders bore the name. Cf. f. 216 for bughii as athlete. 

3 Hazaraspi seems to be Mir Pir Darwesh Hazaraspi. With his brother, 
Mir 'All, he had charge of Balkh. See Rauzatu's-safd B.M. Add, 23506, f . 2426 ; 
Browne's D.S. p. 432. It may be right to understand a hand-to-hand fight 
between Hazaraspi and Ailchi-bugha. The affair was in 857 ah. (1453 ad.). 

* ydrdq slz, perhaps trusting to fisticuffs, perhaps without mail. Babur's 
summary has confused the facts. Muh. Ailchi-bwgha was sent by SI. Mal.miid 
Mirza from Ilisar with 1,000 men and did not issue out of Qundxiz. (II -S. ii, 
251.) His death occurred not before 895 ah. 

t* See T.R. s.nn. Mir Ayub and Ayub. 


Va jester i 

900 AH.— OCT. 2nd. 1494 TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 AD. 51 

jester and talkative, nicknamed Impudence, perhaps because 
the Mirza called him so. ^'^l- 29^- 

Wall was another, the younger, full-brother of Khusrau Shah. 
He kept his retainers well. He it was brought about the 
blinding of SI. Mas'iid Mirza and the murder of Bai-sunghar 
Mirza. He had an ill-word for every-one and was an evil- 
tongued, foul-mouthed, self-pleasing and dull-witted mannikin. 
He approved of no-one but himself. When I went from the 
Qiindiiz country to near Diishi (910 ah.- 1503 ad.), separated 
Khusrau Shah from his following and dismissed him, this 
person («.^., Wali) had come to Andar-ab and Sir-ab, also in 
fear of the Aiizbegs. The Aimaqs of those parts beat and 
robbed him^ then, having let me know, came on to Kabul. 
Wali went to Shaibani Khan who had his head struck off in 
the town of Samarkand. 

Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah Barlds^ was another; he had to wife one 
of the daughters of Shah Sultan Muhammad (Badakhshl) i.e., 
the maternal aunt of Aba-bikr Mirza {Mlrdn-shdht) and of SI. 
Mahmiid Khan. He wore his tunic narrow and ptir shaqq^ ; he 
was a kindly well-bred man. 

Mahmiid Barlds of the Barlases of Niindak (Badakhshan) 
was another. He had been a beg also of SI. Abii-sa'id Mirza 
and had surrendered Karman to him when the Mirza took the 
*Iraq countries. When Aba-bikr Mirza (Mtrdn-shdhl) came Fol. 30. 
against Hisar with Mazid Beg Tarkhan and the Black Sheep 
Turkmans, and SI. Mahmiid Mirza went off to his elder brother, 
SI. Ahmad Mirza in Samarkand, Mahmiid Barlds did not 
surrender Hisar but held out manfully.^ He was a poet and 
put a dlwdn together. 

{i. Historical narrative resumed). 

When SI. Mahmiid Mirza died, Khusrau Shah kept the 
event concealed and laid a long hand on the treasure. But 

* This passage is made more clear by f. 120& and f. 1256. 

2 He is mentioned in 'Ali-sher Nawd'Vs Majdlis-i-nafd'is ; see B.M. Add. 
7875, f. 278 and Rieu's Turkish Catalogue. 

3 ? full of splits or full handsome. 

* This may have occurred after Abu-sa'Id Mirza's death whose son Aba-bikr 
was. Cf. f. 28. If so, over-brevity has obscured the statement. 


how could such news be hidden ? It spread through the town 
at once. That was a festive day for the Samarkand families ; 
soldier and peasant, they uprose in tumult against Khusrau 
Shah. Ahmad Haji Beg and the Tarkhani begs put the rising 
down and turned Khusrau Shah out of the town with an escort 
for Hisar. 

As SI. Mahmud Mirza himself after giving Hisar to SI. 
Mas'iid Mirza and Bukhara to Bai-sunghar Mirza, had dis- 
missed both to their governments, neither was present when he 
died. The Hisar and Samarkand begs, after turning Khusrau 
Shah out, agreed to send for Bai-sunghar Mirza from Bukhara, 
brought him to Samarkand and seated him on the throne. 
When he thus became supreme (pddshdh), he was i8 (lunar) 
years old. 

At this crisis, SI. Mahmiid Khan (Chaghatdi), acting on the 
Foi. 3o<5. word of Junaid Barlds and of some of the notables of 
Samarkand, led his army out to near Kan-bai with desire to 
take that town. Bai-sunghar Mirza, on his side, marched out 
in force. They fought near Kan-bai. Haidar Kukulddsh, the 
main pillar of the Mughiil army, led the Mughiil van. He and 
all his men dismounted and were pouring in flights of arrows 
(shlba) when a large body of the mailed braves of Hisar and 
Samarkand made an impetuous charge and straightway laid 
them under their horses* feet. Their leader taken, the Mughiil 
army was put to rout without more fighting. Masses (qdlln) of 
Mughiils were wiped out; so many were beheaded in Bai- 
sunghar Mirza's presence that his tent was three times shifted 
because of the number of the dead. 

At this same crisis, Ibrahim Sdru entered the fort of Asfara, 
there read Bai-sunghar Mirza's name in the Khufba and took 
up a position of hostility to me. 

{Author's note.) Ibrahim Sdrii is of the Mingligh people ;i he had 
served my father in various ways from his childhood but later on had 
been dismissed for some fault. 

Foi. 31. The army rode out to crush this rebellion in the month of 
Sha'ban (May) and by the end of it, had dismounted round 

^ mingligh atldin dur, perhaps of those whose hereditary Command was a 
Thousand, the head of a Ming (Pers. Hazara), i.e. of the tenth of a tiimdn. 


TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 AD. 


tara. Our braves in the wantonness of enterprise, on the very 
day of arrival, took the new wall^ that was in building outside 
the fort. That day Sayyid Qasim, Lord of my Gate, out- 
stripped the rest and got in with his sword ; SI. Ahmad Tamhal 
and Muhammad-dost Taghai got theirs in also but Sayyid 
Qasim won the Champion's Portion. He took it in Shahrukh- 
iya when I went to see my mother's brother, SI. Mahmiid 

{Author's note.) The Championship Portions is an ancient usage of 
the Mughul horde. Whoever outdistanced his tribe and got in with 
his own sword, took the portion at every feast and entertainment. 

My guardian, Khudai-birdi Beg died in that first day's fight- 
ing, struck by a cross-bow arrow. As the assault was made 
without armour, several bare braves {ylkit yildngf perished and 
many were wounded. One of Ibrahim Sdru's cross-bowmen 
was an excellent shot ; his equal had never been seen ; he it 
was hit most of those wounded. When Asfara had been 
taken, he entered my service. 

As the siege drew on, orders were given to construct head- 
strikes^ in two or three places, to run mines and to make every yo\. 31^. 
effort to prepare appliances for taking the fort. The siege 
lasted 40 days ; at last Ibrahim Sam had no resource but, 
through the mediation of Khwaja Moulana-i-qazi, to elect to 
serve me. In the month of Shawwal (June 1495 ad.) he came 
out, with his sword and quiver hanging from his neck, waited 
on me and surrendered the fort. 

Khujand for a considerable time had been dependent on 
*Umar Shaikh Mirza's Court (dtwdn) but of late had looked 
towards SI. Ahmad Mirza on account of the disturbance in 
the Farghana government during the interregnum.^ As the 

* qurghan-nlng tdshidd ydngi tdm qupdrtb said dur. 1 understand, that 
what was taken was a new circumvallation in whole or in part. Such double 
walls are on record, Cf. Appendix A. 

2 bahddurluq auliish, an actual portion of food. 

3 i.e. either unmailed or actually naked. 

* The old English noun strike expresses the purpose of the sar-koh. It is 
" an instrument for scraping off what rises above the top " (Webster, whose 
example is grain in a measure). The sar-koh is an erection of earth or wood, 
as high as the attacked walls, and it enabled besiegers to strike off heads 

^appearing above the ramparts. 

* i.e. the dislocation due to 'Umar Shaikh's death. 


Opportunity offered, a move against it also was now made. 
Mir Mughul's father, *Abdu'l-wahhab Shao^hdwaP- was in it ; he 
surrendered without making any difficulty at once on our 

Just then SI. Mahmud Khan was in Shahrukhiya. It has 
been said already that when SI. Ahmad Mirza came into 
Andijan (899 ah.), he also came and that he laid siege to Akhsi. 
It occurred to me that if since I was so close, I went and 
waited on him, he being, as it were, my father and my elder 
brother, and if bye-gone resentments were laid aside, it would 
be good hearing and seeing for far and near. So said, I 

I waited on The Khan in the garden Haidar Kukulddsh had 
made outside Shahrukhiya. He was seated in a large four- 
Foi. 32. doored tent set up in the middle of it. Having entered the 
tent, I knelt three times,^ he for his part, rising to do me 
honour. We looked one another in the eyes;^ and he re- 
turned to his seat. After I had kneeled, he called me to his 
side and shewed me much affection and friendliness. Two 
or three days later, I set off for Akhsi and Andijan by the 
Kindirlik Pass.^ At Akhsi I made the circuit of my Father's 

1 Cf. i. 13. The H.S. (ii, 274) places his son, Mir Mughiil, in charge, but 
otherwise agrees with the B.N. 

2 Cf. Clavijo, Markham p. 132. Sir Charles Grandison bent the knee on 
occasions but illustrated MSS. e.g. the B.M. Tawavlkh-i-guzlda Nasrat-ndma 
show that Babur would kneel down on both knees. Cf. f. 1236 for the fatigue 
of the genuflection. 

3 I have translated kurushuh thus because it appears to me that here and 
in other places, stress is laid by Babur upon the mutual gaze as an episode of 
a ceremonious interview. The verb kurushmak is often rendered by the 
Persian translators as darydftan and by the L. and E. Memoirs as to embrace. 
I have not found in the B.N. warrant for translating it as to embrace ; 
quchushmcSq is Babur's word for this (f. 103). Darydftan, taken as to grasp or 
see with the mind, to understand, well expresses mutual gaze and its sequel 
of mutual understanding. Sometimes of course, kurush, the interview does 
not imply kurush, the silent looking in the eyes with mutual understanding ; 
it simply means se voyer e.g. f. 17. The point is thus dwelt upon because the 
frequent mention of an embrace gives a different impression of manners from 
that made by " interview " or words expressing mutual gaze. 

* ddbdn. This word R6clus (vi, 171) quoting from Fedschenko, explains 
as a difficult rocky defile ; art, again, as a dangerous gap at a high elevation ; 
bel, as an easy low pass ; and kutal, as a broad opening between low hills. 
The explanation of kiital does not hold good for Babur's appUcation of the 
word (f. 816) to the Sara-taq. 

900 AH.— OCT. 2nd. 1494 TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 AD. 55 

tomb. I left at the hour of the Friday Prayer {i.e., about mid- 
day) and reached Andijan, by the Band-i-salar Road between 
the Evening and Bedtime Prayers. This road i.e. the Band-i- 
salar, people call a mneylghdch road.^ 

One of the tribes of the wilds of Andijan is the Jigrak^ a 
numerous people of five or six thousand households, dwelling 
in the mountains between Kashghar and Farghana. They have 
many horses and sheep and also numbers of yaks [quids), these 
hill-people keeping yaks instead of common cattle. As their 
mountains are border-fastnesses, they have a fashion of not 
paying tribute. An army was now sent against them under 
(Sayyid) Qasim Beg in order that out of the tribute taken from 
them something might reach the soldiers. He took about 
20,000 of their sheep and between 1000 and 1500 of their 
horses and shared all out to the men. 

After its return from the Jigrak, the army set out for Aura- Foi. 34. 
tipa. Formerly this was held by *Umar Shaikh Mirza but it 
had gone out of hand in the year of his death and SI. 'Ali 
Mirza was now in it on behalf of his elder brother, Bai- 
sunghar Mirza. When SI. 'Ali Mirza heard of our coming, he 
went off himself to the Macha hill-country, leaving his guardian, 
Shaikh Zii'n-niin ArghUn behind. From half-way between 
Khujand and Aura-tipa, Khalifa^ was sent as envoy to Shaikh 
Zu'n-nun but that senseless mannikin, instead of giving him a 
plain answer, laid hands on him and ordered him to death. 
For Khalifa to die cannot have been the Divine will ; he 
escaped and came to me two or three days later, stripped bare 
and having suffered a hundred tumdiis (1,000,000) of hardships 
and fatigues. We went almost to Aura-tipa but as, winter 
being near, people had carried away their corn and forage, after 
a few days we turned back for Andijan. After our retirement. 
The Khan's men moved on the place when the Aura-tipa 

^ Cf. f. 4& and note. From Babur's special mention of it, it would seem 
not to be the usual road. 

^ The spelling of this name is uncertain. Variants are many. Concerning 
tlie tribe see T.R. p. 165 n. 

^ Nizamu'd-din 'Ali Barlds : see Gul-badan's H.N. s.n. He served Babur till 
the latter's death. 


person^ unable to make a stand, surrendered and came out. 
The Khan then gave it to Muhammad Husain Kurkdn Dughlat 
and in his hands it remained till 908 ah. (1503) .^ 

^ i.e. Zu'n-nun or perhaps the garrison. 

2 i.e. down to Shaibani's destruction of Chaghatai rule in Tashkint in 
1 503 AD. 

901 AH.— SEP. 21ST. 1495 to SEP. 9th. 1496 AD.^ 

(a. Sultan Husain Mlrzd's campaign against Khusrau Shah). 

In the winter of this year, SI. Husain Mirza led his army out 
of Khurasan against Hisar and went to opposite Tirmiz. SI. 
Mas'ud Mirza, for his part, brought an army (from Hisar) and 
sat down over against him in Tirmiz. Khusrau Shah 
strengthened himself in Qunduz and to help SI. Mas'ud Mirza 
sent his younger brother, Wall. They (i.e.y the opposed forces) 
spent most of that winter on the river's banks, no crossing 
being effected. SI. Husain Mirza was a shrewd and experienced 
commander ; he marched up the river,^ his face set for Qiinduz 
and by this having put SI. Mas'ud Mirza off his guard, sent 
*Abdu'l-latif Bakhshl (pay-master) with 5 or 600 serviceable 
men, down the river to the Kilif ferry. These crossed and had 
entrenched themselves on the other bank before SI. Mas'ud 
Mirza had heard of their movement. When he did hear of it, 
whether because of pressure put upon him by Baqi Chaghdmdni 
to spite (his half-brother) Wall, or whether from his own want 
of heart, he did not march against those who had crossed but 
disregarding Wall's urgency, at once broke up his camp and 
turned for Hisar. ^ 

SI. Husain Mirza crossed the river and then sent, (i) against 
Khusrau Shah, Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Ibrahim Husain 
Mirza with Muhammad Wali Beg and Zii'n-riiin ArghUn, and Fo^- SS-^- 

1 Elph. MS. f. 23 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 26 and 217 f. 21 ; Mems. p. 35. 
Babur's own affairs form a small part of this year's record ; the rest is drawn 

from the U.S. which in its turn, uses Babur's f. 34 and f. 376. Each author 
words the shared material in his own style ; one adding magniloquence, the 
other retracting to plain statement, indeed summarizing at times to obscurity. 
Each passes his own judgment on events, e.g. here Khwand-amlr's is more 
favourable to Ilusain Bai-qara's conduct of the Hisar campaign than Babur's. 
Cf. H.S. ii, 256-60 and 274. 

2 This feint would take him from the Oxus. 

3 Tirmiz to Ilisar, 96m. (Reclus vi, 255). 



(2) against Khutlan, Muzaffar Husain Mirza with Muhammad 
Baranduq Barlds. He himself moved for Hisar. 

When those in Hisar heard of his approach, they took their 
precautions ; SI. Mas'ud Mirza did not judge it well to stay in 
the fort but went off up the Kam Rud valley -"^ and by way of 
Sara-taq to his younger brother, Bai-sunghar Mirza in Samar- 
kand. Wall, for his part drew off to (his own district) Khutlan. 
Baqi Chaghdnldm, Mahmud Barlds and Quch Beg's father, 81. 
Ahmad strengthened the fort of Hisar. Hamza SI. and Mahdi 
SI. (Auzbeg) who some years earlier had left Shaibani Khan for 
(the late) SI. Mahmud Mirza's service, now, in this dispersion, 
drew off with all their Auzbegs, for Qara-tigin. With them 
went Muhammad Dughldt^ and SI. Husain Dughldt and all the 
Mughuls located in the Hisar country. 

Upon this SI. Husain Mirza sent Abu'l-muhsin Mirza after 
SI. Mas'ud Mirza up the Kam Rud valley. They were not 
strong enough for such work when they reached the defile.^ 
There Mirza Beg Flringt-bdz^ got in his sword. In pursuit of 
Hamza SI. into Qara-tigin, SI. Husain Mirza sent Ibrahim 
Tarkhan and Yaq'iib-i-ayiib. They overtook the sultans and 
tol- 33- fought. The Mirza's detachment was defeated ; most of his 
begs were unhorsed but all were allowed to go free. 

{b. Bdbur's reception of the Auzbeg sultans.) 

As a result of this exodus, Hamza SI. with his son, Mamaq 
SI., and Mahdi SI. and Muhammad Dughldt ^ later known as 
Hisdrl and his brother, SI. Husain Dughldt with the Aiizbegs 
dependent on the sultans and the Mughuls who had been 
located in Hisar as (the late) SI. Mahmiid Mirza's retainers, 
came, after letting me know (their intention), and waited upon 
me in Ramzan (May-June) at Andijan. According to the 

1 H.S. Wazr-ab valley. The usual route is up the Kam Rud and over the 
Mura pass to Sara-taq. Cf.i.Sib. 

2 i.e. the Hisari mentioned a few lines lower and on f. 996. Nothing on 
f. 996 explains his cognomen. 

3 The road is difficult. Cf. f. 8i6. 

* Khwand-amir also singles out one man for praise, SI. Mahmud Mir-i- 
akhwur ; the two names probably represent one person. The sobriquet may 
refer to skill with a matchlock, to top-spinning [fifnagl-bdz) or to some lost 
joke. (H.S. ii, 257.) 


901 AH.— SEP. 21ST. 1495 TO SEP. 9th. 1496 AD. 59 

custom of Timuriya sultans on such occasions, I had seated 
myself on a raised seat (tushdk) ; when Hamza SI. and Mamaq 
SI. and Mahdi SI. entered, I rose and went down to do them 
honour ; we looked one another in the eyes and I placed them 
on my right, bdghlsh da} A number of Mughdls also came, 
under Muhammad Hisdri ; all elected for my service. 

(c. SI. Husain Mlrzd's affairs resumed). 

SI. Husain Mirza, on reaching Hisar, settled down at once to 
besiege it. There was no rest, day nor night, from the labours 
of mining and attack, of working catapults and mortars. Mines 
were run in four or five places. When one had, gone well 
forward towards the Gate, the townsmen, countermining, struck 
it and forced smoke down on the Mirza's men ; they, in turn, yo\. 345. 
closed the hole, thus sent the smoke straight back and made the 
townsmen flee as from the very maw of death. In the end, the 
townsmen drove the besiegers out by pouring jar after jar of 
water in on them. Another day, a party dashed out from the 
town and drove off the Mirza's men from their own mine's 
mouth. Once the discharges from catapults and mortars in the 
Mirza's quarters on the north cracked a tower of the fort ; it 
fell at the Bed-time Prayer ; some of the Mirza's braves begged 
to assault at once but he refused, saying, ** It is night." Before 
the shoot of the next day's dawn, the besieged had rebuilt the 
whole tower. That day too there was no assault ; in fact, for 
the two to two and a half months of the siege, no attack was 
made except by keeping up the blockade,^ by mining, rearing 
head-strikes,^ and discharging stones. 

^ This pregnant phrase has been found difficult. It may express that 
Babur assigned the sultans places in their due precedence ; that he seated 
them in a row ; and that they sat cross-legged, as men of rank, and were not 
made, as inferiors, to kneel and sit back on their heels. Out of this last 
meaning, I infer comes the one given by dictionaries, " to sit at ease," since 
the cross-legged posture is less irksome than the genuflection, not to speak of 
the ease of mind produced by honour received. Cf. f . 1 8b and note on Ahmad 's 
posture ; Redhouse s.nn. bdghlsh and bdghddsh ; and B.M. Tawarikh-i-guzida 
nasrat-nama, in the illustrations of which the chief personage, only, sits 

2 siydsat. My translation is conjectural only. 

^ sar-kob. The old English noun strike, " an instrument for scraping off 
what appears above the top," expresses the purpose of the wall-high erections 
of wood or earth (L. agger) raised to reach what shewed above ramparts. Cf. 


When Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and whatever (ni klm) troops 
had been sent with him against Khusrau Shah, dismounted 
some i6 m. (3 to 4 ylghdch) below Qundiiz,^ Khusrau Shah 
arrayed whatever men {ni klm) he had, marched out, halted one 
night on the way, formed up to fight and came down upon the 
Mirza and his men. The Khurasanis may not have been twice 
as many as his men but what question is there they were half 
Fol. 35. as many more ? None the less did such Mirzas and such 
Commander-begs elect for prudence and remain in their en- 
trenchments ! Good and bad, small and great, Khusrau Shah's 
force may have been of 4 or 5,000 men ! 

This was the one exploit of his life, — of this man who for the 
sake of this fleeting and unstable world and for the sake of 
shifting and faithless followers, chose such evil and such ill- 
repute, practised such tyranny and injustice, seized such wide 
lands, kept such hosts of retainers and followers, — latterly he led 
out between 20 and 30,000 and his countries and his districts 
(pargandt) exceeded those of his own ruler and that ruler's sons,'^ 
— for an exploit such as this his name and the names of his 
adherents were noised abroad for generalship and for this they 
were counted brave, while those timorous laggards, in the 
trenches, won the resounding fame of cowards. 

Badfu'z-zaman Mirza marched out from that camp and after 
a few stages reached the Alghii Mountain of Taliqan^ and there 
made halt. Khusrau Shah, in Qiindiiz, sent his brother. Wall, 
with serviceable men, to Ishkimish, Fuliil and the hill-skirts 
thereabouts to annoy and harass the Mirza from outside also. 
Muhibb-'ali, the armourer, (qurchl) for his part, came down 
Fol- 35^- (from Wall's Khutlan) to the bank of the Khutlan Water, met 
in with some of the Mirza's men there, unhorsed some, cut off 
a few heads and got away. In emulation of this, Sayyidim 
*Ali* the door-keeper, and his younger brother, Quli Beg and 

^ Presumably lower down the Qunduz Water. 

2 aiiz pafishdhl u mlrzdldrldln artlb. 

3 sic. Ilai. MS. ; Elph. MS. " near Taliqan ; some W.-i-B. MSS. " Great 
Garden." Gul-badan mentions a Taliqan Garden. Perhaps the Mirza went 
so far east because, Zu'n-nun being with him, he had Qandahar in mind. 
Cf. f. 426. 

* i.e. Sayyid Muhammad 'Ali. See f. 15 n. to Sherim. Khwaja ChangSl 
lies 14 m. below Taliqan on the TaiiqSn Water. (Erskine.) 

901 AH.— SEP. 21ST. 1495 TO SEP. 9th. 1496 AD. 6i 

Bihlul-i-ayub and a body of their men got to grips with the 

E^hurasanis on the skirt of 'Ambar Koh, near Khwaja Changal 
ut, many Khurasanis coming up, Sayyidim *Ali and Baba 
►eg's (son) Quli Beg and others were unhorsed. 
At the time these various news reached SI. Husain Mirza, 
his army was not without distress through the spring rains of 
Hisar; he therefore brought about a peace; Alahmud Barlds 
came out from those in the fort ; Haji Pir the Taster went from 
those outside ; the great commanders and what there was {nl 
kim) of musicians and singers assembled and the Mirza took 
(Bega Begim), the eldest^ daughter of SI. Mahmiid Mirza by 
Khan-zada Begim, for Haidar Mirza, his son by Payanda Begim 
and through her the grandson of SI. Abii-sa'id Mirza. This 
done, he rose from before Hisar and set his face for Qiinduz. 

At Qundiiz also SI. Husain Mirza made a few trenches and 
took up the besieger's position but by Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's 
intervention peace at length was made, prisoners were ex- 
changed and the Khurasanis retired. The twice-repeated^ 
attacks made by SI. Husain Mirza on Khusrau Shah and his 
unsuccessful retirements were the cause of Khusrau Shah's Foi. 36. 
great rise and of action of his so much beyond his province. 

When the Mirza reached Balkh, he, in the interests of Ma 
wara'u'n-nahr gave it to Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, gave Badi'u'z. 
2aman Mirza's district of Astarabad to (a younger son), Muzaffar 
Husain Mirza and made both kneel at the same assembly, one 
for Balkh, the other for Astarabad. This offended Badi'u'z- 
zaman Mirza and led to years of rebellion and disturbance.^ 

{d. Revolt of the Tarkhdnls in Samarkand). 

In Ramzan of this same year, the Tarkhanis revolted in 
Samarkand. Here is the story : — Bai-sunghar Mirza was not so 
friendly and familiar with the begs and soldiers of Samarkand 
as he was with those of Hisar.* His favourite beg was Shaikh 

^ f. 2yb, second. 

^ The first was circa 895 ah. -1490 ad. Cf. f. 2yb. 

3 Babur's wording suggests that their common homage was the cause of 
Badi'u'z-zaman's displeasure but see f. 41. 

* The Mirza had grown up with IJisaris. Cf. U.S. ii, 270. 


*Abdu'l-lah Barlds^ whose sons were so intimate with the 
Mirza that it made a relation as of Lover and Beloved. These 
things displeased the Tarkhans and the Samarkand! begs ; 
Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan went from Bukhara to Qarshi, 
brought SI. *Ali Mirza to Samarkand and raised him to be 
supreme. People then went to the New Garden where Bai- 

Fol. 36/. sunghar Mirza was, treated him like a prisoner, parted him 
from his following and took him to the citadel. There they 
seated both mirzas in one place, thinking to send Bai-sunghar 
Mirza to the Guk Sarai close to the Other Prayer. The Mirza, 
however, on plea of necessity, went into one of the palace- 
buildings on the east side of the Bd-stan Sarai. Tarkhanis 
stood outside the door and with him went in Muhammad Quli 
Qiichin and Hasan, the sherbet-server. To be brief : — A gateway, 
leading out to the back, must have been bricked up for they 
broke down the obstacle at once. The Mirza got out of the 
citadel on the Kafshir side, through the water-conduit (db-murl), 
dropped himself from the rampart of the water-way [du-tahl), 
and went to Khwajaki Khwaja's^ house in Khwaja Kafshir, 
When the Tarkhanis, in waiting at the door, took the precau- 
tion of looking in, they found him gone. Next day the Tar- 
khanis went in a large body to Khwajaki Khwaja's gate but the 
Khwaja said, " No !"^ and did not give him up. Even they could 
not take him by force, the Khwaja's dignity was too great for 
them to be able to use force. A few days later, Khwaja Abu'l- 
makaram^ and Ahmad Haji Beg and other begs, great and 

Fol. 37. small, and soldiers and townsmen rose in a mass, fetched 
the Mirza away from the Khwaja's house and besieged 
SI. *Ali Mirza and the Tarkhans in the citadel. They 
could not hold out for even a day; Muh. Mazid Tarkhan 
went off through the Gate of the Four Roads for Bukhara ; 

* As the husband of one of the six Badakhshi Beglms, he was closely con- 
nected with local ruling houses. See T.R. p. 107. 

2 i.e. Muhammad 'Ubaidu'1-lah the elder of Ahrari's two sons. d. 911 ah. 
See Rashahdt-i-' ain-alhaydt (I.O. 633) f. 269-75 > and Khizlnatu'l-asflya Uth. 
ed. i, 597. 

3 Bu yuq tur, i.e. This is not to be. 

* d. 908 AH. He was not, it would seem, of the Ahrdrl family. His own 
had provided Pontiffs {Shaikhu'l-isldm) for Samarkand through 400 years> 
C/. Shaibdnl-ndma, Vambery, p. 106 ; also, for his character, p. 96. 


901 AH.— SEP. 21ST. 1495 TO OCT. 9th. 1496 AD. 63 

SI. *Ali Mirza and Darwesh Muh. Tarkhan were made 

Bai-sunghar Mirza was in Ahmad Haji Beg's house when 
people brought Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan in. He put him 
a few questions but got no good answer. In truth Darwesh 
Muhammad's was a deed for which good answer could not be 
made. He was ordered to death. In his helplessness he clung 
to a pillar^ of the house; would they let him go because he 
clung to a pillar? They made him reach his doom (siydsat) 
and ordered SI. 'All Mirza to the Guk Sarai there to have the 
fire-pencil drawn across his eyes. 

{Author's note.) The Guk Sarai is one of Timur Beg's great buildings 
in the citadel of Samarkand. It has this singular and special charac- 
terstic, if a Timurid is to be seated on the throne, here he takes his 
seat ; if one lose his head, coveting the throne, here he loses it ; therefore 
the name Guk Sarai has a metaphorical sense {kindyat) and to say of 
any ruler's son, " They have taken him to the Guk Sarai," means, to 

To the Giik Sarai accordingly SI. 'All Mirza was taken but 
when the fire-pencil was drawn across his eyes, whether by the 
surgeon's choice or by his inadvertence, no harm was done. ^°^- 37'^. 
This the Mirza did not reveal at once but went to Khwaja 
Yahya's house and a few days later, to the Tarkhans in 

Through these occurrences, the sons of his Highness Khwaja 
*Ubaidu'l-lah became settled partisans, the elder (Muhammad 
*Ubaidu'l-lah, Khwajaki Khwaja) becoming the spiritual guide 
of the elder prince, the younger (Yahya) of the younger. In a 
few days, Khwaja Yahya followed SI. 'Ali Mirza to Bukhara. 

Bai-sunghar Mirza led out his army against Bukhara. On 
his approach, SI. *Ali Mirza came out of the town, arrayed for 
battle. There was little fighting ; Victory being on the side of 
81. 'All Mirza, Bai-sunghar Mirza sustained defeat. Ahmad 
Haji Beg and a number of good soldiers were taken ; most of 
the men were put to death. Ahmad Haji Beg himself the slaves 
and slave-women of Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan, issuing out 

^ i.e. he claimed sanctuary. 

2 Cf. f. 456 and Petis de la Croix's Histoire de Chlnglz Khan pp. 171 and 227. 
What Timur's work on the Guk Sarai was is a question for archaeologists. 


of Bukhara, put to a dishonourable death on the charge of their 
master's blood. 

(e. Bdbur moves against Samarkand), 

These news reached us in Andijan in the month of Shawwal 
(mid-June to mid-July) and as we {act. 14) coveted Samarkand, 
we got our men to horse. Moved by a like desire, SI. Mas'iid 
Mirza, his mind and Khusrau Shah's mind set at ease by SI. 
Foi. 38. Husain Mirza's retirement, came over by way of Shahr-i-sabz. 
To reinforce him, Khusrau Shah laid hands (qdptl) on his 
younger brother. Wall. We (three mirzas) beleaguered the 
town from three sides during three or four months; then 
Khwaja Yahya came to me from SI. *Ali Mirza to mediate an 
agreement with a common aim. The matter was left at an 
interview arranged {kurushmak) ; I moved my force from Soghd 
to some 8m. below the town; SI. *Ali Mirza from his side, 
brought his own ; from one bank, he, from the other, I crossed 
to the middle of ^ the Kohik water, each with four or five men ; 
we just saw one another (kurushub), asked each the other's 
welfare and went, he his way, I mine. 

I there saw, in Khwaja Yahya's service, Mulla Bind'i and 
Muhammad Salih f the latter I saw this once, the former was 
long in my service later on. After the interview (kurushkan) 
with SI. 'All Mirza, as winter was near and as there was no 
great scarcity amongst the Samarkandis, we retired, he to 
Bukhara, I to Andijan. 

SI. Mas'iid Mirza had a penchant for a daughter of Shaikh 
*Abdu'l-lah Barlds, she indeed was his object in coming to 
Samarkand. He took her, laid world-gripping ambition aside 
Foi. -.86, and went back to Hisar. 

When I was near Shiraz and Kan-bai, Mahdi SI. deserted to 
Samarkand; Hamza SI. went also from near Zamin but with 
leave granted. 

^ i.e. over the Aitmak Pass. Cf. f . 49. 

2 Ilai, MS. drdllghigha. Elph. MS. drdl, island. 

3 See f. 1796 for Bind'l. Muhammad Salih Mirza Khwdrizmi is the author 
of the Shaibdnl-ndma. 


902 AH.— SEP. 9th. 1496 to AUG. 30th. 1497 AD.^ 

{a, Bdbur's second attempt on Samarkand.) 

This winter, Bai-sunghar Mirza's affairs were altogether in a 
good way. When *Abdu'l-karim Ushrit came on SI. 'Ali Mirza's 
part to near Ktifin, Mahdi SI. led out a body of Bai-sunghar 
Mirza's troops against him. The two commanders meeting 
exactly face to face, Mahdi SI. pricked *Abdu'l-karim's horse 
with his Chirkas^ sword so that it fell, and as 'Abdu'l-karim 
was getting to his feet, struck off his hand at the wrist. Having 
taken him, they gave his men a good beating. 

These (Aiizbeg) sultans, seeing the affairs of Samarkand and 
the Gates of the (Timiirid) Mirzas tottering to their fall, went off 
in good time (dirtd) into the open country (?)^ for Shaibani. 

Pleased^ with their small success (over 'Abdu'l-karim), the 
Samarkandis drew an army out against SI. 'Ali Mirza; Bai- 
sunghar Mirza went to Sar-i-pul (Bridge-head), SI. *Ali Mirza 
to Khwaja Karzun. Meantime, Khwaja Abii'l-makaram, at 
the instigation of Khwaja Munir of Aiish, rode light against ^^^- 39- 
Bukhara with Wais Ldgharl and Muhammad Baqir of the 
Andijan begs, and Qasim Dulddl and some of the Mirza's 
household. As the Bukhariots took precautions when the 
invaders got near the town, they could make no progress. 
They therefore retired. 

1 Elph. MS. f. 27 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 30& and 217 f. 25 ; Mems. p. 42. 

2 i.e. Circassian. Muhammad Salih (Sh.N. Vambery p. 276 1. 58) speaks of 
other Auzbegs using Chirkas swords. 

3 airtd ydzlghd. My translation is conjectural. Alrtd implies i.a. fore- 
sight. Ydzlghd allows a pun at the expense of the sultans ; since it can be 
read both as to the open country and as for their {next, alrtd) misdeeds. My 
impression is that they took the opportunity of being outside Samarkand 
with their men, to leave Bai-sunghar and make for Shaibani, then in 
Turkistan. Muhammad SaUli also marking the tottering Gate of SI. 'Ali 
Mirza, left him now, also for Shaibani. (Vambery cap. xv.) 

* aumdq, to amuse a child in order to keep it from crying. 

65 5 


At the time when (last year) SI. 'Ali Mirza and I had our 
interview, it had been settled^ that this summer he should 
come from Bukhara and I from Andijan to beleaguer Samar- 
kand. To keep this tryst, I rode out in Ramzan (May) from 
Andijan. Hearing when close to Yar Yilaq, that the (two) 
Mirzas were lying front to front, we sent Tuliin Khwaja 
Mughul^ ahesid, with 2 or 300 scouting braves {qdzdq yikitldr). 
Their approach giving Bai-sunghar Mirza news of our advance, 
he at once broke up and retired in confusion. That same 
night our detachment overtook his rear, shot a mass {qdlln) of 
his men and brought in masses of spoil. 

Two days later we reached Shiraz. It belonged to Qasim 
Beg Dulddl; his ddrogha (Sub-governor) could not hold it and 
surrendered.^ It was given into Ibrahim Sdrus charge. After 
making there, next day, the Prayer of the Breaking of the 
Fast ClduH'fif;/), we moved for Samarkand and dismounted 
in the reserve (qurugh) of Ab-i-yar (Water of Might). That 
day waited on me with 3 or 400 men, Qasim Dulddl, 
Fol. 39(^. Wais Ldgharl, Muhammad Sighal's grandson, Hasan,* and SI. 
Muhammad Wais. What, they said was this : * Bai-sunghar 
Mirza came out and has gone back ; we have left him there- 
fore and are here for the pddshdh's service,' but it was known 
later that they must have left the Mirza at his request to 
defend Shiraz, and that the Shiraz affair having become what 
it was, they had nothing for it but to come to us. 

When we dismounted at Qara-biilaq, they brought in several 
Mughiils arrested because of senseless conduct to humble 
village elders coming in to us.^ Qasim Beg Quchm for discipline's 

^ i.e. with Khwaja Yahya presumably. See f. 38. 

2 This man is mentioned also in the Tawarlkh-i-guzlda Nasratndma B.M. 
Or. 3222 f. 124&. 

3 H.S., on the last day of Ramzan (June 28th. 1497 ad.). 

* Muhammad Slghal appears to have been a marked man. I quote from 
the T.G.N.N. {see supra), f . 1 236 foot, the information that he was the grandson 
of Ya'q;Ub Beg. Zenker explains Slghall as the name of a Chaghatai family. 
An Ayub-i-Ya'qub Begchlk Mughiil may be an uncle. See f. 43 for another 

^ baz't klrkdn-klnt-klsdkka bdsh-slz-qllghdn Mughulldrnl tutub. I take the 
word klsdk in this highly idiomatic sentence to be a diminutive of kls, old 
person, on the analogy of nilr, mlrdk, mayd, mardak. [The II. S. uses Klsdk 
(ii, 261) as a proper noun.] The alliteration in Aa/and the mighty adjective 
here are noticeable. 

902 AH.— SEP. 9th. 1496 TO AUG. 30th. 1497 AD. 67 

sake (siydsat) had two or three of them cut to pieces. It was 
on this account he left me and went to Hisar four or five years 
later, in the guerilla times, (907 ah.) when I was going from 
the Macha country to The Khan.^ 

Marching from Qara-bulaq, we crossed the river {i.e. the 
Zar-afshan) and dismounted near Yam.^ On that same day, 
our men got to grips with Bai-sunghar Mirza's at the head of 
the Avenue. SI. Ahmad Tambal was struck in the neck by 
a spear but not unhorsed. Khwajaki Mulla-i-sadr, Khwaja-i- 
kalan's eldest brother, was pierced in the nape of the neck^ by 
an arrow and went straightway to God's mercy. An excellent 
soldier, my father before me had favoured him, making him 
Keeper of the Seal ; he was a student of theology, had great ^o^- 4o. 
acquaintance with words and a good style ; moreover he under- 
stook hawking and rain-making with the jade-stone. 

While we were at Yam, people, dealers and other, came out 
in crowds so that the camp became a bazar for buying and 
selling. One day, at the Other Prayer, suddenly, a general 
hubbub arose and all those Musalman (traders) were plundered. 
Such however was the discipline of our army that an order to 
restore everything having been given, the first watch (pahdr) of 
the next day had not passed before nothing, not a tag of 
cotton, not a broken needle's point, remained in the possession 
of any man of the force, all was back with its owners. 

Marching from Yam, it was dismounted in Khan Yurti (The 
Khan's Camping Ground),^ some 6 m. (3 kuroh) east of Samar- 
kand. We lay there for 40 or 50 days. During the time, men 
from their side and from ours chopped at one another {chdpqii- 
Idshtlldr) several times in the Avenue. One day when Ibrahim 
Begchlk was chopping away there, he was cut on the face; 

1 Qasim feared to go amongst the Mughuls lest he should meet retaliatory 
death. Cf. f. 996. 

2 This appears from the context to be Yam (Jam) -bai and not the Djouma 
(Jam) of the Fr. map of 1904, lying farther south. The Avenue named 
seems likely to be Tini'ur's of f. 456 and to be on the direct road for Khujand. 
See Schuyler i, 232. 

3 bughdn buytnl. W.-i-B. 215, yan, thigh, and 217 gardan, throat. I am 
m doubt as to the meaning of bughdn ; perhaps the two words stand for joint 
at the nape of the neck. Khwaja-i-kalan was one of seven brothers, six died 
in Babur's service, he himself served till Babur's death. 

* Cf. f. 48. 


thereafter people called him Chdpuk (Balafr/). Another time, 
this also in the Avenue, at the Maghak (Fosse) Bridge^ Abu'l- 
qasim (Kohbur Chaghatdi) got in with his mace. Once, again 

Foi. 40^. in the Avenue, near the Mill-sluice, when Mir Shah Quchln also 
got in with his mace, they cut his neck almost half-through ; 
most fortunately the great artery was not severed. 

While we were in Khan Yiirti, some in the fort sent the 
deceiving message,^ * Come you to-night to the Lovers' Cave 
side and we will give you the fort.* Under this idea, we went 
that night to the Maghak Bridge and from there sent a party 
of good horse and foot to the rendezvous. Four or five of the 
household foot-soldiers had gone forward when the matter got 
wind. They were very active men ; one, known as Haji, had 
served me from my childhood ; another people called Mahmud 
Kundur-sangak.^ They were all killed. 

While we lay in Khan Yiirti, so many Samarkandis came 
out that the camp became a town where everything looked for 
in a town was to be had. Meantime all the forts, Samarkand 
excepted, and the Highlands and the Lowlands were coming in 
to us. As in Aiirgiit, however, a fort on the skirt of the 
Shavdar (var. Shadwar) range, a party of men held fast^ of 
necessity we moved out from Khan Yiirti against them. They 
could not maintain themselves, and surrendered, making 

Fol. 41. Khwaja-i-qazi their mediator. Having pardoned their offences 
against ourselves, we went back to beleaguer Samarkand. 

(6. Affairs of SI. Husain Mivzd and his son, BadVu'z-zamdn 
This year the mutual recriminations of SI. Husain Mirza and 
Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza led on to fighting; here are the par- 

1 Khorochkine (Radlov's RSceuil d'ltin&raives p. 241) mentions Pul-i- 
mougak, a great stone bridge thrown across a deep ravine, east of Samarkand. 
For Kul-i-maghak, deep pool, or pool of the fosse, see f . 486. 

2 From Khwand -amir's differing account of this affair, it may be surmised 
that those sending the message were not treacherous ; but the message itself 
was deceiving inasmuch as it did not lead Babur to expect opposition. Cf. 
f. 43 and note. 

3 Of this nick-name several interpretations are allowed by the dictionaries. 
* See Schuyler i, 268 for an account of this beautiful Highland village. 

5 Here Babur takes up the thread, dropped on f. 36, of the affairs of the 
Khurasanl mirz^s. He draws on other sources than the H.S. ; perhaps on 

902 AH.— SEP. 9th. 1496 to AUG. 30th. 

liculars : — Last year, as has been mentioned, Badi'u'z-zaman 
Mirza and Muzaffar Husain Mirza had been made to kneel for 
Balkh and Astarabad. From that time till this, many envoys 
had come and gone, at last even *Ali-sher Beg had gone but 
urge it as all did, Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza would not consent to 
give up Astarabad, * The Mirza,' he said, ' assigned^ it to my 
son, Muhammad Mii'min Mirza at the time of his circumcision.' 
A conversation had one day betvs^een him and 'Ali-sher Beg 
testifies to his acuteness and to the sensibility of *Ali-sher Beg's 
feelings. After saying many things of a private nature in the 
Mirza's ear, *Ali-sher Beg added, ' Forget these matters/^ 
'What matters?' rejoined the Mirza instantly. 'Ali-sher Beg 
was much affected and cried a good deal. 

At length the jarring words of this fatherly and filial dis- 
cussion went so far that his father against his father, and his son 
against his son drew armies out for Balkh and Astarabad.^ 

Up (from Harat) to the Pul-i-chiragh meadow, below 
Garzawan,^ went SI. Husain Mirza ; down (from Balkh) came Fol. 41*. 
Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza. On the first day of Ramzan (May 2nd.) 
Abii'l-muhsin Mirza advanced, leading some of his father's 
light troops. There was nothing to call a battle; Badi'u'z- 
ijaman Mirza was routed and of his braves masses were made 
prisoner. SI. Husain Mirza ordered that all prisoners should 

his own memory, perhaps on information given by Khurasanis with him in 
Hindustan e.g. Husain's grandson. See f. 167b. Cf. U.S. ii, 261. 

1 bdghishldb tur. Cf. f . 34 note to bdghlsh da. 

2 Bu sozldr aunulung. Some W.-i-B. MSS., Fardmosh bakunid for nakunld, 
thus making the Mirza not acute but rude, and destroying the point of the 
story i.e. that the Mirza pretended so to have forgotten as to have an empty 
mind. Khwand-amir states that 'Ali-sher prevailed at first ; his tears 
therefore may have been of joy at the success of his pacifying mission. 

3 i.e. B.Z.'s father, Ilusain, against Mu'min's father, B.Z. and Husain's son, 
Muzaffar Husain against B. Z.'s son Mii'min ; — a veritable conundrum. 

4 Garzawan Ues west of Balkh. Concerning Pul-i-chiragh Col. Grodekoff's 
Ride to Hardt (Marvin p. 103 ff.) gives pertinent information. It has also a 
map showing the Pul-i-chiragh meadow. The place stands at the mouth of 
a triply-bridged defile, but the name appears to mean Gate of the Lamp 
(cf. Gate of Timur), and not Bridge of the Lamp, because the H.S. and also 
modern maps write bll {pel), pass, where the Turki text writes pul, bridge, 
narrows, pass. 

The lamp of the name is one at the shrine of a saint, just at the mouth of 
the defile. It was alight when Col. Grodekoff passed in 1879 and to it, he 
says, the name is due now — as it presumably was 400 years ago and earlier. 


be beheaded; this not here only but wherever he defeated a 
rebel son, he ordered the heads of all prisoners to be struck off. 
And why not ? Right was with him. The (rebel) Mirzas 
were so given over to vice and social pleasure that even when a 
general so skilful and experienced as their father was within 
half-a-day's journey of them, and when before the blessed 
month of Ramzan, one night only remained, they busied them- 
selves with wine and pleasure, without fear of their father, 
without dread of God. Certain it is that those so lost (yutkdn) 
will perish and that any hand can deal a blow at those thus 
going to perdition (autkdn). During the several years of 
Badfu'z-zaman Mirza's rule in Astarabad, his coterie and his 
following, his bare {ydldng) braves even, were in full splendour* 
and adornment. He had many gold and silver drinking cups 
Fol. 42. and utensils, much silken plenishing and countless tipuchaq 
horses. He now lost everything. He hurled himself in his 
flight down a mountain track, leading to a precipitous fall. 
He himself got down the fall, with great difficulty, but many 
of his men perished there.^ 

After defeating Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, SI. Husain Mirza 
moved on to Balkh. It was in charge of Shaikh *Ali Taghai ; 
he, not able to defend it, surrendered and made his submission. 
The Mirza gave Balkh to Ibrahim Husain Mirza, left 
Muhammad Wall Beg and Shah Husain, the page, with him 
and went back to Khurasan. 

Defeated and destitute, with his braves bare and his bare 
foot-soldiers ^ Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza drew off to Khusrau Shah 
in Qiindiiz. Khusrau Shah, for his part, did him good service, 
such service indeed, such kindness with horses and camels, 
tents and pavilions and warlike equipment of all sorts, both for 
himself and those with him, that eye-witnesses said between 
this and his former equipment the only diff'erence might be in 
the gold and silver vessels. 

1 Khwand-amir heard from the Mirza on the spot, when later in his service, 
that he was let down the precipice by help of turban-sashes tied together. 

2 ytkit ylldng u ydyaq ydling ; a jingle made by due phonetic change of 
vowels ; a play too on ydldng, which first means stripped i.e. robbed and next 
unmailed, perhaps sometimes bare-bodied in fight. 

902 AH.— SEP. 9th. 1496 TO AUG. 30th. 1497 AD. 71 

(c. Dissension between SI. Mas'Ud Mirzd and Khusrau Shah.) 

Ill-feeling and squabbles had arisen between SI. Mas'ud 
Mirza and Khusrau Shah because of the injustices of the one 
and the self-magnifyings of the other. Now therefore Khusrau 
Shah joined his brothers, Wall and Baqi to Badru'z-zaman 
Mirza and sent the three against Hisar. They could not even foI. 42^. 
get near the fort, in the outskirts swords were crossed once or 
twice; one day at the Bird-house^ on the north of Hisar, 
Muhibb-*ali, the armourer (qUrchl), outstripped his people and 
struck in well ; he fell from his horse but at the moment of his 
capture, his men attacked and freed him. A few days later a 
somewhat compulsory peace was made and Khusrau Shah's 
army retired. 

Shortly after this, Badi*u'z-zaman Mirza drew off by the 
mountain-road to Zii'n-niin ArghUn and his son, Shuja' Arghun 
in Qandahar and Zamin-dawar. Stingy and miserly as Zu'n- 
nun was, he served the Mirza well, in one single present 
offering 40,000 sheep. 

Amongst curious happenings of the time one was this : 
Wednesday was the day SI. Husain Mirza beat Badi'u'z-zaman 
Mirza ; Wednesday was the day Muzaffar Husain Mirza beat 
Muhammad Mu'min Mirza; Wednesday, more curious still, 
was the name of the man who unhorsed and took prisoner, 
Muhammad Mii'min Mirza.2 

1 qush-khdna. As the place was outside the walls, it may be a good hawking 
ground and not a falconry, 

2 The H.S., mentions (ii, 222) a SI. Ahmad of Char-shamba, a town 
mentioned e.g. by Grodekoff p. 123. It also spoils Babur's coincidence by 
fixing Tuesday, Shab'an 29th. for the battle. Perhaps the commencement 
of the Muhammadan day at sunset, allows of both statements. 

903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 to AUG. 19th. 
1498 AD.' 

(«. Resumed account of Bdbur^s second attempt on Samarkand.) 

When we had dismounted in the Qulba (Plough) meadow,^ 
behind the Bagh-i-maidan (Garden of the plain), the Samar- 
kandis came out in great numbers to near Muhammad Chap's 
Foi. 43. Bridge. Our men were unprepared ; and before they were ready, 
Baba *Ali's (son) Baba Quli had been unhorsed and taken into 
the fort. A few days later we moved to the top of Qulba, at 
the back of Kohik.^ That day Sayyid Yusuf,* having been 
sent out of the town, came to our camp and did me obeisance. 

The Samarkandis, fancying that our move from the one 
ground to the other meant, * He has given it up,' came out, 
soldiers and townsmen in alliance (through the Turquoise 
Gate), as far as the Mirza's Bridge and, through the Shaikh- 
zada's Gate, as far as Muhammad Chap's. We ordered our 
braves to arm and ride out ; they were strongly attacked from 
both sides, from Muhammad Chap's Bridge and from the 
Mirza's, but God brought it right! our foes were beaten. 
Begs of the best and the boldest of braves our men unhorsed 
and brought in. Amongst them Hafiz DulddVs (son) Mu- 
hammad Miskin^ was taken, after his index-finger had been 
struck off; Muhammad Qasim Nahira also was unhorsed and 
brought in by his own younger brother, Hasan Nabira.^ There 
were many other such soldiers and known men. Of the town- 

1 Elph. MS. f. 30& ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 34 and 217 f. 266 ; Mems. p. 46. 
The abruptness of this opening is due to the interposition of SI. Ilusain M.'s 

affairs between Babur's statement on f. 41 that he returned from Aurgut and 
this first of 903 AH. that on return he encamped in Qulba. 

2 See f . 486. 

3 i.e. Chupan-ata ; see f. 45 and note. 
* Aughldqcht, the Grey Wolfer of f . 22. 

s A sobriquet, the suppliant or perhaps something having connection with, 
musk. H.S. ii, 278, son of H.D. 

^ i.e. grandson (of Muhammad Sighal). Cf. f. 39. 


903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 TO AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. yz 

rabble, were brought in Diwana, the tunic-weaver and Kdl- 
qdshuq,^ headlong leaders both, in brawl and tumult ; they yo\. /^^b. 
were ordered to death with torture in blood-retaliation for our 
foot-soldiers, killed at the Lovers' Cave.^ This was a com- 
plete reverse for the Samarkandis; they came out no more 
even when our men used to go to the very edge of the ditch 
and bring back their slaves and slave-women. 

The Sun entered the Balance and cold descended on us.^ I 
therefore summoned the begs admitted to counsel and it was 
decided, after discussion, that although the towns-people were 
so enfeebled that, by God's grace, we should take Samarkand, 
it might be to-day, it might be to-morrow, still, rather than 
suffer from cold in the open, we ought to rise from near it and 
go for winter-quarters into some fort, and that, even if we had 
to leave those quarters later on, this would be done without 
further trouble. As Khwaja Didar seemed a suitable fort, we 
marched there and having dismounted in the meadow lying 
before it, went in, fixed on sites for the winter-houses and 
covered shelters,^ left overseers and inspectors of the work and 
returned to our camp in the meadow. There we lay during 
the few days before the winter-houses were finished. 

Meantime Bai-sunghar Mirza had sent again and again to 
ask help from Shaibani Khan. On the morning of the very 
day on which, our quarters being ready, we had moved into 
Khwaja Didar, the Khan, having ridden light from Turkistan, foI. 44. 
stood over against our camping-ground. Our men were not 
all at hand; some, for winter-quarters, had gone to Khwaja 
Rabati, some to Kabud, some to Shiraz. None-the-less, we 
formed up those there were and rode out. Shaibani Khan 
made no stand but drew off towards Samarkand. He 
went right up to the fort but because the affair had not gone as 

1 This seeming sobriquet may show the man's trade. Kdl is a sort of 
biscuit ; qdshuq may mean a spoon. 

2 The H.S. does not ascribe treachery to those inviting Babur into Samar- 
kand but attributes the murder of his men to others who fell on them when 
the plan of his admission became known. The choice here of " town-rabble " 
for retaliatory death supports the account of H.S. ii. 

3 " It was the end of September or beginning of October " (Erskine). 

* awl u ktpa ywldr. Awl is likely to represent kibitkas. For klpa ylr, 
see Zenker p. 782. 


Bai-sunghar Mirza wished, did not get a good reception. He 
therefore turned back for Turkistan a few days later, in dis- 
appointment, with nothing done. 

Bai-sunghar Mirza had sustained a seven months' siege ; his 
one hope had been in Shaibani Khan ; this he had lost and he 
now with 2 or 300 of his hungry suite, drew off from Samar- 
kand, for Khusrau Shah in Qunduz. 

When he was near Tirmiz, at the Amii ferry, the Governor 
of Tirmiz, Sayyid Husain Akbar, kinsman and confidant both 
of SI. Mas'iid Mirza, heard of him and went out against him. 
The Mirza himself got across the river but Mirim Tarkhan was 
drowned and all the rest of his people were captured, together 
with his baggage and the camels loaded with his personal 
effects ; even his page, Muhammad Tahir, falling into Sayyid 
Husain Akbar's hands. Khusrau Shah, for his part, looked 
kindly on the Mirza. 
Foi. 44^. When the news of his departure reached us, we got to horse 
and started from Khwaja Didar for Samarkand. To give us 
honourable meeting on the road, were nobles and braves, one 
after another. It was on one of the last ten days of the first 
Rabi' (end of November 1497 ad.), that we entered the citadel 
and dismounted at the Bu-stan Sarai. Thus, by God's favour, 
were the town and the country of Samarkand taken and 

{b. Description of Samarkand. ^ 

Few towns in the whole habitable world are so pleasant as 
Samarkand. It is of the Fifth Climate and situated in 
lat. 40° 6' and long. 99°.^ The name of the town is Samarkand ; 
its country people used to call Ma wara'u'n-nahr (Transoxania). 

1 Interesting reference m,ay be made, amongst the many books on 
Samarkand, to Sharafu'd-din 'Ali YazdVs Zafav-ndma Bib. Ind. ed. i, 300, 
781, 799, 800 and ii, 6, 194, 596 etc. ; to Ruy Gonzalves di Clavijo's Embassy 
to Tlmur (Markham) cap. vi and vii ; to Ujfalvy's Turkistan ii, 79 and Madame 
Ujfalvy's De Paris a Samarcande p. 161, — these two containing a plan of 
the town ; to Schuyler's Turkistan ; to Kostenko's Turkistan Gazetteer i, 345 ; 
to Reclus, vi, 270 and plan ; and to a beautiful work of the St. Petersburg 
Archaeological Society, Les Mosqu6es de Samarcande, of which the B.M. has a 

2 This statement is confused in the Elp. and llai. MSS. The second 
appears to give, by ahjad, lat. 40' 6" and long. 99'. Mr. Erskine (p. 48) gives 


903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 to AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. 75 

They used to call it Baldat-i-mahfuza because no foe laid hands 
on it with storm and sack.^ It must have become ^ Musalman 
in the time of the Commander of the [Faithful, his Highness 
*Usman. Qusam ibn 'Abbas, one of the Companions^ must 
have gone there; his burial-place, known as the Tomb of 
Shah-i-zinda (The Living Shah, i.e., Faqir) is^outside the Iron 
Gate. Iskandar must have founded SamarKand. The Turk 
and Mughiil hordes call it Simiz-kint.^ Timiir Beg made it 
his capital ; no ruler so great will ever have made it a 
capital before [qilghdn almas dur). I ordered people to pace 
round the ramparts of the walled-town ; it came out at io,ooo 
steps.^ Samarkandis are all orthodox {sunni)^ pure-in-the 
Faith, law-abiding and religious. The number of Leaders Foi. 45. 
of Islam said to have arisen in Ma wara'u'n-nahr, since the 
days of his Highness the Prophet, are not known to have 
arisen in any other country.^ From the Matarid suburb of 
Samarkand came Shaikh Abu'l-mansur, one of the Expositors 
of the Word.*^ Of the two sects of Expositors, the Mataridiyah 

lat. 39' ^y" and long, 99' 16", noting that this is according to Ulugh Beg's 
Tables and that the long, is calculated from Ferro. The Ency. Br. of 1910-1 1 
gives lat. 39' 39" and long. 66' 45''. 

1 The enigmatical cognomen, Protected Town, is of early date ; it is used 
i.a. by Ibn BatGta in the 14th. century. Babur's tense refers it to the past. 
The town had frequently changed hands in historic times before he wrote. 
The name may be due to immunity from damage to the buildings in the town. 
Even Chinglz Khan's capture (1222 ad.) left the place well-preserved and its 
lands cultivated, but it inflicted great loss of men. Cf. Schuyler i, 236 and 
his authorities, especially Bretschneider. 

2 Here is a good example of Babur's caution in narrative. He does not 
affirm that Samarkand became Musalman, or {infra) that Qusam ibn 'Abbas 
went, or that Alexander founded but in each case uses the presumptive past 
tense, resp. bulghdn dur, bdrghdn dur, bind qilghdn dur, thus showing that he 
repeats what may be inferred or presumed and not what he himself asserts. 

3 i.e. of Muhammad. See Z.N. ii, 193. 

* i.e. Fat Village. His text misleading him, Mr. Erskine makes here the 
useful irrelevant note that Persians and Arabs call the place Samar-qand and 
Turks, Samar-kand, the former using qaf (q), the latter kaf (k). Both the 
Elph. and the Ilai. MSS. write Samarqand. 

For use of the name Fat Village, see Clavijo (Markham p. 170), Simes- 
quinte, and Bretschneider's MedicBval Geography pp. 61, 64, 66 and 163. 

^ qadam. Kostenko (i, 344) gives 9 m. as the circumference of the old 
walls and if m. as that of the citadel. See Mde. Ujfalvy p. 175 for a picture 
of the walls. 

^ Ma'lUm almds kim muncha paidd bulmish bUlghdl ; an idiomatic phrase. 

7 d. 333 AH. (944 AD.). See D'Herbelot art. Matridi p. 572. 


and the Ash'ariyah,^ the first is named from this Shaikh 
Abii'l-mansur. Of Ma wara'u'n-nahr also was Khwaja Isma'il 
Khartank, the author of the Sdhih-i-btikhdriP- From the Fargh- 
ana district, Marghinan — Farghana, though at the limit of 
settled habitation, is included in Ma wara'u'n-nahr, — came the 
author of the Hiddyaty^ a book than which few on Jurisprudence 
are more honoured in the sect of Abu Hanifa. 

On the east of Samarkand are Farghana and Kashghar ; on 
the west, Bukhara and Khwarizm ; on the north, Tashkint and 
Shahrukhiya, — in books written Shash and Banakat ; and on 
the south, Balkh and Tirmiz. 

The Kohik Water flows along the north of Samarkand, at 
the distance of some 4 miles (2 kuroh) ; it is so-called because 
it comes out from under the upland of the Little Hill {Kohik)^ 
lying between it and the town. The Dar-i-gham Water (canal) 
flows along the south, at the distance of some two miles 
(i sharV). This is a large and swift torrent,^ indeed it is like a 
large river, cut off from the Kohik Water. All the gardens and 
suburbs and some of the tilmdns of Samarkand are cultivated 
by it. By the Kohik Water a stretch of from 30 to ^oytghdch,^ 
by road, is made habitable and cultivated, as far as Bukhara 

1 See D'Herbelot art. Aschair p. 124. 

2 Abu 'Abdu'1-lah bin Isma'ilu'l-jausi b. 194 ah. d. 256 ah. (810-870 ad,). 
See D'Herbelot art. Bokhari p. 191, art. Giorag p. 373, and art. vSahihu'l- 
bokhari p. 722. He passed a short period, only, of his life in Khartank, a 
suburb of Samarkand. 

3 Cf. f. 36 and n. i. 

* This though 2475 ft. above the sea is only some 300 ft. above Samarkand. 
It is the Chupan-ata (Father of Shepherds) of maps and on it Timur built a 
shrine to the local patron of shepherds. The Zar-afshan, or rather, its 
Qara-su arm, flows from the east of the Little Hill and turns round it to 
flow west. Babur uses the name Kohik Water loosely ; e.g. for the whole 
Zar-afshan when he speaks (infra) of cutting off the Dar-i-gham canal but for 
its southern arm only, the Qara-su in several places, and once, for the Dar-i- 
gham canal. See f. 496 and Kostenko i. 192. 

'^ rUd. The Zar-afshan has a very rapid current. See Kostenko i, 196, 
and for the canal, i, 174. The name Dar-i-gham is used also for a musical 
note having charm to witch away grief ; and also for a town noted for its 

^ What this represents can only be guessed ; perhaps 150 to 200 miles. 
Abu'1-fida (Reinaud ii, 213) quotes Ibn Haukal as saying that from Bukhara 
up to " Bottam " (this seems to be where the Zar-afshan emerges into the 
open land) is eight days' journey through an unbroken tangle of verdure and 

903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 TO AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. -jy 

[and Qara-kul. Large as the river is, it is not too large for its 
|dwellings and its culture ; during three or four months of the Foi. 45*. 
^ear, indeed, its waters do not reach Bukhara.^ Grapes, 
'melons, apples and pomegranates, all fruits indeed, are good 
in Samarkand ; two are famous, its apple and its sahihi (grape) .^ 
Its winter is mightily cold ; snow falls but not so much as in 
Kabul; in the heats its climate is good but not so good as 

In the town and suburbs of Samarkand are many fine build- 
ings and gardens of Timur Beg and Aiilugh Beg Mirza.^ 

In the citadel,^ Timur Beg erected a very fine building, the 
great four-storeyed kiosque, known as the Giik Sarai.^ In the 
walled-town, again, near the Iron Gate, he built a Friday 
Mosque^ of stone (sangln) ; on this worked many stone-cutters, 
brought from Hindiistan. Round its frontal arch is inscribed 
in letters large enough to be read two miles away, the Qu'ran 
verse, Wa az yerfa^ Ibrahim al Qawd'id all akharaJ This also 
is a very fine building. Again, he laid out two gardens, on the 

1 See Schuyler i, 286 on the apportionment of water to Samarkand and 

2 It is still grown in the Samarkand region, and in Mr, Erskine's time a 
grape of the same name was cultivated in Aurangabad of the Deccan. 

3 i.e. Shahrukhl, Timur's grandson, through Shahrukh. It may be noted 
here that Babur never gives Timur any other title than Beg and that he 
styles all Timurids, Mirza (Mir-born) . 

* Mr. Erskine here points out the contradiction between the statements 
(i) of Ibn Haukal, writing, in 367 ah. (977 ad.), of Samarkand as having a 
citadel {ark), an outer-fort {qurghdn) and Gates in both circumvallations ; 
and (2) of Sharafu'd-din Yazdl (Z.N.) who mentions that when, in Timur's 
day, the Getes besieged Samarkand, it had neither walls nor gates. See 
Ouseley's Ibn Haukal p. 253 ; Z.N. Bib. Ind. ed. i, 109 and Petis de la Croix's 
Z.N. {Histoire de Timur Beg) i, 91. 

5 Here still lies the Ascension Stone, the Guk-tdsh, a block of greyish white 
marble. Concerning the date of the erection of the building and meaning 
of its name, see e.g. Petis de la Croix's Histoire de Chlnglz Kh8m p. 171 ; Mems. 
p. 40 note ; and Schuyler s.n. 

6 This seems to be the Bibi Khanim Mosque. The author of Les Mosquies 
de Samarcande states that Timur built Bibi Khanim and the Gur-i-amir 
(Amir's tomb) ; decorated Shah-i-zinda and set up the Chupan-ata shrine. 
Cf. f 46 and note to Jahanglr Mirza, as to the Giir-i-amir. 

7 Cap. II. Quoting from Sale's Qur'dn (i, 24) the verse is, " And Ibrahim 
and Isma'il raised the foundations of the house, saying, ' Lord ! accept it 
from us, for Thou art he who hearest and knowest ; Lord ! make us also 
resigned to Thee, and show us Thy holy ceremonies, and be turned to us, for 
Thou art easy to be reconciled, and merciful.' " 


east of the town, one, the more distant, the Bagh-i-bulandi,^ 
the other and nearer, the Bagh-i-dilkusha.^ From Dilkusha to 
the Turquoise Gate, he planted an Avenue of White Poplar,-'^ 
and in the garden itself erected a great kiosque, painted inside 
Fol. 46, with pictures of his battles in Hindiistan. He made another 
garden, known as the Naqsh-i-jahan (World's Picture), on the 
skirt of Kohik, above the Qara-sii or, as people also call it, the 
Ab-i-rahmat (Water-of-mercy) of Kan-i-gil.^ It had gone to 
ruin when I saw it, nothing remaining of it except its name. 
His also are the Bagh-i-chanar,^ near the walls and below the 
town on the south,^ also the Bagh-i-shamal (North Garden) 
and the Bagh-i-bihisht (Garden of Paradise). His own tomb 
and those of his descendants who have ruled in Samarkand, 
are in a College, built at the exit {chdqdr) of the walled-town, by 
Muhammad Sultan Mirza, the son of Timur Beg's son, 
Jahangir Mirza.'^ 

Amongst Aulugh Beg Mirza's buildings inside the town are 
a College and a monastery {Khdnqdh), The dome of the 
monastery is very large, few so large are shown in the world. 
Near these two buildings, he constructed an excellent Hot 
Bath (hammdm) known as the Mirza's Bath ; he had the pave- 
ments in this made of all sorts of stone (? mosaic) ; such 

^ or, buland, Garden of the Height or High Garden. The Turki texts have 
what can be read as buldl but the Z.N. both when describing it (ii, 194) 
and elsewhere [e.g. ii, 596) writes buland. Buldl may be a clerical error for 
hiilandl, the height, a name agreeing with the position of the garden. 

2 In the Heart-expanding Garden, the Spanish Ambassadors had their first 
interview with Timur. See Clavijo (Markham p. 130). Also the Z.N. ii, 6 
for an account of its construction. 

3 Judging from the location of the gardens and of Babur's camps, this 
appears to be the Avenue mentioned on f. 396 and f. 40. 

* See infra f . 48 and note. 

s The Plane-tree Garden. This seems to be Clavijo's Bayginar, laid out 
shortly before he saw it (Markham p. 136). 

^ The citadel of Samarkand stands high ; from it the ground slopes west 
and south ; on these sides therefore gardens outside the walls would he 
markedly below the outer-fort {tdsh-qurghdn). Here as elsewhere the second 
W.-i-B. reads stone for outer {Cf. index s.n. tdsh). For the making of the 
North garden see Z.N. i, 799. 

■^ Timur's eldest son, d. 805 ah. (1402 ad.), before his father, therefore. 
Babur's wording suggests that in his day, the Gur-i-amir was known as the- 
Madrasa. See as to the buildings 2J.N. i, 713 and ii, 492, 595, 597, 705 ; 
Clavijo (Markham p. 164 and p. 166) ; and Les Mosquies de Samarcande. 

903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 TO AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. 79 

another bath is not known in Khurasan or in Samarkand.^ Foi, 46/'. 
Again ; — to the south of the College is his mosque, known as the 
Masjid-i-maqata' (Carved Mosque) because its ceiling and its 
walls are all covered with isllmV and Chinese pictures formed 
of segments of wood.^ There is great discrepancy between the 
qibla of this mosque and that of the College ; that of the 
mosque seems to have been fixed by astronomical observation. 
Another of Aulugh Beg Mirza's fine buildings is an observa- 
tory, that is, an instrument for writing Astronomical Tables.* 
This stands three storeys high, on the skirt of the Kohik 
upland. By its means the Mirza worked out the Kurkani 
Tables, now used all over the world. Less work is done with 
any others. Before these were made, people used the Ail- 
khani Tables, put together at Maragha, by Khwaja Nasir Tilsl,^ 
in the time of Hulaku Khan. Hulakii Khan it is, people call 
A tl-khdnl.^ 

{Author's note.) Not more than seven or eight observatories seem to 
have been constructed in the world. Mamum Khalifa^ (Caliph) made 
one with which the Mamumi Tab! es were written . Batalmtis (Ptolemy) 
constructed another. Another was made, in Hindustan, in the time of 
Raja Vikramaditya Hindu, in Ujjain and Dhar, that is, the Malwa 
country, now known as Mandu. The Hindus of Hindustan use the 
Tables of this Observatory. They were put together 1,584 years ago.^ Fol. 47. 
Compared with others, they are somewhat defective. 

1 Hindustan would make a better climax here than Samarkand does. 

2 These appear to be pictures or ornamentations of carved wood. Red- 
house describes isllml as a special kind of ornamentation in curved lines, 
similar to Chinese methods. 

3 i.e. the Black Stone [ka'ba) at Makkah to which Musalmans turn in 

* As ancient observatories were themselves the instruments of astronomical 
observation, Babur's wording is correct. Aulugh Beg's great quadrant was 
180 ft, high; Abu-muhammad KhujandVs sextant had a radius of 58 ft. 
Ja'i Singh made similar great instruments in Ja'ipur, Dihli has others. Cf. 
Greaves Misc. Works i, 50 ; Mems. p. 5 1 note ; Aiyln-i-akharl (Jarrett) ii, 5 
and note ; Murray's Hand-book to Bengal p. 331 ; Indian Gazetteer xiii, 400. 

fi b. 597 AH. d. 672 AH. (1201-1274 AD.). See D'Herbelot's art. Nasir-i-din 
p. 662 ; Abu'1-fida (Reinaud, Introduction i, cxxxviii) and Beale's Biographical 
Diet. s.n. 

* a grandson of Chingiz Khan, d. 663 ah. (1265 ad.). The cognomen 
AU-khanl (Il-khdnl) may mean Khan of the Tribe. 

"^ Harunu'r-rashid's second son ; d. 218 ah. (833 ad.). 

s Mr. Erskine notes that this remark would seem to fix the date at which 
Babur wrote it as 934 ah. (1527 ad.), that being the 1584th. year of the era 
of Vikramaditya, and therefore at three years before Babur's death. (The 
Vikramaditya era begun 57 bc.) 


Aulugh Beg Mirza again, made the garden known as the 
Bagh-i-maidan (Garden of the Plain), on the skirt of the 
Kohik upland. In the middle of it he erected a fine building 
they call Chihil Situn (Forty Pillars). On both storeys are 
pillars, all of stone {tdshdln)} Four turrets, like minarets, 
stand on its four corner-towers, the way up into them being 
through the towers. Everywhere there are stone pillars, some 
fluted, some twisted, some many-sided. On the four sides of 
the upper storey are open galleries enclosing a four-doored 
hall (chdr-dara) ; their pillars also are all of stone. The raised 
floor of the building is all paved with stone. 

He made a smaller garden, out beyond Chihil Sitiin and 
towards Kohik, also having a building in it. In the open 
gallery of this building he placed a great stone throne, some 
14 or 15 yards {qdrt) long, some 8 yards wide and perhaps 
I yard high. They brought a stone so large by a very long 
road.^ There is a crack in the middle of it which people say 
must have come after it was brought here. In the same 
Fol. 47^. garden he also built a four-doored hall, know as the Chini- 
khana (Porcelain House) because its Izdra^ are all of porcelain ; 
he sent to China for the porcelain used in it. Inside the walls 
again, is an old building of his, known as the Masjid-i-laqlaqa 
(Mosque of the Echo). If anyone stamps on the ground under 
the middle of the dome of this mosque, the sound echoes back 
from the whole dome ; it is a curious matter of which none 
know the secret. 

In the time also of SI. Ahmad Mirza the great and lesser 
begs laid out many gardens, large and small.* For beauty, and 
air, and view, few will have equalled Darwesh Muhammad 
Tarkhan's Char-bagh (Four Gardens).^ It lies overlooking 
the whole of Qulba Meadow, on the slope below the Bagh-i- 

1 Cf. index s.n. tdsh. 

2 This remark may refer to the 34 miles between the town and the quarries 
of its building stone. See f . 49 and note to Aitmak Pass. 

3 Steingass, any support for the back in sitting, a low wall in front of a 
house. See Vullers p. 148 and Burhdn-i-qdti' ; p. 119. Perhaps a dado. 

* beg u begat, bd^gh u bdghcha. 

5 Four Gardens, a quadrilateral garden, laid out in four plots. The use 
of the name has now been extended for any well-arranged, large garden, 
especially one belonging to a ruler (Erskine). 

903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 to AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. 8i 

laidan. Moreover it is arranged symmetrically, terrace above 
terrace, and is planted with beautiful ndrwdn^ and cypresses 
md white poplar. A most agreeable sojourning place, its one 
lefect is the want of a large stream. 

Samarkand is a wonderfully beautified town. One of its 
specialities, perhaps found in few other places,^ is that the 
■different trades are not mixed up together in it but each has its 
own bazar, a good sort of plan. Its bakers and its cooks are 
.good. The best paper in the world is made there ; the water 
for the paper-mortars^ all comes from Kan-i-gil,^ a meadow on 
the banks of the Qara-su (Blackwater) or Ab-i-rahmat (Water FoI. 
•of Mercy). Another article of Samarkand trade, carried to all 
sides and quarters, is cramoisy velvet. 

Excellent meadows lie round Samarkand. One is the 
famous Kan-i-gil, some 2 miles east and a little north of the 
town. The Qara-su or Ab-i-rahmat flows through it, a stream 
(with driving power) for perhaps seven or eight mills. Some 
say the original name of the meadow must have been 
Kan-i-abgir (Mine of Quagmire) because the river is bordered 
by quagmire, but the histories all write Kan-i-gil (Mine of clay). 
It is an excellent meadow. The Samarkand sultans always 
made it their reserve,^ going out to camp in it each year for a 
month or two. 

1 As two of the trees mentioned here are large, it may be right to translate 
ndvwdn, not by pomegranate, but as the hard-wood elm, Madame Ujfalvy's 
' karagatche ' (p. i68 and p. 222). The name qard-yighdch [karagatch), 
dark tree, is given to trees other than this elm on account of their deep 

2 Now a common plan indeed ! See Schuyler i, 173. 

3 juwdz-i-kaghazldr {nlng) su't.i.e. the water of the paper- (pulping) -mortars. 
Owing to the omission from some MSS. of the word su, water, juwdz has been 
mistaken for a kind of paper. See Mems. p. 52 and Mems. i, 102 ; A.Q.R. 
July 1 910, p. 2, art. Paper-mills of Samarkand (H.B.) ; and Madame Ujfalvy 
p. 188. Kostenko, it is to be noted, does not include paper in his list (i, 346) 
•of modem manufactures of Samarkand. 

* Mine of mud or clay. My husband has given me support for reading gil, 
■and not gul, rose; — (i) In two good MSS. of theW.-i-B. the word is pointed 
with kasra, i.e. as for gil, clay ; and (2) when describing a feast held in the 
garden by Timfur, the Z.N. says the mud-mine became a rose-mine, shuda 
Kdn-i'gil Kdn-i-gul. [Mr. Erskine refers here to Petis de la Croix's Histoire 
de Tlmur Beg {i.e. ^.N.) i, 96 and ii, 133 and 421.] 

5 qUriigh. VuUers, classing the word as Arabic, Zenker, classing it as 
Eastern Turki, and Erskine (p. 42 n.) explain this as land reserved for the 



Higher up (on the river) than Kan-i-gil and to the s.e. 
of it is a meadow some 4 miles east of the town, known as 
Khan Yurti (Khan's Camping-ground). The Qara-su flows 
through this meadow before entering Kan-i-gil. When it 
comes to Khan Yurti it curves back so far that it encloses, 
with a very narrow outlet, enough ground for a camp. Having 
noticed these advantages, we camped there for a time during 
Fol. 48/'. the siege of Samarkand.^ 

Another meadow is the Budana Qiiriigh (Quail Reserve), 
lying between Dil-kusha and the town. Another is the Kul-i- 
maghak (Meadow of the deep pool) at some 4 miles from the 
town. This also is a round ^ meadow. People call it Kul-i- 
maghak meadow because there is a large pool on one side of it. 
SI. *Ali Mirza lay here during the siege, when I was in Khan 
Yurti. Another and smaller meadow is Qulba (Plough) ; it 
has Qulba Village and the Kohik Water on the north, the 
Bagh-i-maidan and Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan's Char-bagh 
on the south, and the Kohik upland on the west. 

Samarkand has good districts and tumdns. Its largest 
district, and one that is its equal, is Bukhara, 25 ylghdch^ to 
the west. Bukhara in its turn, has several tumdns ; it is a fine 
town; its fruits are many and good, its melons excellent; 
none in Ma wara'u'n-nahr matching them for quality and 
quantity. Although the Mir Timiiri melon of Akhsi^ is sweeter 
and more delicate than any Bukhara melon, still in Bukhara 
many kinds of melon are good and plentiful. The Bukhara 
plum is famous ; no other equals it. They skin it,^ dry it and 
Fol. 49. carry it from land to land with rarities (tabarrukldr bila) ; it is 
an excellent laxative medicine. Fowls and geese are much 

summer encampment of princes. Shaw (Voc. p. 155), deriving it from 
qurumdq, to frighten, explains it as a fenced field of growing grain. 

^ Cf. f. 40. There it is located at one ylghdch and here at 3 kurohs from the 

2 taur. Cf. Zenker s.n. I understand it to lie, as Kh£n Yurti did, in a curve 
of the river. 

3 162 m, bv rail. 
* C/.f. 3. * 
^ tirlsim suliib. The verb smtndk, to despoil, seems to exclude the common 

plan of stoning the fruit. Cf. f. 36, ddnaslnl allp, taking out the stones. 

903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 TO AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. 83 

looked after (parwdrt) in Bukhara. Bukhara wine is the strongest 
made in Ma wara'u'n-nahr ; it was what I drank when drink- 
ing in those countries at Samarkand.^ 

Kesh is another district of Samarkand, 9 ylghdcW by road 
to the south of the town. A range called the Aitmak Pass 
{Ddbdnf lies between Samarkand and Kesh ; from this are 
taken all the stones for building. Kesh is called also Shahr- 
i-sabz (Green-town) because its barren waste {sahr) and roofs 
and walls become beautifully green in spring. AsitwasTimur 
Beg's birth-place, he tried hard to make it his capital. He 
erected noble buildings in it. To seat his own Court, he built 
a great arched hall and in this seated his Commander-begs and 
his Diwan-begs, on his right and on his left. For those 
attending the Court, he built two smaller halls, and to seat 
petitioners to his Court, built quite small recesses on the four 
sides of the Court-house."* Few arches so fine can be shown in 
the world. It is said to be higher than the Kisri Arch.^ 
Timiir Beg also built in Kesh a college and a mausoleum, 
in which are the tombs of Jahangir Mirza and others of his 
descendants.^ As Kesh did not offer the same facilities as Foi. 49^5. 

1 Mm Samarkandtd aul {or auwal) dlchkdndd Bukhara chdghirldr nt aichdr 
aldim. These words have been understood to refer to Babur's initial drinking 
of wine but this reading is negatived by his statement (f. 189) that he first 
drank wine in Harat in 912 ah. I understand his meaning to be that the 
wine he drank in Samarkand was Bukhara wine. The time cannot have been 
earlier than 917 ah. The two words aiil alchkdndd, I read as parallel to aul 
{bdghri qard) (f. 280) ' that drinking,' ' that bird,' i.e. of those other countries, 
not of Hindustan where he wrote. 

It may be noted that Babur's word for wine, chdghtr, may not always 
represent wine of the grape but may include wine of the apple and pear (cider 
and perry), and other fruits. Cider, its name seeming to be a descendant of 
chdghlr, was introduced into England by Crusaders, its manufacture having 
been learned from Turks in Palestine. 

2 48 m. 3 fur. by way of the Aitmak Pass (mod. Takhta Qarachi), and, 
Reclus (vi, 256) Buz-gala-khana, Goat-house. 

3 The name Aitmak, to build, appears to be due to the stone quarries on 
the range. The pass-head is 34 m. from Samarkand and 3000 ft. above it. 
See Kostenko ii, 115 and Schuyler ii, 61 for details of the route. 

* The description of this hall is difficult to translate. Clavijo (Markham 
124) throws light on the small recesses. Cf. ^.N. i, 781 and 300 and Schuyler 
ii, 68. 

5 The Taq-i-kisri, below Baghdad, is 105 ft. high, 84 ft. span and 150 ft. 
in depth (Erskine). 

^ Cf. i. 46. Babur does not mention that Timur's father was buried at 
Kesh. Clavijo (Markham p. 123) says it was Timur's first intention to be 
buried near his father, in Kesh. 


Samarkand for becoming a town and a capital, he at last made 
clear choice of Samarkand. 

Another district is Qarshi, known also as Nashaf and Nakh- 
shab.^ Qarshi is a Mughiil name. In the Mughiil tongue they 
call a kur-khdna Qarshi.^ The name must have come in after 
the rule of Chingiz Khan. Qarshi is somewhat scantily sup- 
plied with water ; in spring it is very beautiful and its grain 
and melons are good. It lies i8 ylghdch^ by road south and a 
little inclined to west of Samarkand. In the district a small 
bird, known as the qll-quylrugh and resembling the bdghrt qard, 
is found in such countless numbers that it goes by the name of 
the Qarshi birdie (murghak).^ 

Khozar is another district ; Karmina another, lying between 
Samarkand and Bukhara ; Qara-kul another, 7 ylghdch^ n.w. 
of Bukhara and at the furthest limit of the water. 

Samarkand has good tumdns. One is Soghd with its de- 
pendencies. Its head Yar-yilaq, its foot Bukhara, there may 
be not one single yighdch of earth without its village and its 
cultivated lands. So famous is it that the saying attributed to 
Timur Beg, * I have a garden ^o yighdch long,^ must have been 
spoken of Soghd. Another tumdn is Shavdar (var. Shadwar), 
an excellent one adjoining the town-suburbs. On one side it 
has the range (Aitmak Daban), lying between Samarkand and 
Foi. 50. Shahr-i-sabz, on the skirts of which are many of its villages. 
On the other side is the Kohik Water (i,e. the Dar-i-gham 
canal). There it lies! an excellent turndfif with fine air, full 
of beauty, abounding in waters, its good things cheap. 
Observers of Egypt and Syria have not pointed out its match. 

1 Abu'l-fida (Reinaud II, ii, 21) says that Nasaf is the Arabic and Nakhshab 
the local name for Qarshi. Ibn Haukal (Ouseley p. 260) writes Nakhshab. 

2 This word has iDeen translated burial-place and cimetiere but Qarshi means 
castle, or royal-residence. The Z.N. (i, 1 1 1) says that Qarshi is an equivalent 
for Ar. qasr, palace, and was so called, from one built there by Qublai Khan 
(d. 1294 AD.). Perhaps Babur's word is connected with Gurkhan, the title 
of sovereigns in Khutan, and means great or royal-house, i.e. palace. 

3 94 m. 6^ fur. via Jam (Kostenko i, 115.) 
* See Appendix B. 

5 some 34 m. (Kostenko i, 196). Schuyler mentions that he heard in 
Qara-kul a tradition that the district, in bye-gone days, was fertilized froin 
the Sir. 

903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 TO AUG. 19th. 1493 AD. 85 

[Though Samarkand has other tilmdns, none rank with those 
'numerated; with so much, enough has been said. 

Timiir Beg gave the government of Samarkand to his eldest 
son, Jahangir Mirza (in 776 AH.-1375 ad.) ; when Jahangir 
Mirza died (805 ah.- 1403 ad.), he gave it to the Mirza's eldest 
son, Muhammad Sultan-i-jahangir ; when Muhammad Sultan 
Mirza died, it went to Shah-rukh Mirza, Timiir Beg's youngest 
son. Shah-rukh Mirza gave the whole of Ma wara'u'n-nahr 
(in 872 AH. -1467 AD.) to his eldest son, Auliigh Beg Mirza. 
From him his own son, 'Abdu'l-latif Mirza took it, (853 ah.- 
1449 AD.), for the sake of this five days' fleeting world martyr- 
ing a father so full of years and knowledge. 

The following chronogram gives the date of Aiiliigh Beg 
Mirza's death : — 

Aulugh Beg, an ocean of wisdom and science, 

The pillar of realm and religion , 

Sipped from the hand of 'Abbas, the mead of martyrdom. 

And the date of the death is 'Abbas kasht ('Abbas slew).i 

Though *Abdu'l-latif Mirza did not rule more than five or six 

months, the following couplet was current about him : — 

111 does sovereignty befit the parricide ; 

Should he rule, be it for no more than six months. ^ 

This chronogram of the death of *Abdu'l-latif Mirza is also 
well done : — 

'Abdu'l-latif, in glory a Khusrau and Jamshid, Fol. 50^. 

In his train a Faridun and Zardusht, 
Baba Husain slew on the Friday Eve, 

With an arrow. Write as its date, Bdbd Husain kasht (Baba 
Husain slew) .3 

After 'Abdu'l-latif Mirza's death, (Jumada I, 22, 855 ah.- 
June 22nd. 1450 AD.), (his cousin) *Abdu'l-lah Mirza, the grand- 
son of Shah-rukh Mirza through Ibrahim Mirza, seated him- 

1 By abjad the words 'Abbas kasht yield 853. The date of the murder was 
Ramzan 9, 853 ah. (Oct. 27th. 1449 ad.). 

2 This couplet is quoted in the Rauzatu' s-safd (Uth. ed. vi, f. 234 foot) and 
in the U.S. ii, 44. It is said, in the R.S. to be by NizamI and to refer to the 
killing by Shiruya of his father, Khusrau Parwiz in" 7 ah. (628 ad.). The 
H.S. says that 'Abdu'l-latif constantly repeated the couplet, after he had 
murdered his father. [See also Daulat Shah (Browne p. 356 and p. 366.) H.B. 

3 By abjad, Bdbd Husain kasht yields 854. The death was on Rabi' I, 26, 
854 AH. (May 9th. 1450 ad.). See R.S. vi, 235 for an account of this death. 


self on the throne and ruled for i8 months to two years.^ 
From him SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza took it (855 AH.-1451 ad.). He 
in his life-time gave it to his eldest son, SI. Ahmad Mirza ; 
SI. Ahmad Mirza continued to rule it after his father's death 
(873 AH.-i46g AD.). On his death (899 ah. -1494 ad.) SI. Mahmiid 
Mirza was seated on the throne and on his death (900 ah.- 

1495 AD.) Bai-sunghar Mirza. Bai-sunghar Mirza was made 
prisoner for a few days, during the Tarkhan rebellion (901 ah.- 

1496 AD.), and his younger brother, SI. *Ali Mirza was seated on 
the throne, but Bai-sunghar Mirza, as has been related in this 
history, took it again directly. From Bai-sunghar Mirza I 
took it (903 AH.-1497 AD.). Further details will be learned 
from the ensuing history. 

(c. Bdbur's rule in Samarkand.) 

When I was seated on the throne, I shewed the Samarkand 
begs precisely the same favour and kindness they had had 
before. I bestowed rank and favour also on the begs with me, 
Foi. 51. to each according to his circumstances, the largest share falling 
to SI. Ahmad Tamhal ; he had been in the household begs* 
circle ; I now raised him to that of the great begs. 

We had taken the town after a seven months' hard siege. 
Things of one sort or other fell to our men when we got in. 
The whole country, with exception of Samarkand itself, had 
come in earlier either to me or to SI. *Ali Mirza and conse- 
quently had not been over-run. In any case however, what 
could have been taken from districts so long subjected to raid 
and rapine? The booty our men had taken, such as it was, 
came to an end. When we entered the town, it was in such 
distress that it needed seed-corn and money-advances; what 
place was this to take anything from ? On these accounts our 
men suffered great privation. We ourselves could give them 
nothing. Moreover they yearned for their homes and, by ones 
and twos, set their faces for flight. The first to go was Bayan 
Quli's (son) Khan Quli; Ibrahim Begchlk was another; all the 
Mughuls went off and, a little later, SI. Ahmad Tamhal. 

Aiizun Hasan counted himself a very sincere and faithful 
1 This overstates the time ; dates shew i yr. i mth. and a few days. 

■ mt' — 

903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 to AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. 87 

friend of Khwaja-i-qazi ; we therefore, to put a stop to these 
desertions, sent the Khwaja to him (in Andijan) so that they, Foi. 51*. 
in agreement, might punish some of the deserters and send 
others back to us. But that very Auziin Hasan, that traitor to 
his salt, may have been the stirrer-up of the v^hole trouble and 
the spur-to-evil of the deserters from Samarkand. Directly SI. 
Ahmad Tamhal had gone, all the rest took up a wrong position. 

{d. Andijan demanded ofBdhur by The Khan, and also forjahdnglr 

Although, during the years in which, coveting Samarkand, I 
had persistently led my army out, SI. Mahmiid Khan^ had 
provided me with no help whatever, yet, now it had been taken, 
he wanted Andijan. Moreover, Auzun Hasan and SI. Ahmad 
Tambal, just when soldiers of ours and all the Mughiils had 
deserted to Andijan and Akhsi, wanted those two districts for 
Jahangir Mirza. For several reasons, those districts could not 
be given to them. One was, that though not promised to The 
Khan, yet he had asked for them and, as he persisted in asking, 
an agreement with him was necessary, if they were to be given 
to Jahangir Mirza. A further reason was that to ask for them 
just when deserters from us had fled to them, was very like a 
command. If the matter had been brought forward earlier, 
some way of tolerating a command might have been found. At Fol. 52. 
the moment, as the Mughiils and the Andijan army and several 
even of my household had gone to Andijan, I had with me in 
Samarkand, beg for beg, good and bad, somewhere about 1000 

When Aiiziin Hasan and SI. Ahmad Tambal did not get what 
they wanted, they invited all those timid fugitives to join them. 
Just such a happening, those timid people, for their own sakes, 
had been asking of God in their terror. Hereupon, Aiiziin 
Hasan and SI. Ahmad Tambal, becoming openly hostile and 
rebellious, led their army from Akhsi against Andijan. 

Tiiliin Khwaja was a bold, dashing, eager brave of the Barin 
(Mughiils). My father had favoured him and he was still in 
favour, I myself having raised him to the rank of beg. In 

^ i.e. The Khan of the Mughuls, Babur's uncle. 


truth he deserved favour, a wonderfully bold and dashing brave f 
He, as being the man I favoured amongst the Mughuls, was 
sent (after them) when they began to desert from Samarkand, to- 
counsel the clans and to chase fear from their hearts so that 
^ol. S2b. they might not turn their heads to the wind.'^ Those two 
traitors however, those false guides, had so wrought on the 
clans that nothing availed, promise or entreaty, counsel or 
threat. Tuliin Khwaja's march lay through Aiki-sii-arasi,^ 
known also as Rabatik-aurchini. Aiiziin Hasan sent a 
skirmishing party against him ; it found him off his guard, 
seized and killed him. This done, they took Jahangir Mirza. 
and went to besiege Andijan. 

{e, Bdhur loses Andijan.) 

In Andijan when my army rode out for Samarkand, I had 
left Aiiziin Hasan and *Ali-dost Taghai (Ramzan go2AH.-May 
1497 AD.). Khwaja-i-qazi had gone there later on, and there 
too were many of my men from Samarkand. During the siege, 
the Khwaja, out of good-will to me, apportioned 18,000 of his 
own sheep to the garrison and to the families of the men still 
with me. While the siege was going on, letters kept coming to 
me from my mothers^ and from the Khwaja, saying in effect,. 
* They are besieging us in this way ; if at our cry of distress you 
do not come, things will go all to ruin. Samarkand was taken 
Fol. 53. by the strength of Andijan ; if Andijan is in your hands, God 
willing, Samarkand can be had again.' One after another 
came letters to this purport. Just then I was recovering from 
illness but, not having been able to take due care in the days of 
convalescence, I went all to pieces again and this time, became 
so very ill that for four days my speech was impeded and they 

1 Elph. MS. aurmaghdildr, might not turn ; llai. and Kehr's MSS. {sar ha 
bad) hlrmaghdilm, might not give. Both metaphors seem drawn from the 
protective habit of man and beast of turning the back to a storm-wind. 

2 i.e. betwixt two waters, the Miyan-i-du-ab of India. Here, it is the most 
fertile triangle of land in Turkistan (Reclus, vi, 199), enclosed by the eastern 
mountains, the Narin and the Qara-su ; Rabatik-aurchini, its alternative 
name, means Small Station sub-district. From the uses of aurchln I infer 
that it describes a district in which there is no considerable head-quarters 

3 i.e. his own, Qutluq-nigar Khanim and hers, Aisan-daulat Beglm, with 
perhaps other widows of his father, probably Shah Sultan Begim. 


903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 TO AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. 89 

ised to drop water into my mouth with cotton. Those with 
ne, begs and bare braves ahke, despairing of my Ufe, began 
iach to take thought for himself While I was in this condition, 
:he begs, by an error of judgment, shewed me to a servant of 
Auzun Hasan's, a messenger come with wild proposals, and 
then dismissed him. In four or five days, I became somewhat 
better but still could not speak, in another few days, was 
myself again. 

Such letters! so anxious, so beseeching, coming from my 
mothers, that is from my own and hers, Aisan-daulat Begim, 
and from my teacher and spiritual guide, that is, Khwaja-i- 
maulana-i-qazi, with what heart would a man not move ? We 
left Samarkand for Andijan on a Saturday in Rajab (Feb.- 
March), when I had ruled 100 days in the town. It was foI. 53*. 
Saturday again when we reached Khujand and on that day a 
person brought news from Andijan, that seven days before, that 
is on the very day we had left Samarkand, *Ali-dost Taghai had 
surrendered Andijan. 

These are the particulars ; — The servant of Aiizun Hasan who, 
after seeing me, was allowed to leave, had gone to Andijan and 
there said, * The pddshdh cannot speak and they are dropping 
water into his mouth with cotton.' Having gone and made 
these assertions in the ordinary way, he took oath in *Ali-dost 
Taghai's presence. *Ali-dost Taghai was in the Khakan Gate. 
Becoming without footing through this matter, he invited the 
opposite party into the fort, made covenant and treaty with 
them, and surrendered Andijan. Of provisions and of fighting 
men, there was no lack whatever ; the starting point of the 
surrender was the cowardice of that false and faithless 
manikin ; what was told him, he made a pretext to put him- 
self in the right. 

When the enemy, after taking possession of Andijan, heard 
of my arrival in Khujand, they martyred Khwaja-i-maulana-i- 
qazi by hanging him, with dishonour, in the Gate of the citadel. Fol. 54. 
He had come to be known as Khwaja-maulana-i-qazi but his 
own name was *Abdu'l-lah. On his father's side, his line went 
back to Shaikh Burhanu'd-din 'Ali Qlltch, on his mother's to 
SL Ailik Mdzl. This family had come to be the Religious 


Guides {muqtadd) and pontiff (ShaikhuH-isldm) and Judge (qdzt) 
in the Farghana country.^ He was a disciple of his Highness 
'Ubaidu'1-Iah (Ahrdrt) and from him had his upbringing. I 
have no doubt he was a saint (wall) ; what better witnesses to 
his sanctity than the fact that within a short time, no sign or 
trace remained of those active for his death ? He was a 
wonderful man ; it was not in him to be afraid ; in no other 
man was seen such courage as his. This quality is a further 
witness to his sanctity. Other men, however bold, have 
anxieties and tremours ; he had none. When they had killed 
him, they seized and plundered those connected with him, 
retainers and servants, tribesmen and followers. 

In anxiety for Andijan, we had given Samarkand out of our 
hands ; then heard we had lost Andijan. It was like the saying, 
* In ignorance, made to leave this place, shut out from that ' 
{Ghafil az in jd rdnda, az dnjd mdnda). It was very hard and 
vexing to me ; for why ? never since I had ruled, had I been cut 
Fol. 54^/. off like this from my retainers and my country ; never since I 
had known myself, had I known such annoyance and such 

(/. Bdbur^s action from Khujand as his base,) 

On our arrival in Khujand, certain hypocrites, not enduring 
to see Khalifa in my Gate, had so wrought on Muhammad 
Husain Mirza DUghldt and others that he was dismissed 
towards Tashkint. To Tashkint also Qasim Beg QUchin had 
been sent earlier, in order to ask The Khan's help for a move 
on Andijan. The Khan consented to give it and came himself 
by way of the Ahangaran Dale,^ to the foot of the Kindirlik 
Pass.^ There I went also, from Khujand, and saw my Khan 
dada.* We then crossed the pass and halted on the Akhsi side. 
The enemy for their part, gathered their men and went to 

^ Cf. f. 1 6 for almost verbatim statements. 

2 Blacksmith's Dale. Ahangaran appears corrupted in modem maps to 
Angren. See U.S. ii, 293 for Khwand -amir's wording of this episode. 

3 Cf. f. 16 and Kostenko i, loi. 

* i.e. Khan Uncle (Mother's brother). 

903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 TO AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. 91 

Just at that time, the people in Pap^ sent me word they had 

lade fast the fort but, owing to something misleading in The 
Khan's advance, the enemy stormed and took it. Though 
The Khan had other good qualities and was in other ways 
businesslike, he was much without merit as a soldier and 
commander. Just when matters were at the point that if he 
made one more march, it was most probable the country would 
be had without fighting, at such a time ! he gave ear to what 
the enemy said with alloy of deceit, spoke of peace and, as his 
messengers, sent them Khwaja Abu'l-makaram and his own Foi. $5' 
Lord of the Gate, Beg Tilba (Fool), TamhaVs elder brother. 
To save themselves those others {i.e. Hasan and Tambal) mixed 
something true with what they fabled and agreed to give gifts 
and bribes either to The Khan or to his intermediaries. With 
this. The Khan retired. 

As the families of most of my begs and household and braves 
were in Andijan, 7 or 800 of the great and lesser begs and bare 
braves, left us in despair of our taking the place. Of the begs 
were *Ali-darwesh Beg, 'Ali-mazid Quchln, Muhammad Baqir 
Beg, Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah, Lord of the Gate and Mirim Ldgharl. 
Of men choosing exile and hardship with me, there may have 
been, of good and bad, between 200 and 300. Of begs there 
were Qasim Quchln Beg, Wais Ldgharl Beg, Ibrahim Sdrii 
Mlngllgh Beg, Shirim Taghai, Sayyidi Qara Beg ; and of my 
household, Mir Shah Quchln^ Sayyid Qasim Jaldlr, Lord of the 
Gate, Qasim-'ajab, 'Ali-dost Taghai's (son) Muhammad-dost, 
Muhammad-'ali Muhashir,^ Khudai-birdi Tughchl Mughul, Yarik 
Taghai, Baba 'All's (son) Baba Quli, Pir Wais, Shaikh Wais, Foi. 55*. 
Yar-'ali Baldl,^ Qasim Mir Akhwur (Chief Equerry) and Haidar 
Rikdbddr (stirrup-holder). 

It came very hard, on me; I could not help crying a good 
deal. Back I went to Khujand and thither they sent me my 

1 n.w. of the Sang ferry over the Sir. 

2 perhaps, messenger of good tidings. 

3 This man's family connections are interesting. He was 'Ali-shukr Beg 
Bahdrlu's grandson, nephew therefore of Pasha Begim ; through his son, 
Saif-'ali Beg, he was the grandfather of Bairam Khan-i-khanan and thus the 
g.g.f. of 'Abdu'r-rahim Mirza, the translator of the Second Wdqi'ai-i-bdburi. 
See Firishta lith. ed. p. 250. 


mother and my grandmother and the families of some of the 
men with me. 

That Ramzan (April-May) we spent in Khujand, then 
mounted for Samarkand. We had already sent to ask The 
Khan's help ; he assigned, to act with us against Samarkand, 
his son, SI. Muhammad (Sultanim) Khanika and (his son's 
guardian) Ahmad Beg with 4 or 5000 men and rode himself as 
far as Aiira-tipa. There I saw him and from there went on 
by way of Yar-yilaq, past the Biirka-yilaq Fort, the head- 
quarters of the sub-governor (ddrogha) of the district. SI. 
Muhammad Sultan and Ahmad Beg, riding light and by 
another road, got to Yar-yilaq first but on their hearing that 
Shaibani Khan was raiding Shiraz and thereabouts, turned 
back. There was no help for it ! Back I too had to go. Again 
I went to Khujand ! 

As there was in me ambition for rule and desire of conquest, 
I did not sit at gaze when once or twice an affair had made no 
progress. Now I myself, thinking to make another move for 
Foi. 56. Andijan, went to ask The Khan's help. Over and above this, 
it was seven or eight years since I had seen Shah Begim^ and 
other relations; they also were seen under the same pretext. 
After a few days. The Khan appointed Sayyid Muhammad 
Husain {Dughldt) and Ayub Begchtk and Jan-hasan Bdrin with 
7 or 8000 men to help us. With this help we started, rode 
Hght, through Khujand without a halt, left Kand-i-badam on 
the left and so to Nasukh, g or 10 yighdch of road beyond 
Khujand and 3 yighdch (12-18 m.) from Kand-i-badam, there 
set our ladders up and took the fort. It was the melon season; 
one kind grown here, known as Isma'il Shaikhi, has a yellow^ 
rind, feels like shagreen leather, has seeds like an apple's and 
flesh four fingers thick. It is a wonderfully delicate melon ; no 
other such grows thereabout. Next day the Mughul begs 
represented to me, * Our fighting men are few ; to what would 
holding this one fort lead on ?' In truth they were right ; of 
what use was it to make that fort fast and stay there ? Back 
once more to Khujand ! 

* Babur's (step-) grandmother, co-widow with Aisin-daulat of Yunas Khan 
and mother of Al.imad and Mahmud Chaghatai. 

903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 TO AUG. 19th. 1498 AD. 93 

if. Affairs of Khusrau Shah and the Tlmurid Mtrzds).^ 

This year Khusrau Shah, taking Bai-sunghar Mirza with 
him, led his army (from Qunduz) to Chaghanian and with false 
and treacherous intent, sent this message to Hisar for SI. 
Mas'ud Mirza, * Come, betake yourself to Samarkand ; if Foi. $63. 
Samarkand is taken, one Mirza may seat himself there, the 
other in Hisar.' Just at the time, the Mirza's begs and house- 
hold were displeased with him, because he had shewn excessive 
favour to his father-in-law, Shaikh *Abdu'l-lah Barlds who from 
Bai-sunghar Mirza had gone to him. Small district though 
Hisar is, the Mirza had made the Shaikh's allowance i,ooo 
tumdns of fulus^ and had given him the whole of Khutlan in 
which were the holdings of many of the Mirza's begs and 
household. All this Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah had ; he and his sons 
took also in whole and in part, the control of the Mirza's gate. 
Those angered began, one after the other, to desert to Bai- 
sunghar Mirza. 

By those words of false alloy, having put SI. Mas'iid Mirza 
off his guard, Khusrau Shah and Bai-sunghar Mirza moved 
light out of Chaghanian, surrounded Hisar and, at beat of 
morning-drum, took possession of it. SI. Mas'iid Mirza was in 
Daulat Sarai, a house his father had built in the suburbs. Not 
being able to get into the fort, he drew off towards Khutlan 
with Shaikh *Abu'l-lah Barlds, parted from him half-way, 
crossed the river at the Aiibaj ferry and betook himself to SI. 
Husain Mirza. Khusrau Shah, having taken Hisar, set Bai- Foi. 57. 
sunghar Mirza on the throne, gave Khutlan to his own younger 
brother, Wali and rode a few days later, to lay siege to Balkh 
where, with many of his father's begs, was Ibrahim Husain 
Mirza (Bdl-qard). He sent Nazar Bahddur, his chief retainer, 
on in advance with 3 or 400 men to near Balkh, and himself 
taking Bai-sunghar Mirza with him, followed and laid the siege. 

1 Here the narrative picks up the thread of Khusrau Shah's affairs, dropped 
on f . 44. 

2 ming tumdn fulus, i.e. a thousand sets-of -ten-thousand small copper coins. 
Mr. Erskine (Mems. p. 61) here has a note on coins. As here the tuman does 
not seem to be a coin but a number, I do not reproduce it, valuable as it is 
per se. 


Wall he sent off with a large force to besiege Shabarghan and 
raid and ravage thereabouts. Wall, for his part, not being 
able to lay close siege, sent his men off to plunder the clans 
and hordes of the Zardak Chiil, and they took him back 
over 100,000 sheep and some 3000 camels. He then came,, 
plundering the San-chirik country on his way, and raiding and 
making captive the clans fortified in the hills, to join Khusrau 
Shah before Balkh. 

One day during the siege, Khusrau Shah sent the Nazar 
Bahadur already mentioned, to destroy the water-channels^ of 
Foi. 57<J. Balkh. Out on him sallied Tingri-birdi Samdncht,^ SI. Husain 
Mirza's favourite beg, with 70 or 80 men, struck him down, cut 
off his head, carried it off, and went back into the fort. A very 
bold sally, and he did a striking deed. 

(g. Affairs of St. Husain Mtrzd and BadVu'z-zamdn Mlrzd.) 

This same year. Si. Husain Mirza led his army out to Bast 
and there encamped,^ for the purpose of putting down Zu'n- 
nun Arghun and his son, Shah Shuja*, because they had become 
Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's retainers, had given him a daughter of 
Zii'n-niin in marriage and taken up a position hostile to himself. 
No corn for his army coming in from any quarter, it had begun 
to be distressed with hunger when the sub-governor of Bast 
surrendered. By help of the stores of Bast, the Mirza got back 
to Khurasan. 

Since such a great ruler as SI. Husain Mirza had twice led a 
splendid and well-appointed army out and twice retired, with- 
out taking Qundiiz, or Hisar or Qandahar, his sons and his 
begs waxed bold in revolt and rebellion. In the spring of this, 
year, he sent a large army under Muhammad Wall Beg to put 
down (his son) Muhammad Husain Mirza who, supreme in 
Astarabad, had taken up a position hostile to himself. While 
SI. Husain Mirza was still lying in the Nishin meadow (near 

1 arlqldr ; this the annotator of the Elph. MS. has changed to dshllq, . 
provisions, com. 

2 Saman-chi may mean Keeper of the Goods. Tingri-birdi. Theodore, is the 
purely Turki form of the Khudai-birdi, already met with several times in the • 

> Bast (Best) is on the left bank of the Halmand. 


903 AH.— AUG. 30th. 1497 TO AUG. 12th. 1498 AD. 95 

Harat), he was surprised by Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Shah 
Shuja* Beg (Arghun). By unexpected good-fortune, he had been Fol. 58. 
joined that very day by SI. Mas'ud Mirza, a refugee after 
bringing about the loss of Hisar,^ and also rejoined by a force 
of his own returning from Astarabad. There was no question 
of fighting. Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Shah Beg, brought 
face to face with these armies, took to flight. 

SI. Husain Mirza looked kindly on SI. Mas'ud Mirza, made 
him kneel as a son-in-law and gave him a place in his favour 
and affection. None-the-less SI. Mas'iid Mirza, at the instiga- 
tion of Baqi Chaghdntdnlf who had come earlier Jnto SI. Husain 
Mirza's service, started off on some pretext, without asking 
leave, and went from the presence of SI. Husain Mirza to that 
of Khusrau Shah ! 

Khusrau Shah had already invited and brought from Hisar, 
Bai-sunghar Mirza ; to him had gone Aulugh Beg Mirza's son,^ 
Miran-shah Mirza who, having gone amongst the Hazara in 
rebellion against his father, had been unable to remain amongst 
them because of his own immoderate acts. Some short-sighted 
persons were themselves ready to kill these three (Timiirid) 
Mirzas and to read Khusrau Shah's name in the khutba but he 
himself did not think this combination desirable. The ungrate- Foi. 58*. 
ful manikin however, for the sake of gain in this five days' 
fleeting world, — it was not true to him nor will it be true to any 
man soever, — seized that SI. Mas'iid Mirza whom he had seen 
grow up in his charge from childhood, whose guardian he had 
been, and blinded him with the lancet. 

Some of the Mirza's foster-brethren and friends of affection 
and old servants took him to Kesh intending to convey him to 
his (half)-brother SI. *Ali Mirza in Samarkand but as that 
party also {i.e. *Ali's) became threatening, they fled with him, 
crossed the river at the Aubaj ferry and went to SI. Husain 

1 Cf. f. 566. 

2 known as Kdbull. He was a son of Abu-sa'id and thus an uncle of Babur. 
He ruled Kabul and Ghazni from a date previous to his father's death in 
873 AH. (perhaps from the time 'Umar Shaikh was not sent there, in 870 ah. 
See f. 6h) to his death in 907 ah. Babur was his virtual successor in Kabul, 
in 910 ah. 


A hundred thousand curses light on him who planned and 
did a deed so horrible ! Up to the very verge of Resurrection, 
let him who hears of this act of Khusrau Shah, curse him ; and 
may he who hearing, curses not, know cursing equally deserved ! 

This horrid deed done, Khusrau Shah made Bai-sunghar 
Mirza ruler in Hisar and dismissed him ; Miran-shah Mirza he 
despatched for Bamian with Sayyid Qasim to help him. 


to4 AH.— AUG. 19th. 1498 to AUG. 8th. 1499 AD.^ 

{a, Bdhur borrows Pashdghar and leaves Khujand.) 

Twice we had moved out of Khujand, once for Andijan, once 
for Samarkand, and twice we had gone back to it because our 
work was not opened out.^ Khujand is a poor place ; a man 
with 2 or 300 followers would have a hard time there ; with Fol. 59. 
what outlook would an ambitious man set himself down in it ? 

As it was our wish to return to Samarkand, we sent people to 
confer with Muhammad Husain Kurkdn Dughldt in Aura-tipa 
and to ask of him the loan for the winter of Pashaghar where 
we might sit till it was practicable to make a move on 
Samarkand. He consenting, I rode out from Khujand for 

{Author's note on Pashaghar.) PashSghar is one of the villages of 
Yar-yiiaq ; it had belonged to his Highness the Khwaja,^ but during 
recent interregna,* it had become dependent on Muhammad Husain 

I had fever when we reached Zamin, but spite of my 
fever we hurried off by the mountain road till we came 
over against Rabat-i-khwaja, the head-quarters of the sub- 
governor of the Shavdar tumdn, where we hoped to take the 
garrison at unawares, set our ladders up and so get into the 

1 Elph. MS. f. 42 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 476 and 217 f. 38 ; Mems. p. 6^. 
Babur here resumes his own story, interrupted on f . 56. 

2 alsh achllmddi, a phrase recurring on f. 596 foot. It appears to imply, 
of trust in Providence, what the English " The way was not opened," does. 
Cf. f . 606 for another example of trust, there cUnching discussion whether to 
go or not to go to Marghinan. 

3 i.e. Ahrdrx. He had been dead some 10 years. The despoilment of his 
family is mentioned on f. 236. 

* fatratldr, here those due to the deaths of Ahmad and Mahmud with their 
sequel of unstable government in Samarkand. 

97 7 


fort. We reached it at dawn, found its men on guard, turned 
back and rode without halt to Pashaghar. The pains and 
misery of fever notwithstanding, I had ridden 14 or 15 yighdck 
(70 to 80 miles). 

After a few days in Pashaghar, we appointed Ibrahim Sdru, 

Foi. 59<^. Wais Ldgharl, Sherim Taghai and some of the household and 
braves to make an expedition amongst the Yar-yilaq forts and 
get them into our hands. Yar-yilaq, at that time was Sayyid 
Yusuf Beg's,^ he having remained in Samarkand at the exodus 
and been much favoured by SI. *Ali Mirza. To manage the 
forts, Sayyid Yiisuf had sent his younger brother's son, Ahmad- 
i-yusuf, now^ Governor of Sialkot, and Ahmad-i-yusuf was then 
in occupation. In the course of that winter, our begs and 
braves made the round, got possession of some of the forts 
peacefully, fought and took others, gained some by ruse and 
craft. In the whole of that district there is perhaps not a 
single village without its defences because of the Mughuls and 
the Auzbegs. Meantime SI. *Ali Mirza became suspicious of 
Sayyid Yusuf and his nephew on my account and dismissed 
both towards Khurasan. 

The winter passed in this sort of tug-of-war ; with the on- 
coming heats,^they sent Khwaja Yahya to treat with me, while 
they, urged on by the (Samarkand) army, marched out to near 
Shiraz and Kabud. I may have had 200 or 300 soldiers 
{sipdhl) ; powerful foes were on my every side ; Fortune had 

Fol. 60. not favoured me when I turned to Andijan ; when I put a hand 

out for Samarkand, no work was opened out. Of necessity, 

some sort of terms were made and I went back from Pashaghar. 

Khujand is a poor place ; one beg would have a hard time in 

it ; there we and our families and following had been for half a 

^ Aughldqchi, the player of the kid -game, the gray-wolf er. Yar-yilaq will 
have gone with the rest of Samarkand into 'All's hands in Rajab 903 ah. 
(March 1498). Contingent terms between him and Babur will have been 
made ; Yusuf may have recognized some show of right under them, for 
allowing Babur to occupy Yar-yliaq. 

2 i.e. after 933 ah. Cf. f. 466 and note concerning the Bikramaditya era. 
See index s.n. Ahmad-i-yusuf and H.S. ii, 293. 

3 This plural, unless ironical, cannot be read as honouring 'Ali ; Babur 
uses the honorific plural most rarely and specially, e.g. for saintly persons, 
for The Khcln and for elder women-kinsfolk. 



year^ and during the time the Musalmans of the place had 
not been backward in bearing our charges and serving us to the 
best of their power. With what face could we go there again ? 
and what, for his own part, could a man do there ? * To what 
home to go ? For what gain to stay ?'^ 

In the end and with the same anxieties and uncertainty, we 
went to the summer-pastures in the south of Aura-tipa. There 
we spent some days in amazement at our position, not knowing 
where to go or where to stay, our heads in a whirl. On one of 
those days, Khwaja Abii'l-makaram came to see me, he like 
me, a wanderer, driven from his home.^ He questioned us 
about our goings and stayings, about what had or had not been 
done and about our whole position. He was touched with 
compassion for our state and recited the fdtiha for me before he 
left. I also was much touched ; I pitied him. 

{h. Bdbur recovers Marghlndn.) 

Near the Afternoon Prayer of that same day, a horseman 
appeared at the foot of the valley. He was a man named 
Yul-chuq, presumably *Ali-dost Taghai's own servant, and had 
been sent with this written message, * Although many great 
misdeeds have had their rise in me, yet, if you will do me the Foi. 6o<5. 
favour and kindness of coming to me, I hope to purge my 
offences and remove my reproach, by giving you Marghinan 
and by my future submission and single-minded service.' 

Such news ! coming on such despair and whirl-of-mind ! 
Off we hurried, that very hour, — it was sun-set, — without 
reflecting, without a moment's delay, just as if for a sudden 
raid, straight for Marghinan. From where we were to Mar- 
ghinan may have been 24 or 25 ytghdch of road.** Through 
that night it was rushed without delaying anywhere, and on 

1 blr ydrlm yll. Dates shew this to mean six months. It appears a 
parallel expression to Pers. hasht-yak, one-eighth. 

2 H.S. ii, 293, in place of these two quotations, has a inisra\ — Na ray safar 
kardan u na ruy iqdmat, (Nor resolve to march, nor face to stay). 

3 i.e. in Samarkand. 

* Point to point, some 145 m. but much further by the road. Tang-ab seems 
likely to be one of the head-waters of Khwaja Bikargan-water. Thence the 
route would be by unfrequented hill-tracks, each man leading his second horse. 


next day till at the Mid-day Prayer, halt was made at Tang-ab 
(Narrow-water), one of the villages of Khujand. There we 
cooled down our horses and gave them corn. We rode out 
again at beat of (twilight-) drum^ and on through that night 
till shoot of dawn, and through the next day till sunset, and on 
through that night till, just before dawn, we were one ytghdch 
from Marghinan. Here Wais Beg and others represented to 
me with some anxiety what sort of an evil-doer *Ali-dost was. 
* No-one,' they said, * has come and gone, time and again, 
between him and us ; no terms and compact have been made ; 
trusting to what are we going ?' In truth their fears were 
just ! After waiting awhile to consult, we at last agreed that 
Foi. 6i. reasonable as anxiety was, it ought to have been earlier; that 
there we were after coming three nights and two days without 
rest or halt ; in what horse or in what man was any strength 
left ? — from where we were, how could return be made ? and, 
if made, where were we to go ? — that, having come so far, on 
we must, and that nothing happens without God's will. At 
this we left the matter and moved on, our trust set on Him. 

At the Sunnat Prayer^ we reached Fort Marghinan. *Ali- 
dost Taghai kept himself behind (arqa) the closed gate and 
asked for terms; these granted, he opened it. He did me 
obeisance between the (two) gates.^ After seeing him, we 
dismounted at a suitable house in the walled-town. With me, 
great and small, were 240 men. 

As Auzun Hasan and Tambal had been tyrannical and 
oppressive, all the clans of the country were asking for me. 
We therefore, after two or three days spent in Marghinan, 
joined to Qasim Beg over a hundred men of the Pashagharis, 
the new retainers of Marghinan and of *Ali-dost's following, 
and sent them to bring over to me, by force or fair words, such 

^ tiin ydrlml naqdra waqtldd. Tun ydrtmi seems to mean half -dark, 
twilight. Here it cannot mean mid -night since this would imply a halt of 
twelve hours and Babur says no halt was made. The drum next following 
mid -day is the one beaten at sunset. 

2 The voluntary prayer, offered when the sun has well risen, fits the 

3 I understand that the obeisance was made in the Gate-house, between 
the inner and outer doors. 



904 AH.— AUG. 19th. 1498 to AUG. 8th. 1499 AD. loi 

hill-people of the south of Andijan as the Ashpari, Turuqshar, FoI. 6iA 
Chikrak and others roundabout. Ibrahim Saru and Wais 
Ldghart and Sayyidi Qara were also sent out, to cross the 
Khujand-water and, by whatever means, to induce the people 
on that side to turn their eyes to me. 

Auziin Hasan and Tambal, for their parts, gathered together 
what soldiers and Mughiils they had and called up the men 
accustomed to serve in the Andijan and Akhsi armies. Then, 
bringing Jahangir Mirza with them, they came to Sapan, a 
village 2m. east of Marghinan, a few days after our arrival, and 
dismounted there with the intention of besieging Marghinan. 
They advanced a day or two later, formed up to fight, as far as 
the suburbs. Though after the departure of the Commanders, 
Qasim Beg, Ibrahim Sdril and Wais Ldgharlf few men were 
left with me, those there were formed up, sallied out and pre- 
vented the enemy from advancing beyond the suburbs. On 
that day, Page Khalil, the turban-twister, went well forward 
and got his hand into the work. They had come ; they could 
do nothing ; on two other days they failed to get near the fort. Foi. 62. 

When Qasim Beg went into the hills on the south of Andijan, 
all the Ashpari, Tiiriiqshar, Chikrak, and the peasants and 
highland and lowland clans came in for us. When the Com- 
manders, Ibrahim Sdril and Wais Ldgharl, crossed the river to 
the Akhsi side. Pap and several other forts came in. 

Aiizun Hasan and Tambal being the heathenish and vicious 
tyrants they were, had inflicted great misery on the peasantry 
and clansmen. One of the chief men of Akhsi, Hasan-dikcha 
by name,^ gathered together his own following and a body of 
the Akhsi mob and rabble, black-bludgeoned^ Aiiziin Hasan's 

and Tambal's men in the outer fort and drubbed them into the 


citadel. They then invited the Commanders, Ibrahim Sdril, 

Wais Ldghart and Sayyidi Qara and admitted them into the fort. 

SI. Mahmiid Khan had appointed to help us, Haidar 

KUkulddsh's (son) Banda-*ali and Haji Ghazi Manghit^ the latter 

1 This seeming sobriquet may be due to eloquence or to good looks. 

2 qara tlydq. Cf. f . 63 where black bludgeons are used by a red rabble. 

3 He was head-man of his clan and again with Shaibani in 909 ah. (Sh. N. 
Vambery, p. 272). Erskine (p. 6"^) notes that the Manghlts are the modem 


just then a fugitive from Shaibani Khan, and also the Barin 
iutndn with its begs. They arrived precisely at this time. 

oi. 62^. These nev^^s w^ere altogether upsetting to Auziin Hasan ; 
he at once started off his most favoured retainers and most 
serviceable braves to help his men in the citadel of Akhsi. His 
force reached the brov^^ of the river at dawn. Our Commanders 
and the (Tashkint) Mughuls had heard of its approach and had 
made some of their men strip their horses and cross the river 
(to the Andijan side). Auzun Hasan's men, in their haste, did 
not draw the ferry-boat up-stream;^ they consequently went 
right away from the landing-place, could not cross for the fort 
and went down stream.^ Here-upon, our men and the 
(Tashkint) Mughuls began to ride bare-back into the water 
from both banks. Those in the boat could make no fight at 
all. Qarlughach (var. Qarbughach) Bakhshl (Pay-master) 
called one of Mughul Beg's sons to him, took him by the 
hand, chopped at him and killed him. Of what use was it ? 
The affair was past that ! His act was the cause why most of 
those in the boat went to their death. Instantly our men 
seized them all (artq) and killed all (but a few).^ Of Auzun 
Hasan's confidants escaped Qarliighach Bakhshl and Khalil 
Diwdn and Qazi Ghuldm, the last getting off by pretending to 
be a slave (ghuldm); and of his trusted braves, Sayyid *Ali, 
now in trust in my own service,'* and Haidar-i-quli and Qilka 
Kdshghart escaped. Of his 70 or 80 men, no more than this 

Fol. 63. same poor five or six got free. 

On hearing of this affair, Auziin Hasan and Tambal, not 
being able to remain near Marghinan, marched in haste and 
disorder for Andijan. There they had left Nasir Beg, the 
husband of Auzun Hasan's sister. He, if not Auzun Hasan's 
second, what question is there he was his third ?^ He was an 

^ i.e. in order to allow for the here very swift current. The H.S. varying a 
good deal in details from the B.N. gives the useful information that Auzun 
Hasan's men knew nothing of the coming of the Tashkint Mughuls. 

* Cf. f. 46 and App. A. as to the position of Akhsi. 

3 bdrinl qtrdtldr. After this statement the five exceptions are unexpected ; 
Babur's wording is somewhat confused here. 

* i.e. in Hindustan. 

* Taipbal would be the competitor for the second place. 

R904 AH.— AUG. 19th. 1498 TO AUG. 8th. 1499 AD. 103 

erienced man, brave too; when he heard particulars, he 
knew their ground was lost, made Andijan fast and sent a man 
^ to me. They broke up in disaccord when they found the fort 
■ made fast against them ; Auzun Hasan drew off to his wife in 
Akhsi, Tambal to his district of Aiish. A few of Jahangir 
Mirza's household and braves fled with him from Aiiziin Hasan 
and joined Tambal before he had reached Aiish. 

(c. Bdbur recovers Andijan.) 

Eirectly we heard that Andijan had been made fast against 
them, I rode out, at sun-rise, from Marghinan and by mid-day 
was in Andijan.^ There I saw Nasir Beg and his two sons, 
tha: is to say, Dost Beg and Mirim Beg, questioned them and 
uplifted their heads with hope of favour and kindness. In this 
way, by God's grace, my father's country, lost to me for two 
years, was regained and re-possessed, in the month Zu'l-qa*da of Fol. 
the date 904 (June i498).2 

SI. Ahmad Tambal, after being joined by Jahangir Mirza, 
drew away for Aiish. On his entering the town, the red rabble 
(^tzU aydq) there, as in Akhsi, black-bludgeoned {qard tiydq qllih) 
and drubbed his men out, blow upon blow, then kept the fort 
for me and sent me a man. Jahangir and Tambal went off 
confounded, with a few followers only, and entered Aiizkint 

Of Aiiziin Hasan news came that after failing to get into 
Andijan, he had gone to Akhsi and, it was understood, had 
entered the citadel. He had been head and chief in the re- 
bellion ; we therefore, on getting this news, without more than 
four or five days' delay in Andijan, set out for Akhsi. On our 
arrival, there was nothing for him to do but ask for peace and 
terms, and surrender the fort. 

We stayed in Akhsi^ a few days in order to settle its affairs 

* 47 m. 4^ fur. 

* Babur had been about two lunar years absent from Andijan but his 
loss of rule was of under 16 months. 

3 A scribe's note entered here on the margin of the Hai. MS. is to the 
effect that certain words are not in the noble archetype (nashka sharlf) ; this 
supports other circumstances which make for the opinion that this Codex is 
a direct copy of Babur's own MS. See Index s.n. Ilai. MS. and JRAS 1906, 
p. 87. 


and those of Kasan and that country-side. We gave the 
Mughuls who had come in to help us, leave for return (to 
Tashkint), then went back to Andijan, taking with us Aiizun 
Hasan and his family and dependants. In Akhsi was left, 
for a time, Qasim-i-*ajab (Wonderful Qasim), formerly one of 
the household circle, now arrived at beg's rank. 

(d. Renewed rebellion of the Mughuls.) 
As terms had been made, Auziin Hasan, without hurt to life 

Foi. 64. or goods, was allowed to go by the Qara-tigin road for Hisar. 
A few of his retainers went with him, the rest parted from him 
and stayed behind. These were the men who in the throne- 
less times had captured and plundered various Musalman 
dependants of my own and of the Khwaja. In agreement 
with several begs, their affair was left at this; — * This Tery 
band have been the captors and plunderers of our faithful 
Musalman dependants ;^ what loyalty have they shown to 
their own (Mughiil) begs that they should be loyal to us ? If 
we had them seized and stripped bare, where would be tlie 
wrong ? and this especially because they might be going abou\, 
before our very eyes, riding our horses, wearing our coats, 
eating our sheep. Who could put up with that ? If, out of 
humanity, they are not imprisoned and not plundered, they 
certainly ought to take it as a favour if they get off with the 
order to give back to our companions of the hard guerilla 
times, whatever goods of theirs are known to be here.' 

In truth this seemed reasonable ; our men were ordered to 
take what they knew to be theirs. Reasonable and just though 
the order was, (I now) understand that it was a little hasty. 

loi. 64^. With a worry like Jahangir seated at my side, there was no 
sense in frightening people in this way. In conquest and 
government, though many things may have an outside appear- 
ance of reason and justice, yet 100,000 reflections are right and 
necessary as to the bearings of each one of them. From this 
single incautious order of ours,^ what troubles ! what rebellions 

^ Musalman here seems to indicate mental contrast with Pagan practices 
or neglect of Musalman observances amongst Mughuls. 
2 i.e. of his advisors and himself. 

904 AH.— AUG. 19th. 1498 TO AUG. 8th. 1499 AD. 


arose ! In the end this same ill-considered order was the cause 
of our second exile from Andijan. Now, through it, the 
Mughiils gave way to anxiety and fear, marched through 
Rabatik-aiirchini, that is, Aiki-su-arasi, for Aiizkint and sent a 
man to Tambal. 

In my mother's service were 1500 to 2000 Mughiils from the 
horde ; as many more had come from Hisar with Hamza 
SI. and Mahdi SI. and Muhammad Dughldt Hisdrt} Mischief 
and devastation must always be expected from the Mughiil 
horde. Up to now^ they have rebelled five times against me. 
It must not be understood that they rebelled through not 
getting on with me ; they have done the same thing with their 
own Khans, again and again. SI. Quli Chilndq^ brought me 
the news. His late father, Khudai-blrdi Buqdq^ I had favoured 
amongst the Mughiils ; he was himself with the (rebel) Mughuls FoI. 65. 
and he did well in thus leaving the horde and his own family 
to bring me the news. Well as he did then however, he, as will 
be told,^ did a thing so shameful later on that it would hide 
a hundred such good deeds as this, if he had done them. His 
later action was the clear product of his Mughiil nature. When 
this news came, the begs, gathered for counsel, represented to 
me, * This is a trifling matter ; what need for the padshah to 
ride out ? Let Qasim Beg go with the begs and men assembled 
^here.* So it was settled ; they took it hghtly ; to do so must 
^,have been an error of judgment. Qasim Beg led his force out 
that same day; Tambal meantime must have joined the 
Mughiils. Our men crossed the Ailaish river^ early next morn- 
ing by the Yasi-kijit (Broad-crossing) and at once came face to 

^ Cf. f. 34. 

2 circa 933 ah. All the revolts chronicled by Babur as made against himself 
were under Mughul leadership. Long Hasan, Tambal and 'Ali-dost were all 
Mughuls. The worst was that of 914 ah. (1518 ad.) in which Quli Chundq 
disgraced himself (T.R. p. 357). 

3 Chundq may indicate the loss of one ear. 

* Buqdq, amongst other meanings, has that of one who lies in ambush. 

5 This remark has interest because it shews that (as Babur planned to write 
more than is now with the B.N. MSS.) the first gap in the book (914 ah. to 
925 AH.) is accidental. His own last illness is the probable cause of this gap. 
Cf. JRAS 1905, p. 744. Two other passages referring to unchronicled matters 
are one about the Bagh-i-safa (f. 224, and one about SI. 'Ali Taghal (f. 242). 

* I surmise Ailaish to be a local name of the Qara-darya affluent of the Sir. 


face with the rebels. Well did they chop at one another 
{chdpquldshurldr) ! Qasim Beg himself came face to face with 
Muhammad ArgJiun and did not desist from chopping at him 
in order to cut off his head.^ Most of our braves exchanged 

Fol. 65<5. good blows but in the end were beaten. Qasim Beg, *Ali-dost 
Taghai, Ibrahim Sdril, Wais Ldgharl, Sayyidi Qara and three 
or four more of our begs and household got away but most of 
the rest fell into the hands of the rebels. Amongst them were 
*Ali-darwesh Beg and Mirim Ldghart and (Sherim ?) Taghaf 
Beg's (son) Tuqa^ and *Ali-dost's son, Muhammad-dost and 
Mir Shah Qiichm and Mirim Diwan. 

Two braves chopped very well at one another ; on our side, 
Samad, Ibrahim SdriVs younger brother, and on their side,. 
Shah-suwar, one of the Hisari Mughiils. Shah-suwar struck 
so that his sword drove through Sam ad's helm and seated 
itself well in his head ; Samad, spite of his wound, struck sa 
that his sword cut off Shah-suwar's head a piece of bone as- 
large as the palm of a hand. Shah-suwar must have worn no 
helm; they trepanned his head and it healed; there was no 
one to trepan Samad's and in a few days, he departed simply 
through the wound-^ 

Amazingly unseasonable was this defeat, coming as it did 
just in the respite from guerilla fighting and just when we had 
regained the country. One of our great props, Qambar-'ali 
Mughul (the Skinner) had gone to his district when Andijan 

Fol. 66. was occupied and therefore was not with us. 

{e. Tambal attempts to take Andijdn.) 

Having effected so much, Tambal, bringing Jahangir Mirza 
with him, came to the east of Andijan and dismounted 2 miles 
off, in the meadow lying in front of the Hill of Pleasure ('Aish).* 

^ atkl auch nauhat chdpqiildh hash chlqarghall qutmds. I cannot feel so sure 
as Mr. E. and M. de C. were that the man's head held fast, especially as for 
it to fall would make the better story. 

^ Tuqa appears to have been the son of a TaghSi, perhaps of Sherim ; his 
name may imply blood -relationship. 

3 For the verb awimaq, to trepan, see f . 67 note 5. 

* The Fr. map of 1904 shews a hill suiting Babur's location of this Hill of 

904 AH.— AUG. 19th. 1498 to AUG. 8th. 1499 AD. 107 

Once or twice he advanced in battle-array, past Chihil- 
dukhteran^ to the town side of the hill but, as our braves went 
out arrayed to tight, beyond the gardens and suburbs, he could 
not advance further and returned to the other side of the hill. 
On his first coming to those parts, he killed two of the begs he 
had captured, Mirim Ldgharl and Tiiqa Beg. For nearly a 
month he lay round-about without effecting anything; after 
that he retired, his face set for Aush. Aiish had been given to 
Ibrahim Sdril and his man in it now made it fast. 

^ A place near Kabul bears the same name ; in both the name is explained 
by a legend that there Earth opened a refuge for forty menaced daughters. 


905 AH. AUG. 8th. 1499 to JULY 28th. 1500 AD." 

{a, Bdbur's campaign against A hmad Tambal MughuL) 

Commissaries were sent gallopping off at once, some to call 
up the horse and foot of the district-armies, others to urge 
return on Qambar-*ali and whoever else was away in his own 
district, while energetic people were told off to get together 
mantelets {tura), shovels, axes and the what-not of war-material 
and stores for the men already with us. 

As soon as the horse and foot, called up from the various 
districts to join the army, and the soldiers and retainers who 
had been scattered to this and that side on their own affairs, 
were gathered together, I went out, on Muharram i8th. 
(August 25th.), putting my trust in God, to Hafiz Beg's Four- 
gardens and there stayed a few days in order to complete our 
equipment. This done, we formed up in array of right and 
left, centre and van, horse and foot, and started direct for Aush 
against our foe. 

On approaching Aush, news was had that Tambal, unable to 
make stand in that neighbourhood, had drawn off to the north, 
to the Rabat- i-sarhang sub-district, it was understood. That 
night we dismounted in Lat-kint. Next day as we were passing 
through Aiish, news came that Tambal was understood to have 
gone to Andijan. We, for our part, marched on as for Auzkint, 
detaching raiders ahead to over-run those parts.^ Our opponents 
went to Andijan and at night got into the ditch but being dis- 
covered by the garrison when they set their ladders up against 
the ramparts, could effect no more and retired. Our raiders 

1 Elph. MS. f. 476 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 53 and 217 f. 43 ; Mems. p. 70. 

2 From Andijan to Aush ib a little over 33 miles. Tambal's road was east 
of Babur's and placed him between Andijan and Auzkint where was the force 
protecting his family. 


905 AH.— AUG. 8th. 1499 TO JULY 28th. 1500 AD. 109 



retired also after over-running round about Auzkint without 
getting into their hands anything worth their trouble. 

Tambal had stationed his younger brother, Khalil, with 200 
or 300 men, in Madii,^ one of the forts of Aush, renowned in 
that centre (drd) for its strength. We turned back (on the Fol. 67. 
Auzkint road) to assault it. It is exceedingly strong. Its 
northern face stands very high above the bed of a torrent; 
arrows shot from the bed might perhaps reach the ramparts. 
On this side is the water-thief,^ made like a lane, with ramparts 
on both sides carried from the fort to the water. Towards the 
rising ground, on the other sides of the fort, there is a ditch. 
The torrent being so near, those occupying the fort had carried 
stones in from it as large as those for large mortars.^ From no 
fort of its class we have ever attacked, have stones been thrown 
so large as those taken into Madu. They dropped such a large 
one on *Abdu'l-qasim Kohbur, Kitta (Little) Begs elder brother,* 
when he went up under the ramparts, that he spun head over 
heels and came rolling and rolling, without once getting to his 
feet, from that great height down to the foot of the glacis 
(khdk-rez). He did not trouble himself about it at all but just 
got on his horse and rode off. Again, a stone flung from the 
double water-way, hit Yar-*all Baldl so hard on the head that 
in the end it had to be trepanned.^ Many of our men perished 
by their stones. The assault began at dawn ; the water-thief Fol. 67^. 
had been taken before breakfast-time;^ fighting went on till 
evening ; next morning, as they could not hold out after losing 
the water-thief, they asked for terms and came out. We took 
60 or 70 or 80 men of Khalil's command and sent them to 
Andijan for safe-keeping; as some of our begs and household 
were prisoners in their hands, the Madu affair fell out very well.^ 

* mod. Mazy, on the main Aush-Kashghar road. 

2 db-duzd : de C. i, 144, prise d'eau. 

3 This simile seems the fruit of experience in Hindiistan. See i. 333, 
concerning Chanderi. 

* These two Mughuls rebelled in 914 ah. with SI. Quli Chunaq (T.R. s.n.). 

'^ awidi. The head of Captain Dow, fractured at Chunar by a stone flung 
at it, was trepanned {Saiydr-i-muta'akhirin, p. 577 and Irvine I.e. p. 283). 
Yar-'ali was alive in 910 ah. He seems to be the father of the great Bairam 
Khan-i-khanan of Akbar's reign. 

^ chasht-gdh ; midway between sunrise and noon. 

■^ taurt ; because providing prisoners for exchange. 


From there we went to Unju-tupa, one of the villages of 
Aush, and there dismounted. When Tambal retired from 
Andijan and went into the Rabat-i-sarhang sub-district, he 
dismounted in a village called Ab-i-khan. Between him and 
me may have been one ylghdch (5 m. ?). At such a time as this, 
Qarnbar-*ali (the Skinner) on account of some sickness, went 
into Aush. 

It was lain in Unjii-tupa a month or forty days without a 
battle, but day after day our foragers and theirs got to grips. 
All through the time our camp was mightily well watched at 
night ; a ditch was dug ; where no ditch was, branches were set 
close together;^ we also made our soldiers go out in their mail 
Foi. 68. along the ditch. Spite of such watchfulness, a night-alarm was 
given every two or three days, and the cry to arms went up. 
One day when Sayyidi Beg Taghai had gone out with the 
foragers, the enemy came up suddenly in greater strength and 
took him prisoner right out of the middle of the fight. 

(b. Bdt'Sunghar Mirzd murdered by Khusrau Shah.) 

Khusrau Shah, having planned to lead an army against Balkh, 
in this same year invited Bai-sunghar Mirza to go with him, 
brought him 2 to Qundiiz and rode out with him for Balkh. 
But when they reached the Aubaj ferry, that ungrateful infidel, 
Khusrau Shah, in his aspiration to sovereignty, — and to what 
sort of sovereignty, pray, could such a no-body attain ? a person 
of no merit, no birth, no lineage, no judgment, no magnanimity, 
no justice, no legal-mindedness, — laid hands on Bai-sunghar 
Mirza with his begs, and bowstrung the Mirza. It was upon 
the loth. of the month of Muharram (August 17th.) that he 
martyred that scion of sovereignty, so accomplished, so sweet - 
natured and so adorned by birth and lineage. He killed also a 
few of the Mirza's begs and household. 

(c. Bai-sunghar Mirza's birth and descent.) 

He was born in 882 (1477 ad.), in the Hisar district. He 
was SI. Mahmud Mirza's second son, younger than SI. Mas'ud 

^ shakh tutuliir idt, perhaps a paliseide. 

2 i.e. from HisSr where he had placed him in 903 ah. 

m. and c 


905 AH.— AUG. 8th. 1499 TO JULY 28th. 1500 AD. 

" and older than SI. *Ali M. and SI. Husain M. and SI. Wais 
M. known as Khan Mirza. His mother was Pasha Begim. Foi. 68<J. 

{d. His appearance and characteristics.) 

He had large eyes, a fleshy face^ and Turkman features, was 
of middle height and altogether an elegant young man {aet. 22). 


{e. His qualities and manners.) 

He was just, humane, pleasant-natured and a most accom- 
plished scion of sovreignty. His tutor, Sayyid Mahmud,^ pre- 
sumably was a Shi'a ; through this he himself became infected 
'by that heresy. People said that latterly, in Samarkand, he 
reverted from that evil belief to the pure Faith. He was much 
addicted to wine but on his non-drinking days, used to go 
through the Prayers.^ He was moderate in gifts and liberality. 
He wrote the naskh-taHiq character very well ; in painting also 
his hand was not bad. He made *Adili his pen-name and 
composed good verses but not sufficient to form a dlwdn. Here 
is the opening couplet (inatla*) of one of them*; — 

Like a wavering shadow I fall here and there ; 

If not propped by a wall, I drop flat on the ground. 

In such repute are his odes held in Samarkand, that the}^ are 
to be found in most houses. 

</. His battles.) 

He fought two ranged battles. One, fought when he was 
first seated on the throne (900 ah. -1495 ad.), was with SI. 
Mahmud Khan^ who, incited and stirred up by SI. Junaid 
B arias and others to desire Samarkand, drew an army out, Foi, 69. 
crossed the Aq-kutal and went to Rabat-i-soghd and Kan-bai. 
iBai-sunghar Mirza went out from Samarkand, fought him near 

* quba yuzluq (f . 66 and note 4). The Turkman features would be a maternal 

2 He is " SaifiMaulana 'Aruzl " of Rieu's Pers. Cat. p, 525. Cf. H.S. ii, 341. 
His book, 'Afuz-i-saifl has been translated by Blochmann and by Ranking. 

3 namdz autdr Idl. I understand some irony from this (de Meynard's Diet. 
s.n. autmdq). 

* The tnatla' of poems serve as an index of first Unes. 
5 Cf. i. 30. 


Kan-bal, beat him and beheaded 3 or 4000 Mughuls. In this 
fight died Haidar Kukulddshy the Khan's looser and binder 
{hall u'aqdi). His second battle was fought near Bukhara with 
SI. *AlI Mirza (901 AH.-1496 ad.) ; in this he was beaten.^ 

{g. His countries,) 

His father, SI. Mahmiid Mirza, gave him Bukhara; when 
SI. Mahmud M. died, his begs assembled and in agreement 
made Bai-sunghar M. ruler in Samarkand. For a time, Bukhara 
was included with Samarkand in his jurisdiction but it went 
out of his hands after the Tarkhan rebellion (goi ah. -1496 ad.). 
When he left Samarkand to go to Khusrau Shah and I got 
possession of it (903 AH.-1497 ad.), Khusrau Shah took Hisar and 
gave it to him. 

(h. Other details concerning him.) 

He left no child. He took a daughter of his paternal uncle,. 
SI. Khalil Mirza, when he went to Khusrau Shah ; he had no 
other wife or concubine. 

He never ruled with authority so independent that any beg 
was heard of as promoted by him to be his confidant ; his begs 
Foi. 693. were just those of his father and his paternal uncle (Ahmad). 

{i. Resumed account of Bdbur's campaign against Tambal.) 

After Bai-sunghar Mirzas death, SI. Ahmad Qardwal,^ the 
father of Quch (Quj) Beg, sent us word (of his intention) and 
came to us from Hisar through the Qara-tigin country, together 
with his brethren, elder and younger, and their families and 
dependants. From Aush too came Qambar-*ali, risen from his 
sickness. Arriving, as it did, at such a moment, we took the 
providential help of SI. Ahmad and his party for a happy omen. 
Next day we formed up at dawn and moved direct upon our 
foe. He made no stand at Ab-i-khan but marched from his 

^ Cf. f . 37b. 

^ i.e. scout and in times of peace, huntsman. On the margin of the Elph. 
* Codex here stands a note, mutilated in rebinding ; — 5/, Ahmad pidr-i-Quch 

Beg ast * * * pidr-i-Sher-afgan u Sher-afgan * * * u SI. Husain Khan * * *■ 
Quch Beg ast. Hamesha * * * dar khdna Shaham Khan * ♦ * . 

905 AH.— AUG. 8th. 1499 TO JULY 28th.' 1500 AD. 113 

round, leaving many tents and blankets and things of the 
)aggage for our men. We dismounted in his camp. 

That evening Tambal, having Jahangir with him, turned our 

Heft and went to a village called Khuban (var. Khiinan), some 

[3 yi'ghdch from us (15 m. ?) and between us and Andijan. 

[Next day we moved out against him, formed up with right and 

left, centre and van, our horses in their mail, our men in theirs, 

md with foot-soldiers, bearing mantelets, flung to the front. 

[Our right was *Ali-dost and his dependants, our left Ibrahim 

Sdril, Wais Ldgharl, Sayyidi Qara, Muhammad-'ali Mubashir, 

and Khwaja-i-kalan's elder brother, Kichik Beg, with several of Fol. 70. 

the household. In the left were inscribed^ also SI. Ahmad 

Qardwal and Qiich Beg with their brethren. With me in the 

centre was Qasim Beg Quchin ; in the van were Qambar-'ali 

(the Skinner) and some of the household. When we reached 

Saqa, a village two miles east of Khuban, the enemy came out 

of Khiiban, arrayed to fight. We, for our part, moved on the 

faster. At the time of engaging, our foot-soldiers, provided 

how laboriously with the mantelets ! were quite in the rear ! 

By God's grace, there was no need of them ; our left had got 

hands in with their right before they came up. Kichik Beg 

chopped away very well ; next to him ranked Muhammad *Ali 

Mubashir. Not being able to bring equal zeal to oppose us, the 

.enemy took to flight. The fighting did not reach the front of 

^pur van or right. Our men brought in many of their braves ; 

I we ordered the heads of all to be struck off. Favouring caution 

[and good generalship, our begs, Qasim Beg and, especially, 

'*Ali-dost did not think it advisable to send far in pursuit ; for Fol. 706. 

[this reason, many of their men did not fall into our hands. We 

lismounted right in Khuban village. This was my first ranged 

)attle ; the Most High God, of His own favour and mere}', 

lade it a day of victory and triumph. We accepted the omen. 

On the next following day, my father's mother, my grand- 

[mother. Shah Sultan Begim^ arrived from Andijan, thinking to 

beg off Jahangir Mirza if he had been taken. 

1 pltlldt ; W.-i-B. navishta shud, words indicating the use by Babur of a 
written record. 

2 Cf. f. 66 and note and f. 17 and note. 



ij. Bdbur goes into winter-quarters in Between-the-two-rivers.) 

As it was now almost winter and no grain or fruits^ remained 
in the open country, it was not thought desirable to move 
against (Tambal in) Aiizkint but return was made to Andijan. 
A few days later, it was settled after consultation, that for us 
to winter in the town would in no way hurt or hamper the 
enemy, rather that he would wax the stronger by it through 
raids and guerilla fighting ; moreover on our own account, it 
was necessary that we should winter where our men would not 
become enfeebled through want of grain and where we could 
straiten the enemy by some sort of blockade. For these de- 
Fol. 71. sirable ends we marched out of Andijan, meaning to winter 
near Armiyan and Niish-ab in the Rabatik-aurchini, known 
also as Between-the-two-rivers. On arriving in the two villages 
above-mentioned, we prepared winter-quarters. 

The hunting-grounds are good in that neighbourhood ; in the 
jungle near the Ailaish river is much bughU-mardl^ and pig; the 
small scattered clumps of jungle are thick with hare and 
pheasant ; and on the near rising-ground, are many foxes* of 
fine colour and swifter than those of any other place. While 
we were in those quarters, I used to ride hunting every two or 
three days ; we would beat through the great jungle and hunt 
bUghU-mardl, or we would wander about, making a circle round 
scattered clumps and flying our hawks at the pheasants. The 
pheasants are unlimited* there; pheasant-meat was abundant 
as long as we were in those quarters. 

While we were there, Khudai-birdi TUghchl, then newly- 
favoured with beg's rank, fell on some of Tambal's raiders and 
brought in a few heads. Our braves went out also from Aush 
and Andijan and raided untiringly on the enemy, driving in his 

1 tuluk ; i.e. other food than grain. Fruit, fresh or preserved, being a 
principal constituent of food in Central Asia, tuliik will include several, but 
chiefly melons. " Les melons constituent presque seuls vers le fin d'ete, la 
nourriture des classes pauvres (Th. Radloff. I.e. p. 343). 

2 Cf. f. 6b and note. 

3 tulkl var. tiilku, the yellow fox. Following this word the Ilai. MS. has 
u dar kamln dur instead of u rangtn dur. 

* bl liadd : with which I.O. 215 agrees but I.O. 217 adds farbih, fat, which 
is right in fact (f. 2b) but less pertinent here than an unUmited quantity. 

^ ^^nerds o 


905 AH.— AUG. 8th. 1499 TO JULY 28th. 1500 AD. 115 

of horses and much enfeebling him. If the whole winter 
had been passed in those quarters, the more probable thing is Foi. 71/5 
that he would have broken up simply without a fight. 

(k. Qamhar-^ali again asks leave.) 

It was at such a time, just when our foe was growing weak 
and helpless, that Qambar-'ali asked leave to go to his district. 
The more he was dissuaded by reminder of the probabilities of 
the position, the more stupidity he shewed. An amazingly 
fickle and veering manikin he was ! It had to be ! Leave for 
his district was given him. That district had been Khujand 
formerly but when Andijan was taken this last time, Asfara 
and Kand-i-badam were given him in addition. Amongst our 
begs, he was the one with large districts and many followers ; 
no-one's land or following equalled his. We had been 40 or 50 
■days in those winter-quarters. At his recommendation, leave 
was given also to some of the clans in the army. We, for our 
part, went into Andijan. 

</. SI. Mahmud Khan sends Mughuls to help Tambal.) 

Both while we were in our winter-quarters and later on in 
Andijan, Tambal's people came and went unceasingly between 
him and The Khan in Tashkint. His paternal uncle of the full- 
blood, Ahmad Beg, was guardian of The Khan's son, SI. 
Muhammad SI. and high in favour; his elder brother of the 
full-blood. Beg Tilba (Fool), was The Khan's Lord of the Gate. 
After all the comings and goings, these two brought The Khan 
to the point of reinforcing Tambal. Beg Tilba, leaving his wife 
and domestics and family in Tashkint, came on ahead of the Foi- 72. 
reinforcement and joined his younger brother, Tambal, — Beg 
Tilba ! who from his birth up had been in Mughiilistan, had 
^rown up amongst Mughuls, had never entered a cultivated 
country or served the rulers of one, but from first to last had 
served The Khans ! 

Just then a wonderful Qajah) thing happened ;^ Qasim-i-*ajab 
(wonderful Qasim) when he had been left for a time in Akhsi, 

1 Here a pun on 'ajab may be read. 


went out one day after a few marauders, crossed the Khujand- 
water by Bachrata, met in with a few of Tambal's men and 
was made prisoner. 

When Tambal heard that our army was disbanded and was 
assured of The Khan's help by the arrival of his brother, Beg 
Tilba, who had talked with The Khan, he rode from Aiizkint 
into Between-the-two-rivers. Meantime safe news had come 
to us from Kasan that The Khan had appointed his son, SI. 
Muh. Khanika, commonly known as Sultanim,^ and Ahmad 
Beg, with 5 or 6000 men, to help Tambal, that they had crossed 
by the Archa-kint road^ and were laying siege to Kasan. Here- 
upon we, without delay, without a glance at our absent men, 
just with those there were, in the hard cold of winter, put our 
Fol. 72d. trust in God and rode off by the Band-i-salar road to oppose 
them. That night we stopped no- where ; on we went through 
the darkness till, at dawn, we dismounted in Akhsi.^ So 
mightily bitter was the cold that night that it bit the hands 
and feet of several men and swelled up the ears of many, each 
ear like an apple. We made no stay in Akhsi but leaving there 
Yarak Taghai, temporarily also, in Qasim-i-*ajab's place, passed 
on for Kasan. Two miles from Kasan news came that on 
hearing of our approach, Ahmad Beg and Sultanim had hurried 
off in disorder. 

(m. Bdbur and Tambal again opposed.) 

Tambal must have had news of our getting to horse for he 
had hurried to help his elder brother.* Somewhere between 
the two Prayers of the day,^ his blackness^ became visible 
towards Nii-kint. Astonished and perplexed by his elder 
brother's light departure and by our quick arrival, he stopped 
short. Said we, * It is God has brought them in this fashion ! 
here they have come with their horses' necks at full stretch;' 

^ C/. f. 15, note to Taghai. 

2 Apparently not the usual Kindir-llk pass but one n.w. of Kasan. 

3 A ride of at least 40 miles, followed by one of 20 to Kasan. 

* Cf. f . 72 and f . 726. Tilba would seem to have left Tambal. 
'^ Tambalmng qarast. 
« i.e. the Other (Mid -afternoon) Prayer. 

' dttning biiinlnl qdtlb. Qatmaq has also the here-appropriate meaning of 
to stiffen. 

905 AH.— AUG. 8th. 1499 TO JULY 28th. 1500 AD. 117 

if we join hands ^ and go out, and if God bring it right, not a 
man of them will get off.' But Wais Ldgharl and some others 
said, * It is late in the day ; even if we do not go out today, 
where can they go tomorrow ? Wherever it is, we will meet 
them at dawn.' So they said, not thinking it well to make the 
joint effort there and then ; so too the enemy, come so oppor- 
tunely, broke up and got away without any hurt whatever. 
The (Turki) proverb is, * Who does not snatch at a chance, 
will worry himself about it till old age.' 

(Persian) couplet. Work must be snatched at betimes. 

Vain is the slacker's mistimed work. 

Seizing the advantage of a respite till the morrow, the enemy 
slipped away in the night, and without dismounting on the road, 
went into Fort Archian. When a morrow's move against a foe 
was made, we found no foe ; after him we went and, not think- 
ing it well to lay close siege to Archian, dismounted two miles 
off (one shar'l) in Ghazna-namangan.^ We were in camp there 
for 30 or 40 days, Tambal being in Fort Archian. Every now 
and then a very few would go from our side and come from 
theirs, fling themselves on one another midway and return. 
They made one night-attack, rained arrows in on us and retired. 
As the camp was encircled by a ditch or by branches close-set, 
and as watch was kept, they could effect no more. 

{n. Qamhar-*ali, the Skinner, again gives trouble.) 

Two or three times while we lay in that camp, Qambar-*ali, 
in ill-temper, was for going to his district ; once he even had 
got to horse and started in a fume, but we sent several begs 
after him who, with much trouble, got him to turn back. 

* alUk qushmdq, i.e. Babur's men with the Kasan garrison. But the two 
W.-i-B. write merely dast burd and dast kardan. 

2 The meaning of Ghazna here is uncertain. The Second W.-i-B. renders it 
by ar. qaryat but up to this point Babur has not used qaryat for village. 
Ghazna-namangan cannot be modem Namangan. It was 2 m. from Archian 
where Tambal was, and Babur went to Bishkharan to be between Tambal and 
Machami, coming from the south. Archian and Ghazna-namangan seem 
both to have been n. or n.w. of BIshkaran (see maps). 

It may be mentioned that at Archian, in 909 ah. the two Chaghatai Khans 
and Babur were defeated by Shaibani. 


(o. Further action against Tamhal and an accommodation made.) 

Meantime Sayyid Yusuf of Macham had sent a man to 
Tambal and was looking towards him. He was the head-man 
of one of the two foot-hills of Andijan, Macham and Awighur. 
Latterly he had become known in my Gate, having outgrown 
the head-man and put on the beg, though no-one ever had 
made him a beg. He was a singularly hypocritical manikin, 
of no standing whatever. From our last taking of Andijan 
(June 1499) till then (Feb. 1500), he had revolted two or three 
times from Taqpbal and come to me, and two or three times 
had revolted from me and gone to Tambal. This was his last 
change of side. With him were many from the (Mughul) horde 
and tribesmen and clansmen. * Don't let him join Tambal, "^ 
we said and rode in between them. We got to Bishkharan with 
one night's halt. Tambal's men must have come earlier and 
entered the fort. A party of our begs, *Ali-darwesh Beg and 
Quch Beg, with his brothers, went close up to the Gate of 
Fol. 74. Bishkharan and exchanged good blows with the enemy. Quch 
Beg and his brothers did very well there, their hands getting in 
for most of the work. We dismounted on a height some two 
miles from Bishkharan; Tambal, having Jahangir with him, 
dismounted with the fort behind him. 

Three or four days later, begs unfriendly to us, that is to say, 
*Ali-dost and Qambar-*ali, the Skinner, with their followers and 
dependants, began to interpose with talk of peace. I and my 
well-wishers had no knowledge of a peace and we alP were 
utterly averse from the project. Those two manikins however 
were our two great begs; if we gave no ear to their words and 
if we did not make peace, other things from them were probable ! 
It had to be ! Peace was made in this fashion ; — the districts 
on the Akhsi side of the Khuj and- water were to depend on 
Jahangir, those on the Andijan side, on me ; Auzkint was to 
be left in my jurisdiction after they had removed their families 
from it ; when the districts were settled and I and Jahangir had 

* blzldr. The double plural is rare with Babur ; he writes biz, we, when 
action is taken in common ; he rarely uses mm, I, with autocratic force ; his 
phrasing is largely impersonal, e.g. with rare exceptions, he writes the 
impersonal passive verb. 

905 AH.— AUG. 8th. 1499 TO JULY 28th. 1500 AD. 119 

made our agreement, we (btz) should march together against 
Samarkand ; and when I was in possession of Samarkand, 
Andijan was to be given to Jahangir. So the affair was settled. Foi. 74<^, 
Next day, — it was one of the last of Rajab, (end of Feb. 1500) 
Jahangir Mirza and Tambal came and did me obeisance ; the 
terms and conditions were ratified as stated above; leave for 
Akhsi was given to Jahangir and I betook myself to Andijan. 

On our arrival, Khalil-of-Tambal and our whole band of 
prisoners were released ; robes of honour were put on them and 
leave to go was given. They, in their turn, set free our begs 
and household, viz. the commanders^ (Sherim ?) Taghai Beg, 
Muhammad-dost, Mir Shah Quchin^ Sayyidi Qara Beg, Qasim- 
i-*ajab, Mir Wais, Mirim Dlwdn, and those under them. 

(p. The self-aggrandizement of 'A li-dost Taghdl.) 

After our return to Andijan, 'Ali-dost's manners and be- 
haviour changed entirely. He began to live ill with my com- 
panions of the guerilla days and times of hardship. First, he 
dismissed Khalifa; next seized and plundered Ibrahim Sam 
and Wais Ldghart^ and for no fault or cause deprived them of 
their districts and dismissed them. He entangled himself with 
Qasim Beg and he was made to go ; he openly declared, * Khalifa 
and Ibrahim are in sympathy about Khwaja-i-qazi ; they will 
avenge him on me.'^ His son, Muhammad-dost set himself up 
on a regal footing, starting receptions and a public table and a Pol. 75. 
Court and workshops, after the fashion of sultans. Like father, 
like son, they set themselves up in this improper way because 
they had Tambal at their backs. No authority to restrain their 
unreasonable misdeeds was left to me; for why? Whatever 
their hearts desired, that they did because such a foe of mine 
as Tambal was their backer. The position was singularly 
delicate; not a word was said but many humiliations were 
endured from that father and that son alike. 

1 bdshltghldr. Teufel was of opinion that this word is not used as a noun 
in the B.N. In this he is mistaken ; it is so used frequently, as here, in 
apposition. See ZDMG, xxxvii, art. Babur und Abu'1-fazl. 

2 C/. f . 54 foot. 

I20 , farghAna 

{q. Bdbur's first marriage.) 

'Ayisha-sultan Begim whom my father and hers, i.e. my uncle, 
SI. Ahmad Mirza had betrothed to me, came (this year) to 
Khujand^ and I took her in the month of Sha'ban. Though I 
was not ill-disposed towards her, yet, this being my first 
marriage, out of modesty and bashfulness, I used to see her 
once in lo, 15 or 20 days. Later on when even my first 
inclination did not last, my bashfulness increased. Then my 
mother Khanim used to send me, once a month or every 40 
Fol. 753. days, with driving and driving, dunnings and worryings. 

(r. A personal episode and some verses by Bdbur.) 

In those leisurely days I discovered in myself a strange 
inclination, nay ! as the verse says, * I maddened and afflicted 
myself for a boy in the camp-bazar, his very name, Baburi, 
fitting in. Up till then I had had no inclination for any-one, 
indeed of love and desire, either by hear-say or experience, I had 
not heard, I had not talked. At that time I composed Persian 
couplets, one or two at a time ; this is one of the them : — 

May none be as I, humbled and wretched and love-sick ; 
No beloved as thou art to me, cruel and careless. 

From time to time Baburi used to come to my presence but 
out of modesty and bashfulness, I could never look straight at 
him ; how then could I make conversation {ikhtildt) and recital 
(hikdyat) ? In my joy and agitation I could not thank him (for 
coming); how was it possible for me to reproach him with 
going away? What power had I to command the duty of 
service to myself? ^ One day, during that time of desire and 
passion when I was going with companions along a lane and 
suddenly met him face to face, I got into such a state of con- 
fusion that I almost went right off. To look straight at him 
Fol. 76. or to put words together was impossible. With a hundred 
torments and shames, I went on. A (Persian) couplet of 
Muhammad Salih's^ came into my mind : — 

* Cf. i. 20. She may have come from Samarkand and 'All's household or 
from Kesh and the Tarkhan households. 

2 Cf. f . 26 1. 2 for the same phrase. 

3 He is the author of the Shaibdnl-ndma. 

905 AH.— AUG. 8th. 1499 TO JULY 28th. 1500 AD. I2i 

I am abashed with shame when I see my friend ; 
My companions look at me, I look the other way. 

That couplet suited the case wonderfully well. In that frothing- 
up of desire and passion, and under that stress of youthful folly, 
I used to wander, bare-head, bare-foot, through street and lane, 
orchard and vineyard. I shewed civility neither to friend nor 
stranger, took no care for myself or others. 

(Turkl) Out of myself desire rushed me, unknowing 
That this is so with the lover of a fairy-face. 

Sometimes like the madmen, I used to wander alone over hill 
and plain ; sometimes I betook myself to gardens and the 
suburbs, lane by lane. My wandering was not of my choice, 
not I decided whether to go or stay. 

{Turkt) Nor power to go was mine, nor power to stay ; 

I was just what you made me, o thief of my heart. 

(s. SI. *Alt Mlrzd^s quarrels with the Tarkhans.) 

In this same year, SI. *Ali Mirza fell out with Muhammad 
Mazid Tarkhan for the following reasons ; — The Tarkhans had 
risen to over-much predominance and honour ; Baqi had taken 
the whole revenue of the Bukhara Government and gave not a Foi. 76*. 
half-penny (ddng)^ to any-one else; Muhammad Mazid, for his 
part, had control in Samarkand and took all its districts for his 
sons and dependants ; a small sum only excepted, fixed by them, 
not a farthing (fils) from the town reached the Mirza by any 
channel. SI. *Ali Mirza was a grown man; how was he to 
tolerate such conduct as theirs ? He and some of his household 
formed a design against Muh. Mazid Tarkhan ; the latter came 
to know of it and left the town with all his following and with 
whatever begs and other persons were in sympathy with him,^ 
such as SI. Husain Arghun, Pir Ahmad, Aiiziin Hasan's younger 
brother, Khwaja Husain, Qara Barlds, Salih Muhammad^ and 
some other begs and braves. 

^ dang and fils {infra) are small copper coins. 

2 Cf.i. 25 1. I and note i. 

3 Probably the poet again ; he had left Harat and was in Samarkand (Sh. 
N. Vambery, p. 34 1. 14). 


At the time The Khan had joined to Khan Mirza a number 
of Mughiil begs with Muh. Husain Dughldt and Ahmad Beg^ 
and had appointed them to act against Samarkand.^ Khan 
Mirza's guardians were Hafiz Beg Dulddl and his son, Tahir 
Beg; because of relationship to them, (Muh. Sighal's) grandson, 
Hasan and Hindu Beg fled with several braves from SI. 'All 
Foi. 77. Mirza's presence to Khan Mirza's. 

Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan invited Khan Mirza and the 
Mughul army, moved to near Shavdar, there saw the Mirza 
and met the begs of the Mughuls. No small useful friendli- 
nesses however, came out of the meeting between his begs and 
the Mughuls ; the latter indeed seem to have thought of making 
him a prisoner. Of this he and his begs coming to know,, 
separated themselves from the Mughiil army. As without him 
the Mughiils could make no stand, they retired. Here-upon, 
SI. *Ali Mirza hurried light out of Samarkand with a few men 
and caught them up where they had dismounted in Yar-yilaq. 
They could not even fight but were routed and put to flight. 
This deed, done in his last days, was SI. *Ali Mirza's one good 
little affair. 

Muh. Mazid Tarkhan and his people, despairing both of the 
Mughiils and of these Mirzas, sent Mir Mughiil, son of *Abdu'l- 
wahhab Shaghdwal^ to invite me (to Samarkand). Mir Mughiil 
had already been in my service ; he had risked his life in good 
accord with Khwaja-i-qazi during the siege of Andijan (903 ah.- 
1498 AD.). 

This business hurt us also^ and, as it was for that purpose 

we had made peace (with Jahangir), we resolved to move on 

Samarkand. We sent Mir Mughul off at once to give rendezvous'* 

Foi. 77^. to Jahangir Mirza and prepared to get to horse. We rode out 

^ From what follows, this Mughul advaxice seems a sequel to a Tarkhan 

2 By omitting the word Mir the Turki text has caused confusion between 
this father and son (Index s.nn.). 

3 biz khud khardb hu mu'dmla alduk. These words have been understood 
earlier, as referring to the abnormal state of Babur's mind described under 
Sec. r. They better suit the affairs of Samarkand because Babur is able to 
resolve on action and also because he here writes biz, we, and not mln, I as in 
Sec. f. 

* For bulghdr, rendezvous, see also f. 78 1. 2 fr. ft. 


905 AH.— AUG. 8th. 1499 TO JULY 28th. 1500 AD. 123 


in the month of Zu'l-qa*da (June) and with two halts on the 
way, came to Qaba and there dismounted.^ At the mid-after- 
noon Prayer of that day, news came that Tambal's brother, 
Khalil had taken Aiish by surprise. 

The particulars are as follows; — As has been mentioned, 
Khalil and those under him were set free when peace was made. 
Tambal then sent Khalil to fetch away their wives and families 
from Aiizkint. He had gone and he went into the fort on this 
pretext. He kept saying untruthfully, * We will go out today,' 
or * We will go out tomorrow,' but he did not go. When we 
got to horse, he seized the chance of the emptiness of Aiish to 
go by night and surprise it. For several reasons it was of no 
advantage for us to stay and entangle ourselves with him ; we 
went straight on therefore. One reason was that as, for the 
purpose of making ready military equipment, all my men of 
name had scattered, heads of houses to their homes, we had no 
ews of them because we had relied on the peace and were by 
his off our guard against the treachery and falsity of the other 
party. Another reason was that for some time, as has been ^°^- 7^- 
aid, the misconduct of our great begs, *Ali-dost and Qambar- 
*ali had been such that no confidence in them was left. A 
further reason was that the Samarkand begs, under Muh. Mazid 
Tarkhan had sent Mir Mughiil to invite us and, so long as a 
capital such as Samarkand stood there, what would incline a 
jnan to waste his days for a place like Andijan ? 

From Qaba we moved on to Marghinan (20 m.). Marghinan 
had been given to Qiich Beg's father, SI. Ahmad Qardwal, and 
he was then in it. As he, owing to various ties and attach- 
ments, could not attach himself to me,^ he stayed behind while 
his son, Qiich Beg and one or two of his brethren, older and 
younger, went with me. 

Taking the road for Asfara, we dismounted in one of its 
villages, called Mahan. That night there came and joined us 
in Mahan, by splendid chance, just as if to a rendezvous, Qasim 
Beg Quchm with his company, 'Ali-dost with his, and Sayyid 

^ 25 m. only ; the halts were due probably to belated arrivals. 
2 Some of his ties would be those of old acquaintance in Hisar with 'All's 
father's begs, now with him in Samarkand. 


Qasim with a large body of braves. We rode from Mahan by 
the Khasban (var. Yasan) plain, crossed the Chupan (Shepherd)- 
bridge and so to Aura-tipa.^ 

(t, Qambar-'all punishes himself.) 

Trusting to Tambal, Qambar-'ali went from his own district 
(Khujand) to Akhsi in order to discuss army-matters with him. 
Fol. 78;. Such an event happening,^ Tambal laid hands on Qambar-*ali, 
marched against his district and carried him along. Here the 
(Turki) proverb fits, * Distrust your friend ! he'll stuff your hide 
with straw.' While Qambar-*ali was being made to go to 
Khujand, he escaped on foot and after a hundred difficulties 
reached Aura-tipa. 

News came to us there that Shaibani Khan had beaten Baqi 
Tarkhan in Dabiisi and was moving on Bukhara. We went 
on from Aiira-tipa, by way of Burka-yilaq, to Sangzar ^ which 
the sub-governor surrendered. There we placed Qambar-*ali, 
as, after effecting his own capture and betrayal, he had come 
to us. We then passed on. 

{u. Affairs of Samarkand and the end of *A ll-dosU) 

On our arrival in Khan-yurti, the Samarkand begs under 
Muh. Mazid Tarkhan came and did me obeisance. Conference 
was held with them as to details for taking the town ; they said, 
' Khwaja Yahya also is wishing for the pddshdh ;* with his 
consent the town may be had easily without fighting or dis- 
turbance.' The Khwaja did not say decidedly to our 
messengers that he had resolved to admit us to the town but at 
the same time, he said nothing likely to lead us to despair. 

Leaving Khan-yurti, we moved to the bank of the Dar-i-gham 

(canal) and from there sent our librarian, Khwaja Muhammad 

Fol. 79. *Ali to Khwaja Yahya. He brought word back, * Let them 

come; we will give them the town.' Accordingly we rode 

from the Dar-i-gham straight for the town, at night-fall, but 

^ Point to point, some 90 m. but further by road. 

2 BH waqi' bulghdch, maxiifestly ironical. 

3 Sangz^r to Aura-tlpS, by way of the hills, some 50 miles. 
* The Sh. N. Vamb6ry, p. 60, confirms this. 


905 AH.— AUG, 8th. 1499 to JULY 28th. 1500 AD. 125 

ur plan came to nothing because SI. Muhammad DulddVs 
father, SI. Mahmud had fled from our camp and given such 
information to (SI. 'Alfs party) as put them on their guard. 
Back we went to the Dar-i-gham bank. 

While I had been in Yar-yilaq, one of my favoured begs, 
Ibrahim Sdru who had been plundered and driven off by 'Ali- 
dost,^ came and did me obeisance, together with Muh. Yusuf, 
the elder son of Sayyid Yiisuf (AughldqchT). Coming in by 
ones and twos, old family servants and begs and some of the 
household gathered back to me there. All were enemies of 
*Ali-dost ; some he had driven away ; others he had plundered ; 
others again he had imprisoned. He became afraid. For why ? 
Because with Tambal's backing, he had harassed and perse- 
cuted me and my well-wishers. As for me, my very nature 
sorted ill with the manikin's ! From shame and fear, he could 
stay no longer with us ; he asked leave ; I took it as a personal 
favour; I gave it. On this leave, he and his son, Muhammad- 
dost went to Tambal's presence. They became his intimates, Foi. jgd. 
and from father and son alike, much evil and sedition issued. 
*Ali-dost died a few years later from ulceration of the hand. 
Muhammad-dost went amongst the Aiizbegs; that was not 
altogether bad but, after some treachery to his salt, he fled 
from them and went into the Andijan foot-hills.^ There he 
stirred up much revolt and trouble. In the end he fell into the 
hands of Aiizbeg people and they blinded him. The meaning 
of * The salt took his eyes,' is clear in his case.^ 

After giving this pair their leave, we sent Ghiiri Barlds toward 
Bukhara for news. He brought word that Shaibani Khan had 
taken Bukhara and was on his way to Samarkand. Here-upon, 
seeing no advantage in staying in that neighbourhood, we set 
out for Kesh where, moreover, were the families of most of the 
Samarkand begs. 

When we had been a few weeks there, news came that SI. 
*Ali Mirza had given Samarkand to Shaibani Khan. The 
particulars are these ; — The Mirza's mother, Zuhra Begi Agha 

1 C/. f. 746. 

2 Macham and Awighur, presumably. 

3 guzldr tuz tutl, i.e. he was blinded for some treachery to his hosts. 


(Auzbeg), in her ignorance and folly, had secretly written to 
Fol. 80. Shaibani Khan that if he would take her (to wife) her son 
should give him Samarkand and that when Shaibani had taken 
(her son's) father's country, he should give her son a country.^ 
Sayyid Yiisuf Arghun must have known of this plan, indeed 
will have been the traitor inventing it. 

1 Muh. Salih's well-informed account of this episode has much interest, 
filling out and, as by Shaibani's Boswell, balancing Babur's. BeLbur is 
obscure about what country was to be given to 'AIL Payanda-hasan para- 
phrEises his brief words ; — Shaibani was to be as a father to 'All and when he 
had taken 'All's father's wildydt, he was to give a country to 'Ali. It has 
been thought that the gift to 'Ali was to follow Shaibani's recovery of his own 
ancestral camping-ground (yiirt) but this is negatived, I think, by the word. 
wildyat, cultivated land. 

906 AH.— JULY 28th. 1500 to JULY 17th. 
1501 AD.^ 

{a, Samarkand in the hands of the Auzbegs.) 

When, acting on that woman's promise, Shaibani Khan 
went to Samarkand, he dismounted in the Garden of the Plain- 
About mid-day SI. *Ali Mirza went out to him through the 
Four-roads Gate, without a word to any of his begs or un- 
mailed braves, without taking counsel with any-one soever and 
accompanied only by a few men of little consideration from his 
own close circle. The Khan, for his part, did not receive him 
very favourably; when they had seen one another, he seated 
him on his less honourable hand.^ Khwaja Yahya, on hearing 
of the Mirza's departure, became very anxious but as he could 
find no remedy,^ went out also. The Khan looked at him with- 
out rising and said a few words in which blame had part, but 
when the Khwaja rose to leave, showed him the respect 
of rising. 

As soon as Khwaja ' Ali* Bay's^ son, Jan-'ali heard in Rabat- 

1 Elp. MS. f. 576; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 63b and I.O. 217 f. 52 ; Mems. p. 82. 
Two contemporary works here supplement the B.N. ; (i) the {Tawdrikh-i- 

ouzlda) Nasrat-ndma, dated 908 ah. (B.M. Turk! Or. 3222) of which Berezin's 
Shaibdnt-ndma is an abridgment ; (2) Muh. Salili Mirza's Shaibdnt-ndma 
(Vambery trs. cap. xix et seq.). The II.S. (Bomb. ed. p. 302, and Tehran ed. 
p. 384) is also useful. 

2 i.e. on his right. The U.S. ii, 302 represents that 'Ali vras well-received. 
After Shaibaq had had Zuhra's overtures, he sent an envoy to 'Ali and Yahya ; 
the first was not won over but the second fell in with his mother's scheme. 
This difference of view explains why 'Ali slipped away while Yahya was 
engaged in the Friday Mosque'. It seems likely that mother and son alike 
expected their Auzbeg blood to stand them in good stead with Shaibaq. 

3 He tried vainly to get the town defended. " Would to God Babur Mirza 
were here !" he is reported as saying, by Muh. Salih. 

* Perhaps it is for the play of words on 'Ali and 'All's hfe {jdn) that this 
jnan makes his sole appearance here. 

^ i.e. rich man or merchant, but Bl (infra) is an equivalent of Beg. 



i-khwaja of the Mirza's going to Shaibani Khan, he also went. 
As for that calamitous woman who, in her folly, gave her son's 

Fol. 80^. house and possessions to the winds in order to get herself a 
husband, Shaibani Khan cared not one atom for her, indeed 
did not regard her as the equal of a mistress or a concubine.^ 

Confounded by his own act, SI. *Ali Mirza's repentance was 
extreme. Some of his close circle, after hearing particulars, 
planned for him to escape with them but to this he would 
not agree ; his hour had come ; he was not to be freed. He 
had dismounted in Timiir Sultan's quarters ; three or four days 
later they killed him in Plough-meadow.^ For a matter of this 
five-days' mortal life, he died with a bad name ; having entered 
into a woman's affairs, he withdrew himself from the circle of 
men of good repute. Of such people's doings no more should 
be written ; of acts so shameful, no more should be heard. 

The Mirza having been killed, Shaibani Khan sent Jan-'ali 
after his Mirza. He had apprehensions also about Khwaja 
Yahya and therefore dismissed him, with his two sons, Khwaja 
Muh. Zakariya and Khwaja Baqi, towards Khurasan.^ A few 
Auzbegs followed them and near Khwaja Kardzan martyred 
both the Khwaja and his two young sons. Though Shaibani's 

Fol. 81. words were, * Not through me the Khwaja's affair ! Qambar Bl 
and Kupuk Bi did it,' this is worse than that ! There is a 
proverb,^ * His excuse is worse than his fault,' for if begs, out 
of their own heads, start such deeds, unknown to their Khans 
or Padshahs, what becomes of the authority of khanship and 
and sovereignty ? 

(6. Bdbur leaves Kesh and crosses the Mura pass,) 

Since the Auzbegs were in possession of Samarkand, we left 
Kesh and went in the direction of Hisar. With us started off 

^ Muh. Saiih, invoking curses on such a mother, mentions that Zuhra was. 
given to a person of her own sort. 

2 The Sh. N. and Nasrat-ndtna attempt to lift the blame of 'All's death 
from Shaibaq ; the second saying that he fell into the Kohik-water when 

3 Harat might be his destination but the U.S. names Makka. Somfc 
dismissals towards Khurasan may imply pilgrimage to Meshhed. 

* Used also by Babur's daughter, Gul-badan (I.e. f. 31). 

906 AH.— JULY 28th. 1500 to JULY 17th. 1501 AD. 129 


Muh. Mazid Tarkhan and the Samarkand begs under his 
command, together with their wives and famiUes and people, 
but when we dismounted in the Chultii meadow of Chaghanian, 
they parted from us, went to Khusrau Shah and became his 

Cut off from our own abiding-town and country,^ not know- 
ing where (else) to go or where to stay, we were obliged to 
traverse the very heart of Khusrau Shah's districts, spite of 
what measure of misery he had inflicted on the men of our 
dynasty ! 

One of our plans had been to go to my younger Khan dada, 
i.e. Alacha Khan, by way of Qara-tigin and the Alai,^ but this 
was not managed. Next we were for going up the valley of 
the Kam torrent and over the Sara-taq pass {ddhdn). When 
we were near Nundak, a servant of Khusrau Shah brought 
me one set of nine horses^ and one of nine pieces of cloth. 
When we dismounted at the mouth of the Kam valley, Sher- Fol. 81*. 
*ali, the page, deserted to Khusrau Shah's brother. Wall and, 
next day, Qiich Beg parted from us and went to Hisar."* 

We entered the valley and made our way up it. On its 
steep and narrow roads and at its sharp and precipitous 
saddles^ many horses and camels were left. Before we reached 
the Sara-taq pass we had (in 25 m.) to make three or four 
night-halts. A pass ! and what a pass ! Never was such a 
steep and narrow pass seen ; never were traversed such ravines 
and precipices. Those dangerous narrows and sudden falls, 
those perilous heights and knife-edge saddles, we got through 
with much difficulty and suffering, with countless hardships 
|Lnd miseries. Amongst the Fan mountains is a large lake 
(Iskandar) ; it is 2 miles in circumference, a beautiful lake and 
not devoid of marvels.® 

* Cut off by alien lands and weary travel. 

2 The Pers. annotator of the Elph. Codex has changed Alai to wildyat, and 
ddhdn (pass) to ydn, side. For the difficult route see Schuyler, i, 275, Kostenko» 
i, 129 and Rickmers, JRGS. 1907, art. Fan Valley. 

3 Amongst Turks and Mughuls, gifts were made by nines. 

* Hisar was his earlier home. 

fi Many of these will have been climbed in order to get over places impassable 
it the river's level. 

* Schuyler quotes a legend of the lake. He and Kostenko make it larger. 



News came that Ibrahim Tarkhan had strengthened Fort 
Shiraz and was seated in it ; also that Qambar-'ali (the Skinner) 
and Abu'l-qasim Kohbur, the latter not being able to stay in 
Khwaja Didar with the Auzbegs in Samarkand, — had both 
come into Yar-yilaq, strengthened its lower forts and occupied 

Leaving Fan on our right, we moved on for Keshtud. The 
head-man of Fan had a reputation for hospitality, generosity, 
Fol. 82. serviceableness and kindness. He had given tribute of 70 or 
80 horses to SI. Mas'iid Mirza at the time the Mirza, when 
SI. Husain Mirza made attack on Hisar, went through Fan on 
his way to his younger brother, Bai-sunghar Mirza in Samar- 
kand. He did like service to others. To me he sent one 
second-rate horse; moreover he did not wait on me himself. 
So it was ! Those renowned for liberality became misers when 
they had to do with me, and the politeness of the polite was 
forgotten. Khusrau Shah was celebrated for liberality and 
kindness ; what service he did Badi*u'z-zaman Mirza has been 
mentioned ; to Baqi Tarkhan and other begs he shewed great 
generosity also. Twice I happened to pass through his 
country ;^ not to speak of courtesy shewn to my peers, what he 
shewed to my lowest servants he did not shew to me, indeed 
he shewed less regard for us than for them. 

{Turki) Who, o my heart ! has seen goodness from worldlings ? 
Look not for goodness from him who has none. 

Under the impression that the Aiizbegs were in Keshtud, we 
made an excursion to it, after passing Fan. Of itself it seemed 
Fol. S2b. to have gone to ruin ; no-one seemed to be occupying it. We 
went on to the bank of the Kohik-water (Zar-afshan) and there 
dismounted. From that place we sent a few begs under 
Qasim Quchln to surprise Rabat-i-khwaja ; that done, we 
crossed the river by a bridge from opposite Yari, went through 
Yari and over the Shunqar-khana (Falcons'-home) range into 
Yar-yilaq. Our begs went to Rabat-i-khwaja and had set up 
ladders when the men within came to know about them and 

1 The second occasion was when he crossed from Stikh for Kabul in 910 ai^. 
(fol. 120). 


P ■ forci 


906 AH.— JULY 28th. 1500 TO JULY 17th. 1501 AD. 131 

forced them to retire. As they could not take the fort, they 
rejoined us. 

{c. Bdhur renews attack on Samarkand.) 

Qainbar-*ali (the Skinner) was (still) holding Sangzar; he 
came and saw us ; Abu'l-qasim Kohbur and Ibrahim Tarkhan 
showed loyalty and attachment by sending efficient men for 
our service. We went into Asfidik (var. Asfindik), one of the 
Yar-yilaq villages. At that time Shaibaq Khan lay near 
Khwaja Didar with 3 or 4000 Auzbegs and as many more 
soldiers gathered in locally. He had given the Government of 
Samarkand to Jan-wafa, and Jan-wafa was then in the fort 
with 500 or 600 men. Hamza SI. and Mahdi 81. were lying 
near the fort, in the Quail-reserve. Our men, good and bad 
were 240. Fol. 83. 

Having discussed the position with all my begs and unmailed 
braves, we left it at this ; — that as Shaibani Khan had taken 
possession of Samarkand so recently, the Samarkandis would 
not be attached to him nor he to them ; that if we made an 
effort at once, we might do the thing ; that if we set ladders up 
<ind took the fort by surprise, the Samarkandis would be for 
us ; how should they not be ? even if they gave us no help, 
they would not fight us for the Auzbegs ; and that Samarkand 
once in our hands, whatever was God's will, would happen. 

Acting on this decision, we rode out of Yar-yilaq after the 
Mid-day Prayer, and on through the dark till mid-night when 
we reached Khan-yurtL Here we had word that the Samar- 
kandis knew of our coming ; for this reason we went no nearer 
to the town but made straight back from Khan-yiirti. It was 
>dawn when, after crossing the Kohik-water below Rabat-i- 
Jchwaja, we were once more in Yar-yilaq. 

One day in Fort Asfidik a household party was sitting in my 
presence ; Dost-i-nasir and Nuyan^ Kukulddsh and Khan-quli- 
i-Karim-dad and Shaikh Darwesh and Mirim-i-nasir were all 
there. Words were crossing from all sides when (I said), 
' Come now ! say when, if God bring it right, we shall take Fol. 83^ 

^ This name appears to indicate a Command of 10,000 (Bretschneider's 
.McdicBval Researchss, i, 112). 


Samarkand/ Some said, * We shall take it in the heats.' It 
was then late in autumn. Others said, ' In a month,' * Forty 
days,' * Twenty days.* Nuyan Kukulddsh said, *We shall 
take it in 14.' God shewed him right ! we did take it in 
exactly 14 days. 

Just at that time I had a wonderful dream ; — His Highness 
Khwaja *Ubaid'l-lah (Ahrdrt) seemed to come; I seemed to 
go out to give him honourable meeting ; he came in and seated 
himself; people seemed to lay a table-cloth before him, 
apparently without sufficient care and, on account of this, 
something seemed to come into his Highness Khwaja s mind. 
Mulla Baba (? Pashdghari) made me a sign ; I signed back, 
* Not through me ! the table-layer is in fault !' The Khwaja 
understood and accepted the excuse.^ When he rose, I 
escorted him out. In the hall of that house he took hold of 
either my right or left arm and lifted me up till one of my feet 
was off the ground, saying, in Turki, * Shaikh Maslahat has 
given (Samarkand. )*2 I really took Samarkand a few days 

{d. Bdhur takes Samarkand by surprise.) 

In two or three days move was made from Fort Asfidik to 
Fort Wasmand. Although by our first approach, we had let 
Fol. 84. our plan be known, we put our trust in God and made another 
expedition to Samarkand. It was after the Mid-day Prayer 
that we rode out of Fort Wasmand, Khwaja Abii'l-makaram 
accompanying us. By mid-night we reached the Deep-fosse- 
bridge in the Avenue. From there we sent forward a detach- 
ment of 70 or 80 good men who were to set up ladders opposite 
the Lovers'-cave, mount them and get inside, stand up to those 
in the Turquoise Gate, get possession of it and send a man 

^ It seems likely that the cloth was soiled. Cf. i. 2$ and Hughes Diet, of 
Islam s.n. Eating. 

2 As, of the quoted speech, one word only, of three, is Turki, others may have, 
been dreamed . Shaikh Maslahat's tomb is in Khu jand where Babur had found 
refuge in 903 ah. ; it had been circumambulated by TimQr in 790 ah. (1390 ad.) 
and is still honoured. 

This account of a dream compares well for naturalness with that in the 
seemingly-spurious passage, entered with the Ilai. MS. on f. ii8. For 
examination of the passage see JRAS, Jan. 191 1, and App. D. 


906 AH.— JULY 28th. 1500 TO JULY 17th. 1501 AD. 133 


to me. Those braves went, set their ladders up opposite the 
Lovers' -cave, got in without making anyone aware, went to the 
Gate, attacked Fazil Tarkhan, chopped at him and his few 
retainers, killed them, broke the lock with an axe and opened 
the Gate. At that moment I came up and went in. 

{Author's note on Fdzil Tarkhan.) He was not one of those (Samar- 
kand) Tarkh&ns ; he was a merchant-tarkhan of TurkistSn. He had 
served ShaibSni Kh5n in TurkistSn and had found favour with him.^ 

Abu'l-qasim Kohbur himself had not come with us but had 
sent 30 or 40 of his retainers under his younger brother, Ahmad- 
i-qasim. No man of Ibrahim Tarkhan's was with us; his 
younger brother, Ahmad Tarkhan came with a few retainers 
after I had entered the town and taken post in the Monastery. Foi. 84^. 

The towns-people were still slumbering; a few traders 
peeped out of their shops, recognized me and put up prayers. 
When, a little later, the news spread through the town, there 
was rare delight and satisfaction for our men and the towns- 
folk. They killed the Auzbegs in the lanes and gullies with 
clubs and stones like mad dogs; four or five hundred were 
killed in this fashion. Jan-wafa, the then governor, was living 
in Khwaja Yahya's house; he fled and got away to Shaibaq 

On entering the Turquoise Gate I went straight to the 
College and took post over the arch of the Monastery. There 
was a hubbub and shouting of * Down ! down !' till day-break. 
Some of the notables and traders, hearing what was happening, 
came j'oyfully to see me, bringing what food was ready and 
putting up prayers for me. At day-light we had news that the 
Auzbegs were fighting in the Iron Gate where they had made 
themselves fast between the (outer and inner) doors. With 
10, 15 or 20 men, I at once set off for the Gate but before I 
came up, the town-rabble, busy ransacking every corner of the 
newly-taken town for loot, had driven the Aiizbegs out through 

^ He was made a Tarkhan by diploma of Shaibani (H.S. ii, 306, 1. 2). 

2 Here the Hai. MS. begins to use the word Shaibaq in place of its previously 
uniform Shaibani. As has been noted (f. 56 n. 2), the Elph. MS. writes 
Shaibaq. It may be therefore that a scribe has changed the earlier part 
of the Hai. MS. and that Babur wrote Shaibaq. From this point my text 
will follow the double authority of the Elph. and Hai. MSS. 


Foi. 85. it. Shaibaq Khan, on hearing what was happening, hurried at 
sun-rise to the Iron Gate with 100 or 140 men. His coming 
was a wonderful chance but, as has been said, my men were 
very few. Seeing that he could do nothing, he rode off at once. 
From the Iron Gate I went to the citadel and there dismounted, 
at the Bu-stan palace. Men of rank and consequence and 
various head-men came to me there, saw me and invoked 
blessings on me. 

Samarkand for nearly 140 years had been the capital of 
our dynasty. An alien, and of what stamp ! an Auzbeg foe, 
had taken possession of it ! It had slipped from our hands ; 
God gave it again ! plundered and ravaged, our own returned 
to us. 

SI. Husain Mirza took Harat^ as we took Samarkand, by 
surprise, but to the experienced, and discerning, and just, it 
will be clear that between his affair and mine there are dis- 
tinctions and differences, and that his capture and mine are 
things apart. 

Firstly there is this; — He had ruled many years, passed 
through much experience and seen many affairs. 

Secondly ; — He had for opponent, Yadgar Muh. Nasir Mirza, 
Fol. 85*. an inexperienced boy of 17 or 18. 

Thirdly ; — (Yadgar Mirza's) Head-equerry, Mir *Ali, a person 
well-acquainted with the particulars of the whole position, sent 
a man out from amongst SI. Husain Mirza's opponents to bring 
him to surprise them. 

Fourthly; — His opponent was not in the fort but was in the 
Ravens'-garden. Moreover Yadgar Muh. Nasir Mirza and his 
followers are said to have been so prostrate with drink that 
three men only were in the Gate, they also drunk. 

Fifthly ; — he surprised and captured Harat the first time he 
approached it. 

On the other hand : firstly; — I was 19 when I took Samarkand. 

Secondly ; — I had as my opponent, such a man as Shaibaq 
Khan, of mature age and an eye-witness of many affairs. 

^ In 875 AH. (1470 AD.). Husain was then 32 years old. Babur might 
have compared his taking of Samarkand with Timur's capture of Qarshi. 
also with 240 followers (^.N. i, 127). Firishta (lith. ed. p. 196) ascribes his 
omission to do so to reluctance to rank himself with his great ancestor. 

906 AH.— JULY 28th. 1500 TO JULY 17th. 1501 AD. 135 

Thirdly; — No-one came out of Samarkand to me; though 
the heart of its people was towards me, no-one could dream of 
coming, from dread of Shaibaq Khan. 

Fourthly; — My foe was in the fort; not only was the fort 
taken but he was driven off. 

Fifthly ; — I had come once already ; my opponent was on his 
guard about me. The second time we came, God brought it 
right ! Samarkand was won. 

In saying these things there is no desire to be-little the 
reputation of any man ; the facts were as here stated. In Fol. 86. 
writing these things, there is no desire to magnify myself; the 
truth is set down. 

The poets composed chronograms on the victory ; this one 
remains in my memory ; — Wisdom answered, * Know that its 
date is the Victory (Fath) of Bdbtir Bahadur.' 

Samarkand being taken, Shavdar and Soghd and the tumdns 
and nearer forts began, one after another, to return to us. 
From some their Aiizbeg commandants fled in fear and 
escaped ; from others the inhabitants drove them and came in 
to us; in some they made them prisoner, and held the forts 
for us. 

Just then the wives and families of Shaibaq Khan and his 
Auzbegs arrived from Turkistan ;^ he was lying near Khwaja 
Didar and *Ali-abad but when he saw the forts and people 
returning to me, marched off towards Bukhara. By God's 
grace, all the forts of Soghd and Miyan-kal returned to me 
within three or four months. Over and above this, Baqi 
Tarkhan seized this opportunity to occupy Qarshi; Khuzar 
and Qarshi (? Kesh) both went out of Auzbeg hands ; Qara-kiil Fol. 86*. 
also was taken from them by people of Abii'l-muhsin Mirza 
{Bdl-qard}, coming up from Merv. My affairs were in a very 
good way. 

{e. Birth of Bdbur's first child.) 

After our departure (last year) from Andijan, my mothers 
and my wife and relations came, with a hundred difficulties and 

1 This arrival shews that Shaibani expected to stay in Samarkand. He 
had been occupying Turkistan under The Chaghatai Khan. 


hardships, to Auratipa. We now sent for them to Samarkand. 
Within a few days after their arrival, a daughter was born to 
me by *Ayisha-sultan Begim, my first wife, the daughter of 
SI. Ahmad Mirza. They named the child Fakhru'n-nisa' 
(Ornament of women); she was my first-born, I was 19. In a 
month or 40 days, she went to God's mercy. 

(/. Bdbur in Samarkand,) 

On taking Samarkand, envoys and summoners were sent off 
at once, and sent again and again, with reiterated request for 
aid and reinforcement, to the khans and sultans and begs and 
marchers on every side. Some, though experienced men, made 
foolish refusal ; others whose relations towards our family had 
been discourteous and unpleasant, were afraid for themselves 
and took no notice ; others again, though they sent help, sent 
it insufficient. Each such case will be duly mentioned. 

When Samarkand was taken the second time, *Ali-sher Beg 
Fol. 87. was alive. We exchanged letters once ; on the back of mine 
to him I wrote one of my Turki couplets. Before his reply 
reached me, separations (tafarqa) and disturbances (ghughd) 
had happened.-^ Mulla Bina'i had been taken into Shaibaq 
Khan's service when the latter took possession of Samarkand ; 
he stayed with him until a few days after I took the place, 
when he came into the town to me. Qasim Beg had his 
suspicions about him and consequently dismissed him towards 
Shahr-i-sabz but, as he was a man of parts, and as no fault of 
his came to light, I had him fetched back. He constantly 
presented me with odes {qaslda u ghazal). He brought me a 
song in the Nawa mode composed to my name and at the 
same time the following quatrain ; — ^ 

^ 'Ali-sher died Jan. 3rd. 1501. It is not clear to what disturbances Babur 
refers. He himself was at ease till after April 20th. 1502 and his defeat at 
Sar-i-pul. Possibly the reference is to the quarrels between Bina'i and 
*Ali-sher. Cf. Sam Mirza's Anthology, trs. S. de Sa9y, Notices et Extraits iv, 
287 et seq. 

2 I surmise a double play-of -words in this verse. One is on two rhyming 
words, ghala and mallah and is illustrated by rendering them as oat and coat. 
The other is on pointed and unpointed letters, i.e. ghala and 'ala. We cannot 
find however a Persian word 'ala, meaning garment. 


906 AH.— JULY 28th. 1500 TO JULY 17th. 1501 AD. 137 

No grain {ghala) have I by which I can be fed (noshld) '. 

No rhyme of grain [mallah, nankeen) wherewith I can be clad (poshid) ; 

The man who lacks both food and clothes, 

In art or science where can he compete {koshid) ? 

In those days of respite, I had written one or two couplets 
but had not completed an ode. As an answer to Mulla Bina'i 
I made up and set this poor little Turki quatrain ; — ^ 

As is the wish of your heart, so shall it be {biilghustdur) ; 

For gift and stipend both an order shall be made {buyuriitghustdur) ; 

I know the grain and its rhyme you write of ; 

The garments, you, your house, the com shall fill {tulghusldur). 

The Mulla in return wrote and presented a quatrain to me in pol. 875. 
which for his refrain, he took a rhyme to (the tulghusUur of) 
my last line and chose another rhyme ; — 

Mirza-of-mine, the Lord of sea and land shall be {ylr biilghusidur) ; 

His art and skill, world o'er, the evening tale shall be {samar biilghustdur) ; 

If gifts like these reward one rhyming {or pointless) word ; 

For words of sense, what guerdon will there be (ni/ar biilghusidur) ? 

Abii'l-barka, known as Fardqi (Parted), who just then had 
come to Samarkand from Shahr-i-sabz, said Bina'i ought to 
have rhymed. He made this verse ; — 

Into Time's wrong to you quest shall be made {sHrulghtistdiir) ; 
Your wish the Sultan's grace from Time shall ask (qiilghiistdiir) ; 
O Ganymede 1 our cups, ne'er filled as yet. 
In this new Age, brimmed -up, filled full shall be {tiilghiisidiir). 

Though this winter our affairs were in a very good way and 
Shaibaq Khan's were on the wane, one or two occurrences were 
somewhat of a disservice; (i) the Merv men who had taken 
Qara-kul, could not be persuaded to stay there and it went 
back into the hands of the Aiizbegs ; (2) Shaibaq Khan besieged 
Ibrahim Tarkhan's younger brother, Ahmad in Dabiisi, stormed 
the place and made a general massacre of its inhabitants before 
the army we were collecting was ready to march. 

With 240 proved men I had taken Samarkand ; in the next Fol. 88. 
five or six months, things so fell out by the favour of the Most 
High God, that, as will be told, we fought the arrayed battle of 
Sar-i-pul with a man like Shaibaq Khan. The help those 

1 Babur's refrain is ghUstdiir, his rhymes biil, {buyur)iil and tai, Bina'i 
makes bUlghiisidiir his refrain but his rhymes are not true viz. ylr, {sa)maf 
and Idr. 


round-about gave us was as follows; — From The Khan had 
come, with 4 or 5000 Barins, Ayub Begchlk and Qashka 
Mahmud ; from Jahangir Mirza had come Khalil, Tambal's. 
younger brother, with 100 or 200 men ; not a man had come 
from SI. Husain Mirza, that experienced ruler, than whom 
none knew better the deeds and dealings of Shaibaq Khan ; none 
came from Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza; none from Khusrau Shah 
because he, the author of what evil done, — as has been told, — 
to our dynasty ! feared us more than he feared Shaibaq Khan. 

(g, Bdhur defeated at Sar-i-pul.) 

I marched out of Samarkand, with the wish of fighting 
Shaibaq Khan, in the month of Shawwal^ and went to the 
New-garden where we lay four or five days for the convenience 
of gathering our men and completing our equipment. We 
took the precaution of fortifying our camp with ditch and 
branch. From the New-garden we advanced, march by march, 
to beyond Sar-i-pul (Bridge-head) and there dismounted. 
Fol. 88/J. Shaibaq Khan came from the opposite direction and dis- 
mounted at Khwaja Kardzan, perhaps one ytghdch away 
(? 5 m.). We lay there for four or five days. Every day our 
people went from our side and his came from theirs and fell on 
one another. One day when they were in unusual force, there 
was much fighting but neither side had the advantage. Out of 
that engagement one of our men went rather hastily back into 
the entrenchments; he was using a standard; some said it 
was Sayyidi Qara Beg's standard who really was a man of 
strong words but weak sword. Shaibaq Khan made one 
night-attack on us but could do nothing because the camp was 
protected by ditch and close-set branches. His men raised 
their war-cry, rained in arrows from outside the ditch and then 

In the work for the coming battle I exerted myself greatly 
and took all precautions ; Qambar-'ali also did much. In 
Kesh lay Baqi Tarkhan with 1000 to 2000 men, in a position 
to join us after a couple of days. In Diyiil, 4 ytghdch off 

^ Shawwal 906 ah. began April 20th. 1501. 


906 AH.— JULY 28th. 1500 TO JULY 17th. 1501 AD. 139 

(? 20 m.), lay Sayyid Muh. Mirza Dughldf, bringing me 1000 to 

2000 men from my Khan dada ; he would have joined me at Fol. 89. 

dawn. With matters in this position, we hurried on the fight ! 

Who lays with haste his hand on the sword. 
Shall lift to his teeth the back-hand of regret.* 

The reason I was so eager to engage was that on the day of • 
battle, the Eight stars^ were between the two armies; they 
would have been in the enemy's rear for 13 or 14 days if the 
fight had been deferred. I now understand that these consider- 
ations are worth nothing and that our haste was without reason. 

As we wished to fight, we marched from our camp at dawn, 
we in our mail, our horses in theirs, formed up in array of right 
and left, centre and van. Our right was Ibrahim Sdru, Ibrahim 
Jani, Abu'l-qasim Kohbur and other begs. Our left was Muh. • 
Mazid Tarkhan, Ibrahim Tarkhan and other Samarkandi begs, 
also SI. Husain Arghiln, Qara (Black) Barlds, Pir Ahmad and 
Khwaja Husain. Qasim Beg was (with me) in the centre and 
also several of my close circle and household. In the van were 
inscribed Qambar-'ali the Skinner, Banda-*ali, Khwaja *Ali, 
Mir Shah Quchm, Sayyid Qasim, Lord of the Gate, — Banda- 
'ali's younger brother Khaldar (mole-marked) and Haidar-i- 
qasim's son Qiich, together with all the good braves there 
were, and the rest of the household 

Thus arrayed, we marched from our camp ; the enemy, also 
in array, marched out from his. His right was Mahmiid and 
Jani and Timiir Sultans ; his left, Hamza and Mahdi and some Fol. 89*. 
other sultans. When our two armies approached one another, 
he wheeled his right towards our rear. To meet this, I 
turned ; this left our van,— in which had been inscribed what 
not of our best braves and tried swordsmen ! — to our right and 
bared our front {i.e. the front of the centre). None-the-less we 
fought those who made the front-attack on us, turned them 
and forced them back on their own centre. So far did we 
carry it that some of Shaibaq Khan's old chiefs said to him, 
*We must move off! It is past a stand.' He however held 
fast. His right beat our left, then wheeled (again) to our rear. 

1 From the Bu-stdn, Graf ed. p. 55,1. 246. 

2 Sikiz Yilduz. See Chardin's Voyages, v, 136 and Table; also Stanley 
Lane Poole's Bdbur, p. 56. 


(As has been said), the front of our centre was bare through 
our van's being left to the right. The enemy attacked us front 
and rear, raining in arrows on us. (Ayub Begchlk's) Mughul 
army, come for our help ! was of no use in fighting ; it set to 
work forthwith to unhorse and plunder our men. Not this 

Foi. 90, once only ! This is always the way with those ill-omened 
Mughuls ! If they win, they grab at booty ; if they lose, they 
unhorse and pilfer their own side! We drove back the 
Aiizbegs who attacked our front by several vigorous assaults, 
but those who had wheeled to our rear came up and rained 
arrows on our standard. Falling on us in this way, from the 
front and from the rear, they made our men hurry off. 

This same turning-movement is one of the great merits of 
Auzbeg fighting ; no battle of theirs is ever without it. Another 
merit of theirs is that they all, begs and retainers, from their 
front to their rear, ride, loose-rein at the gallop, shouting as they 
come and, in retiring, do not scatter but ride off, at the gallop, 
in a body. 

Ten or fifteen men were left with me. The Kohik- water 
was close by, — the point of our right had rested on it. We 
made straight for it. It was the season when it comes down in 
flood. We rode right into it, man and horse in mail. It was 
just fordable for half-way over ; after that it had to be swum. 
For more than an arrow's flight^ we, man and mount in mail ! 
made our horses swim and so got across. Once out of the 
water, we cut off the horse-armour and let it lie. By thus 

Foi. 90/J. passing to the north bank of the river, we were free of our foes, 
but at once Mughiil wretches were the captors and pillagers of 
one after another of my friends. Ibrahim Tarkhan and some 
others, excellent braves all, were unhorsed and killed by 
Mughuls.2 We moved along the north bank of the Kohik-river, 

* In 1 791 AD. Muh. Effendi shot 482 yards from a Turkish bow, before 
the R. Tox. S. ; not a good shot, he declared. Longer ones are on record. 
See Payne-Gallwey's Cross-bow and AQR. 191 1, H. Beveridge's Oriental 

^ In the margin of the Elph. Codex, here, stands a Persian verse which 
appears more Ukely to be Humayun's than Babur's. It is as follows : 

Were the Mughul race angels, they would be bad ; 
Written in gold, the name Mughul would be bad ; 


906 AH.— JULY 28th. 1500 TO JULY 17th. 1501 AD. 141 

ecrossed it near Qulba, entered the town by the Shaikh-zada's 
Gate and reached the citadel in the middle of the afternoon. 

Begs of our greatest, braves of our best and many men 
perished in that fight. There died Ibrahim Tarkhan, Ibrahim 
Sdrtl and Ibrahim Jani; oddly enough three great begs named 
Ibrahim perished. There died also Haidar-i-qasim's eldest 
son, Abii'l-qasim Kohhur, and Khudai-birdi Tughcht and Khalil, 
Tambal's younger brother, spoken of already several times. 
Many of our men fled in different directions; Muh. Mazid 
Tarkhan went towards Qiinduz and Hisar for Khusrau Shah. Fol. 91. 
Some of the household and of the braves, such as Karim-dad-i- 
Khudai-birdi Turkman and Janaka Kukulddsh and Mulla Baba 
of Pashaghar got away to Aiira-tipa. Mulla Baba at that time 
was not in my service but had gone out with me in a guest's 
fashion. Others again, did what Sherim Taghai and his band 
did ; — though he had come back with me into the town and 
though when consultation was had, he had agreed with the 
rest to make the fort fast, looking for life or death within it, 
yet spite of this, and although my mothers and sisters, elder 
and younger, stayed on in Samarkand, he sent off their wives 
and families to Aiira-tipa and remained himself with just a few 
men, all unencumbered. Not this once only ! Whenever hard • 
work had to be done, low and double-minded action was the 
thing to expect from him ! 

(A. Babur besieged in Samarkand.) 

Next day, I summoned Khwaja Abii'l-makaram, Qasim and 
the other begs, the household and such of the braves as were 
admitted to our counsels, when after consultation, we resolved 
to make the fort fast and to look for life or death within it. 
I and Qasim Beg with my close circle and household were the 

Pluck not an ear from the Mughul's corn-land. 
What is sown with Mughul seed will be bad. 

This verse is written into the text of the First W.-i-B. (I.O. 215 f. 72) and 
is introduced by a scribe's statement that it is by an Hazrat, much as notes 
known to be Humayun's are elsewhere attested in the Elph. Codex. It is not 
in the Hai. and Kehr's MSS. nor with, at least many, good copies of the 
Second W.-i-B. 


reserve. For convenience in this I took up quarters in the 
middle of the town, in tents pitched on the roof of Aiilugh Beg 

Tol. gid. Mirza's College. To other begs and braves posts were assigned 
in the Gates or on the ramparts of the walled-town. 

Two or three days later, Shaibaq Khan dismounted at some 
distance from the fort. On this, the town-rabble came out of 
lanes and wards, in crowds, to the College gate, shouted good 
wishes for me and went out to fight in mob-fashion. Shaibaq 
Khan had got to horse but could not so much as approach the 
town. Several days went by in this fashion. The mob and 
rabble, knowing nothing of sword and arrow-wounds, never 
witnesses of the press and carnage of a stricken field, through 
these incidents, became bold and began to sally further and 
further out. If warned by the braves against going out so 
incautiously, they broke into reproach. 

One day when Shaibaq Khan had directed his attack towards 
the Iron Gate, the mob, grown bold, went out, as usual, 
daringly and far. To cover their retreat, we sent several braves 
towards the Camel's- neck,^ foster-brethren and some of the 
close household-circle, such as Nuyan Kukillddsh, Qul-nazar 
(son of Sherim ?) Taghai Beg, and Mazid. An Auzbeg or two 

Foi. 92. put their horses at them and with Qul-nazar swords were 
crossed. The rest of the Auzbegs dismounted and brought 
their strength to bear on the rabble, hustled them off and 
rammed them in through the Iron Gate. Quch Beg and Mir 
Shah Quchln had dismounted at the side of Khwaja Khizr's 
Mosque and were making a stand there. While the townsmen 
were being moved off by those on foot, a party of mounted 
Auzbegs rode towards the Mosque. Qiich Beg came out when 
they drew near and exchanged good blows with them. He did 
distinguished work; all stood to watch. Our fugitives below 
were occupied only with their own escape ; for them the time 
to shoot arrows and make a stand had gone by. I was shoot- 
ing with a slur-bow^ from above the Gate and some of my circle 

^ This subterranean water-course, issuing in a flowing well (Erskine) gave 
its name to a bastion (Il.S. ii, 300). 

^ nawak, a diminutive of ndo, a tube. It is described, in a MS. of Babur's 
time, by Muh. Budha'i, and, in a second of later date, by Aminu'd-din (AQR 
191 1, H.B.'s Oriental Cross-bows). 

906 AH.— JULY 28th. 1500 TO JULY 17th. 1501 AD. 143 

were shooting arrows (auq). Our attack from above kept the 
enemy from advancing beyond the Mosque ; from there he 

During the siege, the round of the ramparts was made each 
night; sometimes I went, sometimes Qasim Beg, sometimes 
one of the household Begs. Though from the Turquoise to the 
Shaikh-zada's Gate may be ridden, the rest of the way must be Fol. gzd, 
walked. When some men went the whole round on foot, it 
was dawn before they had finished.^ 

One day Shaibaq Khan attacked ^between the Iron Gate and 
the Shaikh-zada's. I, as the reserve, went to the spot, without 
anxiety about the Bleaching-ground and Needle-makers' Gates. 
That day, (?) in a shooting wager {auq auchidd), I made a good 
shot with a slur-bow, at a Centurion's horse.^ It died at once 
{auq hdrdi) with the arrow {auq hlla). They made such a 
vigorous attack this time that they got close under the 
ramparts. Busy with the fighting and the stress near the 
Iron Gate, we were entirely off our guard about the other side 
of the town. There, opposite the space between the Needle- 
makers' and Bleaching-ground Gates, the enemy had posted 
7 or 800 good men in ambush, having with them 24 or 25 
ladders so wide that two or three could mount abreast. These 
men came from their ambush when the attack near the Iron 
Gate, by occupying all our men, had left those other posts 
empty, and quickly set up their ladders between the two Gates, Fol. 93. 
just where a road leads from the ramparts to Muh. Mazld 
Tarkhan's houses. That post was Qiich Beg's and Muhammad- 
quli Quchln's, with their detachment of braves, and they had 
their quarters in Muh. Mazid's houses. In the Needle-makers* 
Gate was posted Qara (Black) Barlds, in the Bleaching-ground 
Gate, Qiitliiq Khwaja Kukulddsh with Sherim Taghai and his 
brethren, older and younger. As attack was being made on 
the other side of the town, the men attached to these posts 
were not on guard but had scattered to their quarters or to the 

^ Kostenko, i, 344, would make the rounds 9 m. 

2 btr yuz dtllqnlng atlni ndwak aiiqi bila yakhshl atitn. This has been read 
by Erskine as though buz at, pale horse, and not yuz dtllq, Centurion, were 
written. De. C. translates by Centurion and a marginal note of the Elph. 
Codex explains yuz dtllq by sad aspagl. 


bazar for necessary matters of service and servants' work. 
Only the begs were at their posts, with one or two of the 
populace. Quch Beg and Muhammad-quli and Shah Sufi and 
one other brave did very well and boldly. Some Auzhegs were 
on the ramparts, some were coming up, when these four men 
arrived at a run, dealt them blow upon blow, and, by energetic 
drubbing, forced them all down and put them to flight. Quch 
Beg did best ; this was his out-standing and, approved good 
deed ; twice during this siege, he got his hand into the work. 
Qara B arias had been left alone in the Needle-makers' Gate ; 
he also held out well to the end. Qiitliiq Khwaja and Qui- 
nazar Mirza were also at their posts in the Bleaching-ground 
Gate ; they held out well too, and charged the foe in his rear. 

Another time Qasim Beg led his braves out through the 
Foi. 93^. Needle-makers' Gate, pursued the Auzbegs as far as Khwaja 
Kafsher, unhorsed some and returned with a few heads. 

It was now the time of ripening rain but no-one brought 
new corn into the town. The long siege caused great privation 
to the towns-people ;^ it went so far that the poor and destitute 
began to eat the flesh of dogs and asses and, as there was little 
grain for the horses, people fed them on leaves. Experience 
shewed that the leaves best suiting were those of the mulberry 
and elm (qard-ytghdch). Some people scraped dry wood and 
gave the shavings, damped, to their horses. 

For three or four months Shaibaq Khan did not come near 
the fort but had it invested at some distance and himself moved 
round it from post to post. Once when our men were off their 
guard, at mid-night, the enemy came near to the Turquoise 
Foi. 944 Gate, beat his drums and flung his war-cry out. I was in the 
College, undressed. There was great trepidation and anxiety. 
After that they came night after night, disturbing us by drum- 
ming and shouting their war-cry. 

Although envoys and messengers had been sent repeatedly 
to all sides and quarters, no help and reinforcement arrived 
from any-one. No-one had helped or reinforced me when I 
was in strength and power and had suffered no sort of defeat 

* The Sh. N. gives the reverse side of the picture, the plenty enjoyed by 
the besiegers. 

906 AH— JULY 28th. 1500 TO JULY 17th. 1501 AD. 145 


or loss ; on what score would any-one help me now ? No hope 
in any-one whatever recommended us to prolong the siege. 
The old saying was that to hold a fort there must be a head, 
two hands and two legs, that is to say, the Commandant is the 
head; help and reinforcement coming from two quarters are 
the two arms and the food and water in the fort are the two 
legs. While we looked for help from those round about, their 
thoughts were elsewhere. That brave and experienced ruler, 
SI. Husain Mirza, gave us not even the help of an encouraging 
message, but none-the-less he sent Kamalu'd-din Husain Gdzur- 
gdhV- as an envoy to Shaibaq Khan. 

{i, TamhaVs proceedings in Farghdna.)^ 

(This year) Tambal marched from Andijan to near Bish- 
kint.^ Ahmad Beg and his party, thereupon, made The Khan 
move out against him. The two armies came face to face near Foi. g^d. 
Lak-lakan and the Tiirak Four-gardens but separated without 
engaging. SI. Mahmiad was not a fighting man ; now when 
opposed to Tambal, he shewed want of courage in word and 
deed. Ahmad Beg was unpolished* but brave and well-meaning. 
In his very rough way, he said, * What's the measure of this 
person, Tambal ? that you are so tormented with fear and 
fright about him. If you are afraid to look at him, bandage 
your eyes before you go out to face him.' 

1 He may have been attached to the tomb of Khwaja 'Abdu'1-lah Ansdrl 
in Harat. 

2 The brusque entry here and elsewhere of e.g. Tambal's affairs, allows the 
inference that Babur was quoting from perhaps a news-writer's, contemporary 
records. For a different view of Tanibal, the Sh. N. cap. xxxiii should be read. 

3 Five-villages, on the main Khujand-Tashkint road. 
* turk, as on f , 28 of Khusrau Shah. 


907 AH.~JULY 17th. 1501 to JULY 7th. 1502 AD.' 

{a. Surrender of Samarkand to Shaihdni.) 

The siege drew on to great length ; no provisions and supplies 
came in from any quarter, no succour and reinforcement from 
any side. The soldiers and peasantry became hopeless and, by 
ones and twos, began to let themselves dov^n outside^ the v^alls 
and flee. On Shaibaq Khan's hearing of the distress in the 
town, he came and dismounted near the Lovers'-cave. I, in 
turn, went to Malik-muhammad Mirza's dwellings in Low- 
lane, over against him. On one of those days, Khwaja Husain's 
brother, Aii^iin Hasan ^ came into the town with lo or 15 of his 
men,— he who, as has been told, had been the cause of Jahangir 
Mirza's rebellion, of my exodus from Samarkand (903 ah. — 
March 1498 ad.) and, again ! of what an amount of sedition and 
Foi. 95. disloyalty ! That entry of his was a very bold act.^ 

The soldiery and townspeople became more and more dis- 
tressed. Trusted men of my close circle began to let them- 
selves down from the ramparts and get away ; begs of known 
name and old family servants were amongst them, such as Pir 
Wais, Shaikh Wais and Wais Ldgharl.^ Of help from any side 
we utterly despaired ; no hope was left in any quarter ; our 

1 Elph. MS. f. 686 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 78 and 217 f. 616 ; Mentis, p. 97. 
The Kehr-Ilminsky text shews, in this yeax, a good example of its Persifi- 

cation and of Dr. Ilminsky's dealings with his difl&cult archetype by the help 
of the Memoirs. 

2 tashldb. The Sh. N. places these desertions as after four months of 

3 It strikes one as strange to find Long Ilasan described, as here, in terms 
of his younger brother. The singularity may be due to the fact that Ilusain 
was with Babur and may have invited Ilasan. It may be noted here that 
Husain seems likely to be that father-in-law of 'Umar Shaikh mentioned on 
f. 126 and 136. 

* This laudatory comment I find nowhere but in the Hai. Codex. 

* There is some uncertainty about the names of those who left. 



907 AH.— JULY 17th. 1501 TO JULY 7th. 1502 AD. I47 


supplies and provisions were wretched, what there was was 
coming to an end ; no more came in. Meantime Shaibaq Khan 
interjected talk of peace. ^ Little ear would have been given to 
his talk of peace, if there had been hope or food from any side. 
It had to be I a sort of peace was made and we took our 
departure from the town, by the Shaikh-zada's Gate, some- 
where about midnight. 

(6. Bdbur leaves Samarkand.) 

I took my mother Khanim out with me; two other women- 
folk went too, one was BLshka (var. Peshka)-i- Khalifa, the other, 
Minglik Kukulddsh.^ At this exodus, my elder sister, Khan-zada 
Begun fell into Shaibaq Khan's hands. ^ In the darkness of 
that night we lost our way* and wandered about amongst the 
main irrigation channels of Soghd. At shoot of dawn, after a 
hundred difficulties, we got past Khwaja Didar. At the Sunnat 
Prayer we scrambled up the rising-ground of Qara-bugh. FoI. 95*, 
From the north slope of Qara-bugh we hurried on past the foot 
of Juduk village and dropped down into Yilan-aiitL On the 
road I raced with Qasim Beg and Qarabar-'ali (the Skinner) ; 
my horse was leading when I, thinking to look at theirs behind, 
twisted myself round; the girth may have slackened, for my 
saddle turned and I was thrown on my head to the ground. 
Although I at once got up and remounted, my brain did not 
steady till the evening ; till then this world and what went on 
appeared to me like things felt and seen in a dream or fancy. 
Towards afternoon we dismounted in Yilan-aijti, there killed a 

1 The Sh. N. is interesting here as giving an eye-witness' account of the 
surrender of the town and of the part played in the surrender by Khan-zada's 
marriage (cap. xxxix). 

2 The first seems likely to be a relation of Nizamu'd-dln. 'All Khalifa ; the 
second was Mole-marked, a foster-sister. The party numbered some 100 
persons of whom Abu'l-makaram was one (U.S. ii, 310). 

3 Babur's brevity is misleading ; his sister was not captured but married 
with her own and her mother's consent before attempt to leave the town was 
made. Cf. Gul-badan's H.N. f. 36 and Sh. N. Vambery, p. 145. 

•* The route taken avoided the main road for Dizak ; it can be traced by 
the physical features, mentioned by Babur, on the Fr. map of 1904. The 
Sh. N. says the night was extraordinarily dark. Departure in blinding dark- 
ness and by unusual ways shews distrust of Shaibaq's safe-conduct suggesting 
that Yahya's fate was in the minds of the fugitives. 


horse, spitted and roasted its flesh, rested our horses awhile and 
rode on. Very weary, we reached Khalila- village before the 
dawn and dismounted. From there it was gone on to Dizak. 

In Dizak just then was Hafiz Muh. DulddVs son, Tahir. 
There, in Dizak, were fat meats, loaves of fine flour, plenty of 
sweet melons and abundance of excellent grapes. From what 
privation we came to such plenty ! Froni what stress to what 
repose ! 

From fear and hunger rest we won {amdni tdptuq) ; 
A fresh world's new-born life we won {jahdnl tdptuq). 
Pol, g6. From out our minds, death's dread was chased {rafa' btildi) ; 

From our men the hunger-pang kept back {dafa' buldi).^ 

Never in all our lives had we felt such relief! never in the 
whole course of them have we appreciated security and plenty 
so highly. Joy is best and more delightful when it follows 
sorrow, ease after toil. I have been transported four or five 
times from toil to rest and from hardship to ease.^ This was 
the first. We were set free from the affliction of such a foe 
and from the pangs of hunger and had reached the repose of 
security and the relief of abundance. 

(c. Bdhur in Dikh-kat.) 

After three or four days of rest in Dizak, we set out for Aura- 
tipa. Pashaghar is a little^ off the road but, as we had occupied 
it for some time (904 ah.), we made an excursion to it in pass- 
ing by. In Pashaghar we chanced on one of Khanim's old 
servants, a teacher'* who had been left behind in Samarkand 
from want of a mount. We saw one another and on questioning 
her, I found she had come there on foot. 

Khub-nigar Khanim, my mother Khanim's younger sister^ 

* The texts differ as to whether the last two lines are prose or verse. All 
four are in Turki, but I surmise a clerical error in the refrain of the third, where 
huliib is written for buldt. 

? The second was in 908 ah. (f. 186) ; the third in 914 ah. (f. 216 b) ; the 
fourth is not described in the B.N. ; it followed Babur's defeat at Ghaj-diwan 
in 918 AH. (Erskine's History of India, i, 325). He had a fifth, but of a different 
kind, when he survived poison in 933 ah. (f. 305). 

3 Ilai. MS. qdqdsrdq ; Elph. MS. ydnasrdq. 

* dtUn, one who instructs in reading, writing and embroidery. Cf. Gul- 
badan's H.N. f. 26. The distance walked may have been 70 or 80 m. 

* She was the wife of the then Governor of Aur&-tipa, Muh. Ilusain Dughldi 

907 AH.— JULY 17th. 1501 TO JULY 7th. 1502 AD. I49 

already must have bidden this transitory world farewell; for 
they let Khanim and me know of it in Aura-tipa. My father's 
mother also must have died in Andijan; this too they let us Foi. 96- 
know in Aura-tipa.^ Since the death of my grandfather, Yiinas 
Khan (892 ah.), Khanim had not seen her (step-)niother or her 
younger brother and sisters, that is to say, Shah Begim, SI. 
Mahmud Khan, Sultan-nigar Khanim and Daulat-sultan 
Khanim. The separation had lasted 13 or 14 years. To see 
these relations she now started for Tashkint. 

After consulting with Muh. Husain Mirza, it was settled for 
us to winter in a place called Dikh-kat'-^ one of the Aura-tipa 
villages. There I deposited my impedimenta (aiiruq) ; then set 
out myself in order to visit Shah Begim and my Khan dada 
and various relatives. I spent a few days in Tashkint and 
waited on Shah Begim and my Khan dada. My mother's 
elder full-sister, Mihr-nigar Khanim^ had come from Samar- 
kand and was in Tashkint. There my mother Kkanim fell very 
ill ; it was a very bad illness ; she passed through mighty risks. 
His Highness Khwajaka Khwaja, having managed to get 
out of Samarkand, had settled down in Far-kat ; there I visited 
him. I had hoped my Khan dada would shew me affection 
and kindness and would give me a country or a district 
(pargana). He did promise me Aura-tipa but Muh. Husain 
Mirza did not make it over, whether acting on his own account Fol. 97, 
or whether upon a hint from above, is not known. After 
spending a few days with him (in Aiira-tipa), I went on to 

Dikh-kat is in the Aura-tipa hill-tracts, below the range on 
the other side of which is the Macha"* country. Its people, 
though Sart, settled in a village, are, like Turks, herdsmen and 

1 It may be noted here that in speaking of these elder women Babur uses 
the honorific plural, a form of rare occurrence except for such women, for 
saintly persons and exceptionally for The supreme Khan. For his father he 
has never used it. 

3 This name has several variants. The village lies, in a valley-bottom, 
on the Aq-su and on a road. See Kostenko, i, 119. 

3 She had been divorced from Shaibani in order to allow him to make legal 
marriage with her niece, Khan-zada. 

* Amongst the variants of this name, I select the modern one Macha is 
the upper valley of the Zar-afshan. 


r, shepherds. Their sheep are reckoned at 40,000. We dis- 
mounted at the houses of the peasants in the village ; I stayed 
in a head-man's house. He was old, 70 or 80, but his mother 
was still alive. She was a woman on whom much life had been 
bestowed for she was 11 1 years old. Some relation of hers 
may have gone, (as was said), with Timur Beg's army to 
Hindustan ;^ she had this in her mind and used to tell the tale. 
In Dikh-kat alone were 96 of her descendants, hers and her 
grandchildren, great-grandchildren and grandchildren's grand- 
children. Counting in the dead, 200 of her descendants were 
reckoned up. Her grandchild's grandson was a strong young 
man of 25 or 26, with full black beard. While in Dikh-kat, I 
constantly made excursions amongst the mountains round 
FoL gjd. about. Generally I went bare-foot and, from doing this so 
much, my feet became so that rock and stone made no 
difference to them.'^ Once in one of these wanderings, a cow 
was seen, between the Afternoon and Evening prayers, going 
down by a narrow, ill-defined road. Said I, * I wonder which 
way that road will be going ; keep your eye on that cow ; don't 
lose the cow till you know where the road comes out.' Khwaja 
Asadu'1-lah made his joke, * If the cow loses her way,* he said, 
* what becomes of us ?' 
"^ In the winter several of our soldiers asked for leave to 

Andijan because they could make no raids with us.^ Qasim 
Beg said, with much insistance, * As these men are going, send 
something special of your own wear by them to Jahangir 
Mirza.' I sent my ermine cap. Again he urged, * What harm 
would there be if you sent something for Tambal also?' 
Though I was very unwilling, yet as he urged it, I sent Tambal 
a large broad-sword which Nuyan Kukulddsh had had made for 
himself in Samarkand. This very sword it was which, as will 

1 Timur took Dihli in 801 ah, (Dec. 1398), i.e. 103 solar and 106 lunar 
years earlier. The ancient dame would then have been under 5 years old. 
It is not surprising therefore that in repeating her story Babur should use a 
tense betokening hear-say matter {bdrlb Ikan dur). 

2 The anecdote here following, has been analysed in JRAS 1908, p. 87, in 
order to show warrant for the opinion that parts of the Kehr-Ilminsky text 
are letranslations from the Persian W.-i-B. 

3 Amongst those thus leaving seem to have been Qambar-'all (f. ggh). 

907 AH.— JULY 17th. 1501 TO JULY 7th. 1502 AD. 151 

be told with the events of next year, came down on my own 

A few days later, my grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim, who, 
when I left Samarkand, had stayed behind, arrived in Dikh-kat Foi. 98. 
with our families and baggage (ailruq) and a few lean and 
hungry followers. 

{d. Shaibdq Khan raids in The Khan's country.) 

That winter Shaibaq Khan crossed the Khujand river on the 
ice and plundered near Shahrukhiya and Bish-kint. On hear- 
ing news of this, we gallopped off, not regarding the smallness 
of our numbers, and made for the villages below Khujand, 
opposite Hasht-yak (One-eighth). The cold was mightily 
bitter,^ a wind not less than the Ha-darwesh^ raging violently 
the whole time. So cold it was that during the two or three 
days we were in those parts, several men died of it. When, 
needing to make ablution, I went into an irrigation-channel, 
frozen along both banks but because of its swift current, not 
ice-bound in the middle, and bathed, dipping under 16 times, 
the cold of the water went quite through me. Next day we 
crossed the river on the ice from opposite Khaslar and went on 
through the dark to Bish-kint.'* Shaibaq Khan, however, must 
have gone straight back after plundering the neighbourhood of 

{e. Death of Nuydn KukUlddsh.) 

Bish-kint, at that time, was held by Mulla Haidar's son, 
*Abdu'l-minan. A younger son, named Miimin, a worthless 
and dissipated person, had come to my presence in Samarkand 
and had received all kindness from me. This sodomite, Miimin, 
for what sort of quarrel between them is not known, cherished Foi. 98*, 
rancour against Nuyan KukUlddsh. At the time when we, 
having heard of the retirement of the Auzbegs, sent a man to 

1 Cf. i. 107 foot. 

2 The Sh. N. speaks of the cold in that winter (Vamb6ry, p. 160). It was 
unusual for the Sir to freeze in this part of its course (Sh. N. p. 172) where it 
is extremely rapid (Kostenko, i, 213). 

3 Cf. i. 46. 

* Point to point, some 50 miles. 


The Khan and marched from Bish-kint to spend two or three 
days amongst the villages in the Blacksmith's-dale/ Mulla 
Haidar's son, Mumin invited Nuyan Kilkulddsh and Ahmad-i- 
qasim and some others in order to return them hospitality 
received in Samarkand. When I left Bish-kint, therefore they 
stayed behind. Miimin's entertainment to this party was given 
on the edge of a ravine {jar). Next day news was brought to 
us in Sam-sirak, a village in the Blacksmith's-dale, that Nuyan 
was dead through falling when drtink into the ravine. We 
sent his own mother's brother, Haq-nazar and others, who 
searched out where he had fallen. They committed Nuyan to 
the earth in Bish-kint, and came back to me. They had found 
the body at the bottom of the ravine an arrow's flight from the 
place of the entertainment. Some suspected that Miimin, 
nursing his trumpery rancour, had taken Nuyan's life. None 
knew the truth. His death made me strangely sad; for few 
men have I felt such grief; I wept unceasingly for a week or 
Foi. 99. ten days. The chronogram of his death was found in Nuyan is 

With the heats came the news that Shaibaq Khan was 
coming up into Aiira-tipa. Hereupon, as the land is level 
about Dikh-kat, we crossed the Ab-burdan pass into the Macha 
hill-country.^ Ab-burdan is the last village of Macha; just 
below it a spring sends its water down (to the Zar-afshan) ; 
above the stream is included in Macha, below it depends on 
Palghar. There is a tomb at the spring-head. I had a rock 
at the side of the spring-head shaped (qdtlrtb) and these three 
couplets inscribed on it ; — 

I have heard that Jamshid, the magnificent. 
Inscribed on a rock at a fountain-head * 

1 Ahangardn-julgasl, a nanae narrowed on maps to Angren (valley) . 

2 Faut shud Nuyan. The numerical value of these words is 907. Babur 
when writing, looks back 26 years to the death of this friend. 

3 Ab-burdan village is on the Zar-afshan ; the pass is 11,200 ft. above the 
sea. Babur's boundaries still hold good and the spring still flows. See 
Ujfalvy I.e. i. 14 ; Kostenko, i, 119 and 193 ; Rickmers, JRGS 1907, p. 358. 

* From the Bu-stan (Graf's ed. Vienna 1858, p. 561). The last couplet is 
also in the Gulistdn (Platts' ed. p. 72). The Bombay lith. ed. of the Bu-stan 
explains (p. 39) that the " We " of the third couplet means Jamshid and his 
predecessors who have rested by his fountain. 

907 AH.— JULY 17th. 1501 TO JULY 7th. 1502 AD. 153 

• Many men like us have taken breath at this fountain. 
And have passed away in the twinkUng of an eye ; 
We took the world by courage and might, 
But we took it not with us to the tomb.' 

There is a custom in that hill-country of cutting verses and 
things^ on the rocks. 

While we were in Macha, Mulla Hijri,^ the poet came from 
Hisar and waited on me. At that time I composed the 
following opening lines ; — 

Let your portrait flatter you never so much, than it you are more {dndtn 

artuqsln) ; 
Men call you their Life (Jan), than Life, without doubt, you are more 

{jdndin artuqsln).^ 

After plundering round about in Aura-tipa, Shaibaq Khan 
retired.^ While he was up there, we, disregarding the fewness 
of our men and their lack of arms, left our impedimenta {auruq) 
in Macha, crossed the Ab-burdan pass and went to Dikh-kat so 
that, gathered together close at hand, we might miss no chance 
on one of the next nights. He, however, retired straightway ; 
we went back to Macha. 

It passed through my mind that to wander from mountain to 
mountain, homeless and houseless, without country or abiding- 
place, had nothing to recommend it. * Go you right off to The 
Khan,' I said to myself. Qasim Beg was not willing for this 
move, apparently being uneasy because, as has been told, he 
had put Mughiils to death at Qara-biilaq, by way of example. 
However much we urged it, it was not to be ! He drew off for 
Hisar with all his brothers and his whole following. We for 
our part, crossed the Ab-burdan pass and set forward for The 
Khan's presence in Tashkint. 

1 nlma. The First W.-i-B. (I. O. 215 f. 81 1. 8) writes tawdrlkh, annals. 

2 This may be the Khwaja Hijri of the A.N. (index s.n.) ; and Badayuni's 
Hasan Hijri, Bib. Ind. iii, 385 ; and Ethe's Pers. Cat. No. 793 ; and Bod. Cat. 
No. 189. 

3 The Hai. MS. points in the last line as though punning on Khan and Jan, 
but appears to be wrong. 

* For an account of the waste of crops, the Sh. N. should be seen (p. 162 
and 180). 



(/. Bdbur with The Khan,) 

In the days when Tambal had drawn his army out and gone 
into the Blacksmith's-dale,^ men at the top of his army, such 
as Muh. Dughldtf known as Hisdrt, and his younger brother 
Husain, and also Qambar-'ali, the Skinner conspired to attempt 
his life. When he discovered this weighty matter, they, unable 
to remain with him, had gone to The Khan. 

The Feast of Sacrifices (*id-i-qurban) fell for us in Shah- 
rukhiya (Zu'1-hijja loth. — ^June i6th. 1502). 

I had written a quatrain in an ordinary measure but was in 
some doubt about it, because at that time I had not studied 
poetic idiom so much as I have now done. The Khan was 
good-natured and also he wrote verses, though ones somewhat 
deficient in the requisites for odes. I presented my quatrain 
and I laid my doubts before him but got no reply so clear as to 
remove them. His study of poetic idiom appeared to have 
been somewhat scant. Here is the verse ; — 

One hears no man recall another in trouble {mihnat-ta klshl) ', 
None speak of a man as glad in his exile {ghurbat-ta kishl) ; 
My own heart has no joy in this exile ; 
Called glad is no exile, man though he be {albatta klshl). 

Later on I came to know that in Turki verse, for the purpose 
of rhyme, ta and da are interchangeable and also ghain^ qdf and 

{g. The acclaiming of the standards.) 

When, a few days later. The Khan heard that Tambal had 
gone up into Aura-tipa, he got his army to horse and rode out 
from Tashkint. Between Bish-kint and Sam-sirak he formed 
up into array of right and left and saw the count ^ of his men. 

1 I think this refers to last year's move (f. 94 foot). 

2 In other words, the T. preposition, meaning E. in, at, etc. may be written 
with t or d, as ta{td) or as da{dd). Also the one meaning E. towards, may be 
gha, qa, or ka (with long or short vowel) , 

3 dim, a word found difficult. It may be a derivative of root de, tell, and 
a noun with the meaning of English tale (number). The First W.-i-B, renders 
it by sa«, and by san, Abu'l-ghazi expresses what Babur's dim expresses, the 
numbering of troops. It occurs thrice in the B.N. (here, on f. 1836 and on 
f. 2646). In the Elphinstone Codex it has been written-over into Ivlm, once 
resembles vim more than dim and once is omitted. The L. and E. Memoirs 


\ Th 

907 AH.— JULY 17th. 1501 TO JULY 7th. 1502 AD. 155 

This done, the standards were acclaimed in Mughul fashion.^ 
The Khan dismounted and nine standards were set up in front 
of him. A Mughul tied a long strip of white cloth to the thigh- 
bone {aurta allik) of a cow and took the other end in his hand. 
Three other long strips of white cloth were tied to the staves of 
three of the (nine) standards, just below the yak-tails, and their 
other ends were brought for The Khan to stand on one and for 
me and SI. Muh. Khanika to stand each on one of the two 
others. The Mughul who had hold of the strip of cloth 
fastened to the cow's leg, then said something in Mughiil while 
he looked at the standards and made signs towards them. The 
Khan and those present sprinkled qumtz^ in the direction of 
the standards; hautbois and drums were sounded towards 
them;^ the army flung the war-cry out three times towards 
them, mounted, cried it again and rode at the gallop round 

Precisely as Chingiz Khan laid down his rules, so the 
Mughuls still observe them. Each man has his place, just 
where his ancestors had it; right, right, — left, left, — centre, 
centre. The most reliable men go to the extreme points of the 
right and left. The Chiras and Begchik clans always demand 
to go to the point in the right.'* At that time the 13eg of the 
Chiras tiiman was a very bold brave, Qashka (Mole-marked) 
Mahmud and the beg of the renowned Begchik tuman was 
Ayub Begchik. These two, disputing which should go out to 
the point, drew swords on one another. At last it seems to 
have been settled that one should take the highest place in the 
hunting-circle, the other, in the battle-array. 

Next day after making the circle, it was hunted near Sam- 

(P- 303) inserts what seems a gloss, saying that a whip or bow is used in the 
count, presumably held by the teller to ' keep his place ' in the march past. 
The Siyasat-ndma (Schefer, trs. p. 22) names the whip as used in numbering 
an army. 

1 The acclamation of the standards is depicted in B.M. W.-i-B. Or. 3714 
f. 1286. One cloth is shewn tied to the off fore-leg of a live cow, above the 
knee, Babur's word being aiirtd alllk (middle-hand). 

2 The libation was of fermented mares'-milk. 

3 lit. their one way. 
* Cf. T.R. p. 308. 


Fol. loi. sirak ; thence move was made to the Turak Four-gardens. On 
that day and in that camp, I finished the first ode I ever 
finished. Its opening couplet is as follows ; — 

Except my soul, no friend worth trust found I {wafaddr tapmddlm) ; 
Except my heart, no confidant found I {asrdr tdpmddim). 

There were six couplets; every ode I finished later was 
written just on this plan. 

The Khan moved, march by march, from Sam-sirak to the 
bank of the Khujand-river. One day we crossed the water by 
way of an excursion, cooked food and made merry with the 
braves and pages. That day some-one stole the gold clasp of 
my girdle. Next day Bayan-quli's Khan-quli and SI. Muh. 
Wais fled to Tambal. Every-one suspected them of that bad 
deed. Though this was not ascertained, Ahmad-i-qasim Kohbur 
asked leave and went away to Aiira-tipa. From that leave he 
did not return ; he too went to Tambal. 

908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 to JUNE 26th. 1503 AD.^ 

{a. Bdbur's poverty in Tdshkmt.) 

This move of The Khan's was rather unprofitable ; to take 
no fort, to beat no foe, he went out and went back. 

During my stay in Tashkint, I endured much poverty and 
humiUation. No country or hope of one! Most of my re- 
tainers dispersed, those left, unable to move about with me 
because of their destitution ! If I went to my Khan dada's 
Gate,2 I went sometimes with one man, sometimes with two. 
It was well he was no stranger but one of my own blood. Foi. loid. 
After showing myself^ in his presence, I used to go to Shah 
Begim's, entering her house, bareheaded and barefoot, just 
as if it were my own. 

This uncertainty and want of house and home drove me 
at last to despair. Said I, * It would be better to take my head^ 
and go off than live in such misery ; better to go as far as my 
feet can carry me than be seen of men in such poverty and 
humiliation. Having settled on China to go to, I resolved 
to take my head and get away. From my childhood up I 
had wished to visit China but had not been able to manage 
it because of ruling and attachments. Now sovereignty itself 
was gone ! and my mother, for her part, was re-united to her 
(step)-mother and her younger brother. The hindrances to my 
journey had been removed; my anxiety for my mother was 
dispelled. I represented (to Shah Begim and The Khan) 
through Khwaja Abu'l-makaram that now such a foe as 

1 Elph. MS. f. 74 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 83 and 217 f. 66 ; Mems. p. 104. 

2 It may be noted that Babur calls his mother's brothers, not taghdl but 
dddd father. I have not met with an instance of his saying ' My taghai ' 
as he says ' My dada,' Cf. index s.n. taghdl. 

3 kuruniish qtlib, reflective from kiirtnak, to see. 
* A rider's metaphor. 


Shaibaq Khan had made his appearance, Mughul and Turk* 
alike must guard against him ; that thought about him must 
be taken while he had not well-mastered the (Auzbeg) horde 
or grown very strong, for as they have said ; — ^ 

To-day, while thou canst, quench the fire. 
Once ablaze it will burn up the world ; 
Let thy foe not fix string to his bow. 
While an arrow of thine can pierce him ; 

that it was 20 or 25 years ^ since they had seen the Younger 
Khan (Ahmad Alacha) and that I had never seen him ; should 
I be able, if I went to him, not only to see him myself, but to 
bring about the meeting between him and them ? 
Foi. 102. Under this pretext I proposed to get out of those surround- 
ings;^ once in Mughulistan and Turf an, my reins would be in 
my own hands, without check or anxiety. I put no-one in 
possession of my scheme. Why not ? Because it was im- 
possible for me to mention such a scheme to my mother, and 
also because it was with other expectations that the few of 
all ranks who had been my companions in exile and privation, 
had cut themselves off with me and with me suffered change of 
fortune. To speak to them also of such a scheme would be no 

The Khwaja, having laid my plan before Shah Begim and 
The Khan, understood them to consent to it but, later, it 
occurred to them that I might be asking leave a second time,^ 
because of not receiving kindness. That touching their reputa- 
tion, they delayed a little to give the leave. 

{b. The Younger Khan comes to Tdshkint) 

At this crisis a man came from the Younger Khan to say 
that he was actually on his way. This brought my scheme to 

* As touching the misnomer, ' Mughul dynasty ' for the Timurid rulers 
in Hindustan, it may be noted that here, as Babur is speaking to a Ghaghatai 
Mughul, his ' Turk ' is left to apply to himself. 

2 Gulistan, cap. viii, Maxim 12 (Platts' ed. p. 147). 

3 This backward count is to 890 ah. when Ahmad fled from cultivated 
lands (T.R. p. 113). 

* It becomes clear that Ahmad had already been asked to come to Tashkint. 
s Cf. f. 966 for his first departure without help. 

908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 to JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 159 

naught. When a second man announced his near approach, 
we all went out to give him honourable meeting, Shah Begim 
and his younger sisters, Sultan-nigar Khanim and Daulat- 
sultan Khanim, and I and SI. Muh. Khanika and Khan 
Mirza (Wais). 

Between Tashkint and Sairam is a village called Yagha 
(var. Yaghma), with some smaller ones, where are the tombs 
of Father Abraham and Father Isaac. So far we went out. 
Knowing nothing exact about his coming,^ I rode out for an Fol. 102*. 
excursion, with an easy mind. All at once, he descended on 
me, face to face. I went forward ; when I stopped, he stopped. 
He was a good deal perturbed; perhaps he was thinking of 
dismounting in some fixed spot and there seated, of receiving 
me ceremoniously. There was no time for this ; when we were 
near each other, I dismounted. He had not time even to 
dismount;^ I bent the knee, went forward and saw him. 
Hurriedly and with agitation, he told SI. Sa'id Khan and Baba 
Khan SI. to dismount, bend the knee with (blla) me and make 
my acquaintance.^ Just these two of his sons had come with 
him; they may have been 13 or 14 years old. When I had 
seen them, we all mounted and went to Shah Begim's presence. 
After he had seen her and his sisters, and had renewed ac- 
quaintance, they all sat down and for half the night told 
one another particulars of their past and gone affairs. 

Next day, my Younger Khan dada bestowed on me arms 
of his own and one of his own special horses saddled, and a 
Mughiil head-to-foot dress, — a Mughul cap,* a long coat of 
Chinese satin, with broidering of stitchery,^ and Chinese 

1 Yagha (Yaghma) is not on the Fr. map of 1904, but suitably located is 
Turbat (Tomb) to which roads converge. 

2 Elph, MS. tushkucha ; Ilai. MS. yukunchd. The importance Ahmad 
attached to ceremony can be inferred by the details given (f. 103) of his 
meeting with Mahmiid. 

3 kurushkdtldr. Cf. Redhouse who gives no support for reading the verb 
kurmak as meaning' to embrace. 

* burk, a tall felt cap (Redhouse). In the adjective applied to the cap there 
are several variants. The Ilai. MS. writes muftul, solid or twisted. The Elph. 
MS. has muftun-luq which has been understood by Mr. Erskine to mean, gold- 

5 The wording suggests that the decoration is in chain-stitch, pricked up and 
down through the stuff. 


armour ; in the old fashion, they had hung, on the left side, a 
haversack {chantdl) and an outer bag,^ and three or four things 
such as women usually hang on their collars, perfume-holders 
and various receptacles ;^ in the same way, three or four things 
hung on the right side also. 
Foi. 103. From there we went to Tashkint. My Elder Khan dada 
also had come out for the meeting, some 3 or ^ytghdch (12 to 
15 m.) along the road. He had had an awning set up in 
a chosen spot and was seated there. The Younger Khan went 
up directly in front of him ; on getting near, fetched a circle, 
from right to left, round him ; then dismounted before him. 
After advancing to the place of interview {kurushilr ytr), he nine 
times bent the knee; that done, went close and saw (his 
brother). The Elder Khan, in his turn, had risen when the 
Younger Khan drew near. They looked long at one another 
(kurushtildr) and long stood in close embrace [quchushub). The 
Younger Khan again bent the knee nine times when retiring, 
many times also on offering his gift ; after that, he went and sat 

All his men had adorned themselves in Mughul fashion. 
There they were in Mughiil caps {burk) ; long coats of Chinese 
satin, broidered with stitchery, Mughiil quivers and saddles of 
green shagreen-leather, and Mughiil horses adorned in a unique 
fashion. He had brought rather few men, over 1000 and under 
2000 may-be. He was a man of singular manners, a mighty 
master of the sword, and brave. Amongst arms he preferred 
to trust to the sword. He used to say that of arms there are, 
the shash-par^ (six-flanged mace), the piydzl (rugged mace), the 
klstin,^ the tabar^ztn (saddle-hatchet) and the bdltu (battle-axe), 

1 tdsh chantdl. These words have been taken to mean whet-stone {bilgu- 
tdsh). I have found no authority for leading tdsh as whet-stone. Moreover 
to allow ' bag of the stone ' to be read would require tdsh {nlng) chantdt-si in 
the text. 

* lit. bag-like things. Some will have held spare bow-strings and archers' 
rings, and other articles of ' repairing kit.' With the gifts, it seems probable 
that the gosha-gir (f. 107) was given. 

3 Vullers, clava sex foliis. 

* Zenker, casse-tete. Klstin would seem to be formed from the root, kis, 
cutting, but M. de C. describes it as a ball attached by a strap or chain to a 
handle. Sangldkh, a sort of mace igurx). 


908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 to JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. i6i 

all, if they strike, work only with what of them first touches, 
but the sword, if it touch, works from point to hilt. He 
never parted with his keen-edged sword ; it was either at his 
waist or to his hand. He was a little rustic and rough-of- Fol. 1033. 
speech, through having grown up in an out-of-the-way place. 

When, adorned in the way described, I went with him to 
The Khan, Khwaja Abu'l-makaram asked, *Who is this 
honoured sultan ?' and till I spoke, did not recognize me. 

(c. The Khans march into Farghdna against Tambal.) 

Soon after returning to Tashkint, The Khan led out an army 
for Andikan (Andijan) direct against SI. Ahmad Tambal.'^ He 
took the road over the Kindirlik-pass and from Blacksmiths'- 
dale (Ahangaran-julgasi) sent the Younger Khan and me on in 
advance. After the pass had been crossed, we all met again 
near Zarqan (var. Zabarqan) of Karnan. 

One day, near Karnan, they numbered their men^ and 
reckoned them up to be 30,000. From ahead news began 
to come that Tambal also was collecting a force and going to 
Akhsi. After having consulted together. The Khans decided 
to join some of their men to me, in order that I might cross 
the Khuj and- water, and, marching by way of Aush and 
Auzkint, turn Tambal's rear. Having so settled, they joined 
to me Ayub Begchtk with his tUmaUy Jan-hasan Barin (var. 
Narin) with his Barins, Muh. Hisdrl DUghldt, SI. Husain 
DUghldt and SI. Ahmad Mirza DUghldt, not in command of 
the Dughlat ^wma;^,— and Qambar-'ali Beg (the Skinner). The 
commandant {darogha) of their force was Sarigh-bash (Yellow- 
head) Mirza Itdrchi.^ 

Leaving The Khans in Karnan, we crossed the river on rafts 
near Sakan, traversed the Khiiqan sub-district {aUrchm), crushed Fol. 104^ 

1 The Rauzatu' s-safd states that The Khant left Tashkint on Muharram 15th 
(July 2 1 St. 1502), in order to restore Babur and expel Tambal (Erskine). 

2 lit. saw the count {dim). Cf. f. 100 and note concerning the count. 
Using a Persian substitute, the Kehr-Ilminsky text writes san {kurdlldv). 

3 Elph. MS. ambdrchl, steward, for Itarchi, a tribal-name. The ' Mirza ' 
and the rank of the army-begs are against supposing a steward in command. 
Here and just above, the texts write Mirza-i-Itarchi and Mirza-i-Diighlat, 
thus suggesting that in names not ending with a vowel, the izdfat is required 
for exact transliteration, e.g. Muhammad-i-dughlat. 



Qaba and by way of the Alai sub-districts^ descended suddenl} 
on Aush. We reached it at dawn, unexpected; those in il 
could but surrender. Naturally the country-folk were wishing 
much for us, but they had not been able to find their means 
both through dread of Tambal and through our remoteness 
After we entered Aush, the hordes and the highland and low- 
land tribes of southern and eastern Andijan came in to us 
The Auzkint people also, willing to serve us, sent me a mar 
and came in. 

{Author's note on Auzkint.) Auzkint formerly must have been < 
capital of Farghana ;2 it has an excellent fort and is situated on th( 
boundary (of Farghana). 

The Marghinanis also came in after two or three days 
having beaten and chased their commandant {darogha), Excepi 
Andijan, every fort south of the Khuj and- water had now come 
in to us. Spite of the return in those days of so many forts 
and spite of risings and revolt against him, Tambal did not yel 
come to his senses but sat down with an army of horse and foot 
fortified with ditch and branch, to face The Khans, betweer 
Karnan and Akhsi. Several times over there was a httle fight- 
ing and pell-mell but without decided success to either side. 
In the Andijan country {wildyat), most of the tribes anc 
Fol. lo^b. hordes and the forts and all the districts had come in to me ; 
naturally the Andijanis also were wishing for me. They hoW' 
ever could not find their means. 

{d: Bdbiir's attempt to enter Andijan frustrated by a mistake.) 

It occurred to me that if we went one night close to th( 
town and sent a man in to discuss with the Khwaja^ anc 
notables, they might perhaps let us in somewhere. With this 
idea we rode out from Aiish. By midnight we were opposite 
Forty-daughters (Chihil-dukhteran) 2 miles (one kuroh) frorr 
Andijan. From that place we sent Qambar-'ali Beg forward 

* Aldl-llq aurchinl. I understand the march to have been along th( 
northern slope of the Little Alai, south of Aush. 

2 As of Almaligh and Almatu (fol. 26) Babur reports a tradition witl 
caution. The name Auz-kint may be read to mean ' Own village,' inde 
pendent, as Auz-heg, Own-beg. 

3 He would be one of the hereditary Khwajas of Andijan (f. 16). 

908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 TO JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 163 

with some other begs, who were to discuss matters with the 
Khwaja after by some means or other getting a man into the 
fort. While waiting for their return, we sat on our horses, 
some of us patiently humped up, some wrapt away in dream, 
when suddenly, at about the third watch, there rose a war- 
cry^ and a sound of drums. Sleepy and startled, ignorant 
whether the foe was many or few, my men, without looking to 
one another, took each his own road and turned for flight. 
There was no time for me to get at them ; I went straight for 
the enemy. Only Mir Shah Quchm and Baba Sher-zad (Tiger- 
whelp) and Nasir's Dost sprang forward; we four excepted, 
every man set his face for flight. I had gone a little way 
forward, when the enemy rode rapidly up, flung out his war- 
cry and poured arrows on us. One man, on a horse with 
a starred forehead,^ came close to me ; I shot at it ; it rolled 
over and died. They made a little as if to retire. The three 
with me said, ' In this darkness it is not certain whether they 
are many or few; all our men have gone off; what harm could 
we four do them ? Fighting must be when we have overtaken 
our run-aways and rallied them.' Off we hurried, got up with 
our men and beat and horse-whipped some of them, but, do 
what we would, they would not make a stand. Back the four 
of us went to shoot arrows at the foe. They drew a little back 
but when, after a discharge or two, they saw we were not more 
than three or four, they busied themselves in chasing and un- 
horsing my men. I went three or four times to try to rally my 
men but all in vain ! They were not to be brought to order. 
Back I went with my three and kept the foe in check with our 
arrows. They pursued us two or three kuroh (4-6 m.), as far as 
the rising ground opposite Kharabuk and Pashamun. There 
we met Muh. *Ali Mubashir. Said I, 'They are only few; let 
us stop and put our horses at them.' So we did. When we 
got up to them, they stood still.^ 

Our scattered braves gathered in from this side and that, but 

1 For several battle-cries see Th. Radloff's Riceuils etc. p. 322. 

2 qdshqa dtltq klshl. For a parallel phrase see f. 926. 

3 Babur does not explain how the imbroglio was cleared up ; there must 
have been a dramatic moment when this happened. 


several very serviceable men, scattering in this attack, went 
right away to Aush. 

The explanation of the affair seemed to be that some of 
Ayub BegchWs Mughiils had slipped away from Aush to raid 
near Andijan and, hearing the noise of our troop, came some- 
what stealthily towards us ; then there seems to have been con- 
fusion about the pass-word. The pass-words settled on for use 
during this movement of ours were Tashkint and Sairam. If 

Fol. 105/'. {Author's note on pass-words.) Pass- words are of two kinds ; — in 

each tribe there is one for use in the tribe, such as Darwdna or Tuqqdi 
or Liilu ;i and there is one for the use of the whole army. For a battle, 
two words are settled on as pass-words so that of two men meeting 
in the fight, one may give the one, the other give back the second, 
in order to distinguish friends from foes, own men from strangers. 

Tashkint were said, Sairam would be answered; if Sairam, 
Tashkint. In this muddled affair, Khwaja Muh. *Ali seems to 
have been somewhat in advance of our party and to have got 
bewildered, — he was a Sart person,^ — when the Mughiils came 
up saying, * Tashkint, Tashkint,' for he gave them * Tashkint, 
Tashkint,' as the counter-sign. Through this they took him 
for an enemy, raised their war-cry, beat their saddle-drums and 
poured arrows on us. It was through this we gave way, and 
through this false^alarm were scattered ! We went back to 

(e. Bdbur again attempts A ndijdn.) 

Through the return to me of the forts and the highland and 
lowland clans, Tambal and his adherents lost heart and footing. 
His army and people in the next five or six days began to 
desert him and to flee to retired places and the open country.' 
Of his household some came and said, * His affairs are nearly 
ruined ; he will break up in three or four days, utterly ruined.' 
On hearing this, we rode for Andijan. 

^ Darwdna (a trap-door in a roof) has the variant dur-ddna, a single pearl 
tuqqdi perhaps implies relationship ; lulu is a pearl, a wild cow etc. 

2 Ilai. MS. sdlrt klshi. Muh. ' Ali is likely to be the librarian {cf. index s.n.) 

3 Elph. MS. ramdqgha u tur-gd ; Hai. MS. tdrtdtgha u tur-gd. Ilminsky givej 
no help, varying much here from the true text. The archetype of both MSS 
must have been difficult to read. 

908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 to JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 165 

SI. Muh. Galpuk'^ was in Andijan,— the younger of Tambal's 
cadet brothers. We took the Mulberry-road and at the Mid- 
day Pra3^er came to the Khakan (canal), south of the town. A Fol. 106. 
foraging-party was arranged; I followed it along Khakan to 
the skirt of *Aish-hill. When our scouts brought word that 
SI. Muh Galpuk had come out, with what men he had, beyond 
the suburbs and gardens to the skirt of *Aish, I hurried to 
meet him, although our foragers were still scattered. He may 
have had over 500 men ; we had more but many had scattered 
to forage. When we were face to face, his men and ours may 
have been in equal number. Without caring about order or 
array, down we rode on them, loose rein, at the gallop. When 
we got near, they could not stand; there was not so much 
fighting as the crossing of a few swords. My men followed 
them almost to the Khakan Gate, unhorsing one after another. 

It was at the Evening Prayer that, our foe outmastered, we 
reached Khwaja Kitta, on the outskirts of the suburbs. My 
idea was to go quickly right up to the Gate but Dost Beg's 
father, Nasir Beg and Qambar-*ali Beg, old and experienced 
begs both, represented to me, * It is almost night ; it would be 
ill-judged to go in a body into the fort in the dark ; let us with- 
draw a little and dismount. What can they do to-morrow but 
surrender the place ?' Yielding at once to the opinion of these 
experienced persons, we forthwith retired to the outskirts of the 
suburbs. If we had gone to the Gate, undoubtedly, Andijan i^^oi. 106*. 
would have come into our hands. 

(/. Bdbur surprised by Tamhal.) 

After crossing the Khakan-canal, we dismounted, near the 1 
Bed-time prayer, at the side of the village of Rabat-i-zauraq 
(var. ruzaq). Although we knew that Tambal had broken 
camp and was on his way to Andijan, yet, with the negligence of 
inexperience, we dismounted on level ground close to the village, 
instead of where the defensive canal would have protected us.^ 
There we lay down carelessly, without scouts or rear-ward. 

1 The Hai. MS.'s pointing allows the sobriquet to mean ' Butterfly,' His 
family lent itself to nick-names ; in it three brothers were known respectively 
as Fat or Lubberly, Fool and, perhaps. Butterfly. 

2 btrk arigh, doubly strong by its trench and its current. 


^ At the top (bash) of the morning, just when men are in sweet 

sleep, Qambar-'ali Beg hurried past, shouting, ' Up with you ! 
the enemy is here !' So much he said and went off without a 
moment's stay. It was my habit to lie down, even in times of 
peace, in my tunic; up I got instanter, put on sword and 
quiver and mounted. My standard-bearer had no time to 
adjust my standard,^ he just mounted with it in his hand. 
There were ten or fifteen men with me when we started 
toward the enemy; after riding an arrow's flight, when we 
came up with his scouts, there may have been ten. Going 
rapidly forward, we overtook him, poured in arrows on him, 
over-mastered his foremost men and hurried them off. We 
followed them for another arrow's flight and came up with his 
centre where SI. Ahmad Tambal himself was, with as many as 
Fol. 107. 100 men. He and another were standing in front of his array, 
as if keeping a Gate,^ and were shouting, ' Strike, strike!' but 
his men, mostly, were sidling, as if asking themselves, * Shall 
we run away ? Shall we not ?' By this time three were left 
with me ; one was Nasir's Dost, another, Mirza Quli Kukulddsh, 
the third, Khudai-birdi Turkman's Karim-dad.^ I shot off the 
^ arrow on my thumb,^ aiming at Tambal's helm. When I put 
my hand into my quiver, there came out a quite new gosha-gtr^ 

1 I understand that time failed to set the standard in its usual rest. E. 
and de C. have understood that the yak-tail {quids tughl f. 100) was apart 
from the staff and that time failed to adjust the two parts. The tiigh however 
is the whole standard ; moreover if the tail were ever taken off at night from 
the staff, it would hardly be so treated in a mere bivouac. 

2 atshlklik turluq, as on f. 113. I understand this to mean that the two 
men were as far from their followers as sentries at a Gate are posted outside 
the Gate. 

3 So too ' Piero of Cosimo ' and ' Lorenzo of Piero of the Medici.' Cf. 
the names of five men on f . 114. 

* shashttm. The shasht (thumb) in archery is the thumb-shield used on the 
left hand, as the zih-gtr (string-grip), the archer's ring, is on the right-hand 

It is useful to remember, when reading accounts of shooting with the 
Turki (Turkish) bow, that the arrows {auq) had notches so gripping the string 
that they kept in place until released with the string. 

" sar-i-sabz gosha gir. The gosha-gir is an implement for remedying the 
warp of a bow- tip and string- notch. For further particulars see Appendix C. 

The term sar-i-sabz, lit. green-head, occurs in the sense of ' quite young ' 
or ' new,' in the proverb, ' The red tongue loses the green head,' quoted in 
the T^abaqdt-i-akbarl account of Babur's death. Applied here, it points to 
the gosha-gtr as part of the recent gift made by Al^mad to Babur. 

908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 TO JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 167 

given me by my Younger Khan dada. It would have been 

vexing to throve it away but before I got it back into the quiver, 

there had been time to shoot, maybe, two or three arrows. 

When once more I had an arrow on the string, I went forward, 

my three men even holding back. One of those two in advance, ., 

Tambal seemingly,^ moved forward also. The high-road was 

between us ; I from my side, he, from his, got upon it and came 

face to face, in such a way that his right hand was towards 

me, mine towards him. His horse's mail excepted, he was 

fully accoutred ; but for sword and quiver, I was unprotected. 

I shot off the arrow in my hand, adjusting for the attachment 

of his shield. With matters in this position, they shot my right 

leg through. I had on the cap of my helm ;2 Tambal chopped Fol. 107b 

so violently at my head that it lost all feeling under the blow. 

A large wound was made on my head, though not a thread of 

the cap was cut.^ I had not bared^ my sword ; it was in the 

scabbard and I had no chance to draw it. Single-handed, I 

was alone amongst many foes. It was not a time to stand 

still ; I turned rein. Down came a sword again ; this time j 

on my arrows. When I had gone 7 or 8 paces, those same 

three men rejoined me.^ After using his sword on me, Tambal 

seems to have used it on Nasir's Dost. As far as an arrrow 

flies to the butt, the enemy followed us. 

The Khakan-canal is a great main-channel, flowing in a 
deep cutting, not everywhere to be crossed. God brought it 
right ! we came exactly opposite a low place where there was a 
passage over. Directly we had crossed, the horse Nasir's Dost 
was on, being somewhat weakly, fell down. We stopped and re- 
mounted him, then drew off for Aush, over the rising-ground 

1 Tamhal alkdnditr. By this tense I understand that Babur was not at first 
sure of the identity of the pseudo-sentries, partly because of their distance, 
partly, it may be presumed, because of concealment of identity by armour. 

2 duwulgha burkl ; i.e. the soft cap worn under the iron helm. 

3 Nuyan's sword dealt the blow (f. 976). Gul-badan also tells the story 
(f. 77) k propos of a similar incident in Humayun's career. Babur repeats 
the story on f. 234. 

* yaldaghldmdi dur aldlm. The Second W.-i-B. has taken this as from 
ydlturmdq, to cause to glisten, and adds the gloss that the sword was rusty 
(I.O. 217 f. 70&). 

'^ The text here seems to say that the three men were on foot, but this is 
negatived by the context. 


between Faraghina and Khirabuk. Out on the rise, Mazid 
Taghai came up and joined us. An arrow had pierced his 
right leg also and though it had not gone through and come 
out again, he got to Aush with difficulty. The enemy un- 
horsed (tushurdlldr) good men of mine; Nasir Beg, Muh. 'All 
Mubashir, Khwaja Muh. 'Ali, Khusrau Kukfdddsh, Na'man the 
page, all fell (to them, iushtlldr), and also many unmailed braves.^ 

ig. The Khans move from Kdsdn to Andijdn,) 

The Khans, closely following on Tambal, dismounted near 
Andijan, — the Elder at the side of the Reserve (qurilq) in the 
Fol. io8, garden, known as Birds'-mill [Qilsh-tiglrmdn), belonging to my 
grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim, — the Younger, near Baba 
Tawakkul's Alms-house. Two days later I went from Aiish 
and saw the Elder Khan in Birds'-mill. At that interview, he 
simply gave over to the Younger Khan the places which had 
come in to me. He made some such excuse as that for our ad- 
vantage, he had brought the Younger Khan, how far ! because 
such a foe as Shaibaq Khan had taken Samarkand and was 
waxing greater; that the Younger Khan had there no lands 
whatever, his own being far away ; and that the country under 
Andijan, on the south of the Khujand-water, must be given 
him to encamp in. He promised me the country under Akhsi, 
on the north of the Khujand-water. He said that after taking 
a firm grip of that country (Farghana), they would move, take 
Samarkand, give it to me and then the whole of the Farghana 
country was to be the Younger Khan's. These words seem to 
have been meant to deceive me, since there is no knowing 
what they would have done when they had attained their 
object. It had to be however ! willy-nilly, I agreed. 

When, leaving him, I was on my way to the Younger 
Khan's presence, Qambar-'ali, known as the Skinner, joined me 
in a friendly way and said, * Do you see ? They have taken the 
whole of the country just become yours. There is no opening 

1 Amongst the various uses of the verb tushmak, to descend in any way, 
the B.N. does not allow of ' falling (death) in battle.' When I made the 
index of the II ai. MS. facsimile, this was not known to me ; I therefore 
erroneously entered the men enumerated here as killed at this time. 

908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 TO JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 169 

for you through them. You have in your hands Aush, Mar- Fol, 108^ 
ghinan, Auzkint and the cultivated land and the tribes and the 
hordes ; go you to Aush ; make that fort fast ; send a man to 
Tambal, make peace with him, then strike at the Mughul and 
drive him out. After that, divide the districts into an elder and 
a younger brother's shares.' 'Would that be right?' said I. 
* The Khans are my blood relations ; better serve them than rule 
for Tambal.' He saw that his words had made no impression, 
so turned back, sorry he had spoken. I went on to see my '^ 
Younger Khan Dada. At our first interview, I had come upon 
him without announcement and he had no time to dismount, 
so it was all rather unceremonious. This time I got even 
nearer perhaps, and he ran out as far as the end of the tent- 
ropes. I was walking with some difficulty because of the 
wound 'in my leg. We met and renewed acquaintance; then 
he said, * You are talked about as a hero, my young brother !' 
took my arm and led me into his tent. The tents pitched were 
rather small and through his having grown up in an out-of-the- 
way place, he let the one he sat in be neglected ; it was like a 
raider's, melons, grapes, saddlery, every sort of thing, in his 
sitting-tent. I went from his presence straight back to my 
own camp and there he sent his Mughul surgeon to examine 
my wound. Mughuls call a surgeon also a bakhshl ; this one 
was called Ataka Bakhshi.^ 

He was a very skilful surgeon ; if a man's brains had come Fol. log 
out, he would cure it, and any sort of wound in an artery 
he easily healed. For some wounds his remedy was in form of 
a plaister, for some medicines had to be taken. He ordered a 
bandage tied on^ the wound in my leg and put no seton in ; 
once he made me eat something like a fibrous root [yildiz). 
He told me himself, * A certain man had his leg broken in the 
slender part and the bone was shattered for the breadth of the 
hand. I cut the flesh open and took the bits of bone out* 
Where they had been, I put a remedy in powder-form. That 

1 Elph. MS. yakhshl. Zenker explains bakhshl (pay-master) as meaning 
also a Court-physician. 

^ The Ilai. Elph. and Kehr's MS. all have puchqdq tdqmdq or it may be 
Puhqdq tdqmdq. T. bukhdq means bandage, puchdq, rind of fruit, but the 
Avord clear in the three Turki MSS. means, skin of a fox's leg. 


remedy simply became bone where there had been bone before/ 
He told many strange and marvellous things such as surgeons 
in cultivated lands cannot match. 

Three or four days later, Qambar-'ali, afraid on account of 
what he had said to me, fled (to Tambal) in Andijan. A few 
days later, The Khans joined to me Ayub Begchlk with his 
iwndii, and Jan-hasan Barm with the Barin tumdn and, as 
their army-beg, Sarigh-bash Mirza, — looo to 2000 men in all, 
and sent us towards Akhsi. 

{h, Bdbiirs expedition to Akhst.) 

Shaikh Bayazld, a younger brother of Tambal, was in Akhsi ; 
Shahbaz Qdrluq was in Kasan. At the time, Shahbaz was 
lying before Nii-kint fort ; crossing the Khujand-water opposite 
Bikhrata, we hurried to fall upon him there. When, a little 
Fol. 109;^. before dawn, we were nearing the place, the begs represented 
to me that as the man would have had news of us, it was 
advisable not to go on in broken array. We moved on there- 
fore with less speed. Shahbaz may have been really unaware 
of us until we were quite close ; then getting to know of it, he 
fled into the fort. It often happens so! Once having said, 
' The enemy is on guard !' it is easily fancied true and the 
chance of action is lost. In short, the experience of such 
things is that no effort or exertion must be omitted, once the 
chance for action comes. After-repentance is useless. There 
was a little fighting round the fort at dawn but we delivered 
no serious attack. 

For the convenience of foraging, we moved from Nii-kint 
towards the hills in the direction of Bishkharan. Seizing his 
opportunity, Shahbaz QdrlUq abandoned Nii-kint and returned 
to Kasan. We went back and occupied Nii-kint. During those 
days, the army several times went out and over-ran all sides and 
quarters. Once they over-ran the villages of Akhsi, once 
those of Kasan. Shahbaz and Long Hasan's adopted son, 
Mirim came out of Kasan to fight ; they fought, were beaten, 
and there Mirim died. 


908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 to JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 171 

(t. The affairs of Pap.) 

Pap is a strong fort belonging to Akhsl. The Papis made it 
fast and sent a man to me. We accordingly sent Sayyid 
Qasim with a few braves to occupy it. They crossed the river Fol. no. 
{daryd) opposite the upper villages of Akhsi and went into Pap.^ 
A few days later, Sayyid Qasim did an astonishing thing. 
There were at the time with Shaikh Bayazid in Akhsi, 
Ibrahim Chdpuk (Slash-face) Taghal,^ Ahmad-of-qasim Kohbur, 
and Qasim Khitika (?) Arghun. To these Shaikh Bayazid 
joins 200 serviceable braves and one night sends them to 
surprise Pap. Sayyid Qasim must have lain down carelessly 
to sleep, without setting a watch. They reach the fort, set 
ladders up, get up on the Gate, let the drawbridge down and, 
when 70 or 80 good men in mail are inside, goes the news to 
Sayyid Qasim ! Drowsy with sleep, he gets into his vest 
(kungldk), goes out, with five or six of his men, charges the enemy 
and drives them out with blow upon blow. He cut off a few 
heads and sent to me. Though such a careless lying down was 
bad leadership, yet, with so few, just by force of drubbing, 
to chase off such a mass of men in mail was very brave 

Meantime The Khans were busy with the siege of Andijan 
but the garrison would not let them get near it. The Andijan 
braves used to make sallies and blows would be exchanged. 

(J. Bdbur invited into Akhsl.) 

Shaikh Bayazid now began to send persons to us from 
Akhsi to testify to well-wishing and pressingly invite us to 
Akhsi. His object was to separate me from The Khans, by 
any artifice, because without me, they had no standing-ground. Fol. ua 
His invitation may have been given after agreeing with his elder 
brother, Tarnbal that if I were separated from The Khans, it 
might be possible, in my presence, to come to some arrange- 

1 The daryd here mentioned seems to be the Kasan-water ; the route taken 
from BIshkharan to Pap is shewn on the Fr. map to lead past modern TQpa- 
qurghan. Pap is not marked, but was, I think, at the cross-roads east of Touss 
(Karnan) . 

2 Presumably Jahangir's. 


ment with them. We gave The Khans a hint of the invitation. 
They said, * Go ! and by whatever means, lay hands on Shaikh 
Bayazid.* It was not my habit to cheat and play false ; here 
above all places, when promises would have been made, how 
was I to break them ? It occurred to me however, that if we 
could get into Akhsi, we might be able, by using all available 
means, to detach Shaikh Bayazid from Tarnbal, when he might 
take my side or something might turn up to favour my fortunes. 
We, in our turn, sent a man to him ; compact was made, he 
invited us into Akhsi and when we went, came out to meet us, 
bringing my younger brother, Nasir Mirza with him. Then he 
took us into the town, gave us ground to camp in (yiirf) and to 
me one of my father's houses in the outer fort^ where I 

(L Tambal asks help of Shaibdq Khan.) 

Tambal had sent his elder brother. Beg Tilba, to Shaibaq 
Khan with proffer of service and invitation to enter Farghana. 
At this very time Shaibaq Khan's answer arrived ; ' I will 
come,' he wrote. On hearing this. The Khans were all upset ; 
they could sit no longer before Andijan and rose from before it. 

The Younger Khan himself had a reputation for justice and 
orthodoxy, but his Mughuls, stationed, contrary to the expecta- 
tions of the towns-people, in Aiish, Marghinan and other 
places, — places that had come in to me, — began to behave ill 
Foi. III. and oppressively. When The Khans had broken up from before 
Andijan, the Aushls and Marghinanis, rising in tumult, seized 
the Mughuls in their forts, plundered and beat them, drove 
them out and pursued them. 

The Khans did not cross the Khujand-water (for the 
Kindirlik-pass) but left the country by way of Marghinan and 
Kand-i-badam and crossed it at Khujand, Tambal pursuing 
them as far as Marghinan. We had had much uncertainty; 
we had not had much confidence in their making any stand, 
yet for us to go away, without clear reason, and leave them, 
would not have looked well. 

^ Here his father was killed (f . 6b) . Cf. App. A. 

908 AH —JULY 7th. 1502 to JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 173 

(l. Bdbur attempts to defend A khsl) 

Early one morning, when I was in the Hot-bath, Jahangir 
Mirza came into Akhsi, from Marghlnan, a fugitive from 
Tambal. We saw one another, Shaikh Bayazid also being 
present, agitated and afraid. The Mirza and Ibrahim Beg 
said, * Shaikh Bayazid must be made prisoner and we must 
get the citadel into our hands.' In good sooth, the proposal 
was wise. Said I, ' Promise has been made ; how can we 
break it ?' Shaikh Bayazid went into the citadel. Men ought 
to have been posted on the bridge ; not even there did we post 
any-one ! These blunders were the fruit of inexperience. At 
the top of the morning came Tambal himself with 2 or 3000 
men in mail, crossed the bridge and went into the citadel. To 
begin with I had had rather few men ; when I first went into 
Akhsi some had been sent to other forts and some had been 
made commandants and summoners all round. Left with 
me in Akhsi may have been something over 100 men. We Fol. mi 
had got to horse with these and were posting braves at the top 
of one lane after another and making ready for the fight, when 
Shaikh Bayazid and Qambar-'ali (the Skinner), and Muhammad- 
dost^ came gallopping from Tarnbal with talk of peace. 

After posting those told off for the fight, each in his appointed 
place, I dismounted at my father's tomb for a conference, 
in which I invited Jahangir Mirza to join. Muhammad-dost 
went back to Tarnbal but Qambar-'ali and Shaikh Bayazid 
were present. We sat in the south porch of the tomb and 
were in consultation when the Mirza, who must have settled 
beforehand with Ibrahim Chdpilk to lay hands on those other 
two, said in my ear, ' They must be made prisoner.' Said I, 
* Don't hurry ! matters are past making prisoners. See here ! 
with terms made, the affair might be coaxed into something. 
For why ? Not only are they many and we few, but they with 
their strength are in the citadel, we with our weakness, in the 
outer fort.' Shaikh Bayazid and Qambar-*ali both being 
present, Jahangir Mirza looked at Ibrahim Beg and made him 
a sign to refrain. Whether he misunderstood to the contrary 

1 ' Ali-dost's son (f . 796) . 


or whether he pretended to misunderstand, is not known; 
suddenly he did the ill-deed of seizing Shaikh Bayazid. Braves 
closing in from all sides, flung those two to the ground. 
Through this the affair was taken past adjustment ; we gave 
them into charge and got to horse for the coming fight. 

One side of the town was put into Jahangir Mirza s charge ; 
as his men were few, I told off some of mine to reinforce him. 
I went first to his side and posted men for the fight, then to 
other parts of the town. There is a somewhat level, open 
space in the middle of Akhsi ; I had posted a party of braves 
there and gone on when a large body of the enemy, mounted 
and on foot, bore down upon them, drove them from their post 
and forced them into a narrow lane. Just then I came up (the 
lane), gallopped my horse at them, and scattered them in flight. 
While I was thus driving them out from the lane into the flat, 
and had got my sword to work, they shot my horse in the leg ; 
it stumbled and threw me there amongst them. I got up 
quickly and shot one arrow off. My squire, Kahil (lazy) had a 
weakly pony ; he got off and led it to me. Mounting this, I 
started for another lane-head. SI. Muh. Wais noticed the 
weakness of my mount, dismounted and led me his own. I 
mounted that horse. Just then, Qasim Beg's son, Qambar-*ali 
came, wounded, from Jahangir Mirza and said the Mirza had 
been attacked some time before, driven off in panic, and had 
gone right away. We were thunderstruck ! At the same 
moment arrived Sayyid Qasim, the commandant of Pap ! His 
was a most unseasonable visit, since at such a crisis it was well 
to have such a strong fort in our hands. Said I to Ibrahim 
Beg, * What's to be done now ?' He was slightly wounded ; 
whether because of this or because of stupefaction, he could 
give no useful answer. My idea was to get across the bridge, 
destroy it and make for Andijan. Baba Sher-zad did very well 
here. ' We will storm out at the gate and get away at once,* 
he said. At his word, we set off for the Gate. Khwaja Mir 
Miran also spoke boldly at that crisis. In one of the lanes, 
Sayyid Qasim and Nasir's Dost chopped away at Baqi KhlZy^ I 
being in front with Ibrahim Beg and Mirza Quli Kukulddsh, 

1 The sobriquet Khlz may mean Leaper, or Impetuous. 

908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 TO JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. I75 

As we came opposite the Gate, we saw Shaikh Bayazid, wear- 
ing his pull-over shirt ^ above his vest, coming in with three or 
four horsemen. He must have been put into the charge of 
Jahangir's men in the morning when, against my will, he was 
made prisoner, and they must have carried him off when they 
got away. They had thought it would be well to kill him ; 
they set him free alive. He had been released just when I 
chanced upon him in the Gate. I drew and shot off the arrow 
on my thumb ; it grazed his neck, a good shot ! He came con- 
fusedly in at the Gate, turned to the right and fled down a lane. 
We followed him instantly. Mirza Quli Kukulddsh got at one 
man with his rugged-mace and went on. Another man took Fol. 113. 
aim at Ibrahim Beg, but when the Beg shouted * Hai ! Hai !' let 
him pass and shot me in the arm -pit, from as near as a man on 
guard at a Gate. Two plates of my Qalmaq mail were cut ; 
he took to flight and I shot after him. Next I shot at a man 
running away along the ramparts, adjusting for his cap against 
the battlements ; he left his cap nailed on the wall and went off, 
gathering his turban-sash together in his hand. Then again, — 
a man was in flight alongside me in the lane down which 
Shaikh Bayazid had gone. I pricked the back of his head 
with my sword; he bent over from his horse till he leaned 
against the wall of the lane, but he kept his seat and with 
some trouble, made good his flight. When we had driven all 
the enemy's men from the Gate, we took possession of it but 
the affair was past discussion because they, in the citadel, were 
2000 or 3000, we, in the outer fort, 100 or 200. Moreover they 
had chased off Jahangir Mirza, as long before as it takes milk 
to boil, and with him had gone half my men. This notwith- 
standing, we sent a man, while we were in the Gate, to say to 
him, *If you are near at hand, come, let us attack again.' 
But the matter had gone past that! Ibrahim Beg, either 
because his horse was really weak or because of his wound, 
said, 'My horse is done.' On this, Sulaiman, one of Muh. 
•Ali's Mubashirs servants, did a plucky thing, for with matters Fol. 113, 
as they were and none constraining him, while we were wait- 

1 kullak, syn. kungldk, a shirt not opening at the breast. It will have been 
a short garment since the under- vest was visible. 


ing in the Gate, he dismounted and gave his horse to Ibrahim 
Beg. Kichik (little) *Ali, now the Governor of Koel/ also 
shewed courage while we were in the Gate ; he was a retainer 
of SI. Muh. Wais and twice did well, here and in Aush. We 
delayed in the Gate till those sent to Jahangir Mirza came back 
and said he had gone off long before. It was too late to stay 
there; off we flung; it was ill-judged to have stayed as long as 
we did. Twenty or thirty men were with me. Just as we 
hustled out of the Gate, a number of armed men^ came right 
down upon us, reaching the town-side of the drawbridge just as 
we had crossed. Banda-'ali, the maternal grandfather of 
Qasim Beg's son, Hamza, called out to Ibrahim Beg, * You are 
always boasting of your zeal! Let's take to our swords!' 
* What hinders? Come along !' said Ibrahim Beg, from beside 
me. The senseless fellows were for displaying their zeal at a 
time of such disaster ! Ill-timed zeal ! That was no time to 
make stand or delay ! We went off quickly, the enemy follow- 
ing and unhorsing our men. 

(m. Bdbur a fugitive before TamhaVs men.) 

When we were passing Meadow-dome (Gumbaz-i-chaman), 
two miles out of Akhsi, Ibrahim Beg called out to me. Looking 
Fol. 114. back, I saw a page of Shaikh Bayazid's striking at him and 
turned rein, but Bayan-quli's Khan-quli, said at my side, * This 
is a bad time for going back,' seized my rein and pushed ahead. 
■ Many of our men had been unhorsed before we reached Sang, 
4 miles (2 shar*l) out of Akhsi.^ Seeing no pursuers at Sang, we 

1 i.e. when Babur was writing in Hindustan. Exactly at what date he 
made this entry is not sure. 'Ali was in Koel in 933 ah. (f . 315) and then taken 
prisoner, but Babur does not say he was killed, — as he well might say of a 
marked man, and, as the captor was himself taken shortly after, 'Ali may 
have been released, and may have been in Koel again. So that the statement 
' now in Koel ' may refer to a time later than his capture. The interest of 
the point is in its relation to the date of composition of the Bdbur-ndnia. 

No record of 'All's bravery in Aush has been preserved. The reference 
here made to it may indicate something attempted in 908 ah. after Babur's 
adventure in Karnan (f. ii8b) or in 909 ah. from Sukh, Cf. Translator's note 
f. 1 186. 

2 aupchlnltk. Vamb^ry, gepanzeri ; Shaw, four horse-shoes and their nails ; 
Steingass, aupcha-khdna, a guard-house. 

3 Sang is a ferry-station (Kostenko, i, 213). Pap may well have been 
regretted (f. 1096 and f. 112&) ! The well-marked features of the French map 
of 1904 allows Babur's flight to be followed. 

908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1602 TO JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 177 

passed it by and turned straight up its water. In this position 
of our affairs there were eight men of us; — Nasir's Dost, 
Qasim Beg's Qambar-*ali, Bayan-quli's Khan-quli, Mirza Qull 
Kukulddsh, Nasir's Shaham, Sayyidi Qara's *Abdu'l-qadus, 
Khwaja Husaini and myself, the eighth. Turning up the 
stream, we found, in the broad valley, a good little road, far 
from the beaten track. We made straight up the valley, 
leaving the stream on the right, reached its waterless part and, 
near the Afternoon Prayer, got up out of it to level land. 
When we looked across the plain, we saw a blackness on it, 
far away. I made my party take cover and myself had gone 
to look out from higher ground, when a number of men came 
at a gallop up the hill behind us. Without waiting to know 
whether they were many or few, we mounted and rode off. 
There were 20 or 25 ; we, as has been said, were eight. 
If we had known their number at first, we should have 
made a good stand against them but we thought they would 
not be pursuing us, unless they had good support behind. A Fol. 
fleeing foe, even if he be many, cannot face a few pursuers, for 
as the saying is, ' Hdi is enough for the beaten ranks.' ^ 

Khan-quli said, * This will never do ! They will take us all. 
From amongst the horses there are, you take two good ones 
. and go quickly on with Mirza Quli Kukulddsh, each with a led 
horse. May-be you will get away.' He did not speak ill ; as 
there was no fighting to hand, there was a chance of safety in 
doing as he said, but it really would not have looked well to 
leave any man alone, without a horse, amongst his foes. In 
the end they all dropped off, one by one, of themselves. My 
horse was a little tired; Khan-quli dismounted and gave me 
his; I jumped off at once and mounted his, he mine. Just 
then they unhorsed Sayyidi Qara's 'Abdu'l-qadus and Nasir's 
Shaham who had fallen behind. Khan-quli also was left. It 
was no time to profer help or defence ; on it was gone, at the 
full speed of our mounts. The horses began to flag ; Dost Beg's 
failed and stopped. Mine began to tire ; Qambar-'ali got off 

1 In the Turki text this saying is in Persian ; in the Kehr-Ilminsky, in 
Turki, as though it had gone over with its Persian context of the W.-i-B, from 
which the K.-I. text here is believed to be a translation. 



and gave me his; I mounted his, he mine. He was left. 
Khwaja Husaini was a lame man ; he turned aside to the 
higher ground. I was left with Mirza Quli Kukulddsh. Our 

I. 115- horses could not possibly gallop, they trotted. His began to 
flag. Said I, ' What will become of me, if you fall behind ? 
Come along ! let's live or die together.' Several times I 
looked back at him ; at last he said, * My horse is done ! It 
can't go on. Never mind me ! You go on, perhaps you will 
get away.' It was a miserable position for me ; he remained 
behind, I was alone. 

Two of the enemy were in sight, one Baba of Sairam, the 
other Banda-'ali. They gained on me ; my horse was done ; 
the mountains were still 2 miles (i kuroh) off. A pile of rock 
was in my path. Thought I to myself, * My horse is worn out 
and the hills are still somewhat far away ; which way should I 
go ? In my quiver are at least 20 arrows; should I dismount and 
shoot them off from this pile of rock ?' Then again, I thought 
I might reach the hills and once there, stick a few arrows in 
my belt and scramble up. I had a good deal of confidence in 
my feet and went on, with this plan in mind. My horse could 
not possibly trot; the two men came within arrow's reach. 

1153. For my own sake sparing my arrows, I did not shoot; they, 
out of caution, came no nearer. By sunset I was near the 
hills. Suddenly they called out, * Where are you going in this 
fashion ? Jahangir Mirza has been brought in a prisoner ; 
Nasir Mirza also is in their hands.' I made no reply and went 
on towards the hills. When a good distance further had been 
gone, they spoke again, this time more respectfully, dismount- 
ing to speak. I gave no ear to them but went on up a glen 
till, at the Bed-time prayer, I reached a rock as big as a house. 
Going behind it, I saw there were places to be jumped, where 
no horse could go. They dismounted again and began to 
speak like servants and courteously. Said they, * Where are 
you going in this fashion, without a road and in the dark ? 
SI. Ahmad Tambal will make you pddshdhJ They swore this. 
Said I, * My mind is not easy as to that. I cannot go to him. 
116. If you think to do me timely service, years may pass before 
you have such another chance. Guide me to a road by which 


908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 TO JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 179 

can go to The Khan's presence. If you will do this, I will 
shew you favour and kindness greater than your heart's-desire. 
If you will not do it, go back the way you came ; that also 
would be to serve me well.' Said they, * Would to God we had 
never come ! But since we are here, after following you in the 
way we have done, how can we go back from you ? If you 
will not go with us, we are at your service, wherever you go.' 
Said I, * Swear that you speak the truth.* They, for their part, 
made solemn oath upon the Holy Book. 

I at once confided in them and said, * People have shewn me 
a road through a broad valley, somewhere near this glen ; take 
me to it.' Spite of their oath, my trust in them was not so 
complete but that I gave them the lead and followed. After 2 
to 4 miles (1-2 kuroh), we came to the bed of a torrent. * This 
will not be the road for the broad valley,' I said. They drew 
back, saying, * That road is a long way ahead," but it really must 
have been the one we were on and they have been concealing 
the fact, in order to deceive me. About half through the night, 
we reached another stream. This time they said, * We have 
been negligent ; it now seems to us that the road through the 
broad valley is behind.' Said I, * What is to be done ?' Said 
they, * The Ghawa road is certainly in front ; by it people cross 
for Far-kat.^ They guided me for that and we went on till in 
the third watch of the night we reached the Karnan gully 
which comes down from Ghawa. Here Baba Sairami said, 
' Stay here a little while I look along the Ghawa road." He 
came back after a time and said, ' Some men have gone along 
that road, led by one wearing a Mughul cap; there is no going 
that way.' I took alarm at these words. There I was, at 
dawn, in the middle of the cultivated land, far from the road I 
wanted to take. Said I, * Guide me to where I can hide to- 
day, and tonight when you will have laid hands on something 
for the horses, lead me to cross the Khuj and- water and along 
its further bank.' Said they, ' Over there, on the upland, there 
might be hiding.' 

Banda-'ali was Commandant in Karnan. 'There is no doing 
•without food for ourselves or our horses ;' he said, * let me go 

^ Cf. f. g6b and Fr. Map for route over the Kindir-tau. 


into Karnan and bring what I can find.' We stopped 2 miles 
(i kuroh) out of Karnan ; he went on. He was a long time 
away ; near dawn there was no sign of him. The day had shot 
when he hurried up, bringing three loaves of bread but no corn 
for the horses. Each of us putting a loaf into the breast of his 
tunic, we went quickly up the rise, tethered our horses there in 
the open valley and went to higher ground, each to keep watch. 

Near mid-day, Ahmad the Falconer went along the Ghawa 
road for Akhsi. I thought of calling to him and of saying, 
with promise and fair word, * You take those horses,' for they 
had had a day and a night's strain and struggle, without corn, 
and were utterly done. But then again, we were a little un- 
easy as we did not entirely trust him. We decided that, as the 
men Baba Sairami had seen on the road would be in Karnan 
that night, the two with me should fetch one of their horses 
for each of us, and that then we should go each his own way. 

At mid-day, a something glittering was seen on a horse, as 
far away as eye can reach. We were not able to make out at 
all what it was. It must have been Muh. Baqir Beg himself ; 
he had been with us in Akhsi and when we got out and 
scattered, he must have come this way and have been moving 
then to a hiding-place.-^ 

Banda-*ali and Baba Sairami said, * The horses have had no 
corn for two days and two nights ; let us go down into the dale 
and put them there to graze.' Accordingly we rode down and 
put them to the grass. At the Afternoon Prayer, a horseman 
passed along the rising-ground where we had been. We 
recognized him for Qadir-birdi, the head-man of Ghawa. ' Call 
him,' I said. They called ; he came. After questioning him, 
and speaking to him of favour and kindness, and giving him 
promise and fair word, I sent him to bring rope, and a grass- 
hook, and an axe, and material for crossing water,^ and corn 
for the horses, and food and, if it were possible, other horses. 
We made tryst with him for that same spot at the Bed-time 

1 This account of Muh. Baqir reads like one given later to Babur ; he may 
have had some part in Babur's rescue {cf. Translator's Note to f. 118&). 

2 Perhaps reeds for a raft. Sh. N. p. 258, Sal auchun bar qdmish, reeds are 
there also for rafts. 


903 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 TO JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. i8i 

Near the Evening Prayer, a horseman passed from the 
direction of Karnan for Ghawa. 'Who are you?' we asked. 
He made some reply. He must have been Muh. Baqir Beg 
himself, on his v^^ay from where we had seen him earlier, going 
at night-fall to some other hiding-place, but he so changed his 
voice that, though he had been years with me, I did not know 
it. It would have been well if I had recognized him and he 
had joined me. His passing caused much anxiety and alarm ; 
tryst could not be kept with Qadir-birdi of Ghawa. Banda- 
*ali said, * There are retired gardens in the suburbs of Karnan 
where no one will suspect us of being; let us go there and 
send to Qadir-birdi and have him brought there.' With this 
idea, we mounted and went to the Karnan suburbs. It was 
winter and very cold. They found a worn, coarse sheepskin 
coat and brought it to me ; I put it on. They brought me a 
bowl of millet-porridge; I ate it and was wonderfully re- 
freshed. * Have you sent off the man to Qadir-birdi ?' said I 
to Banda-*ali. * I have sent,* he said. But those luckless, 
clownish mannikins seem to have agreed together to send the 
man to Tambal in Akhsi ! 

We went into a house and for awhile my eyes closed in 
sleep. Those mannikins artfully said to me, *You must not 
bestir yourself to leave Karnan till there is news of Qadir- 
birdi but this house is right amongst the suburbs ; on the out- 
skirts the orchards are empty; no-one will suspect if we go Foi. ii8. 
there.' Accordingly we mounted at mid-night and went to a 
distant orchard. Baba SairamI kept watch from the roof of a 
house. Near mid-day he came down and said, ' Commandant 
Yusuf is coming.' Great fear fell upon me ! * Find out,' I 
said, 'whether he comes because he knows about me.' He 
went and after some exchange of words, came back and said, 

* He says he met a foot-soldier in the Gate of Akhsi who said to 
him, " The padshah is in such a place," that he told no-one, 
put the man with Wali the Treasurer whom he had made 
prisoner in the fight, and then gallopped oif here.' Said I^ 

* How does it strike you?' 'They are all your servants,' he 
said, * you must go. What else can you do ? They will make 
you their ruler.' Said I, * After such rebellion and fighting. 


with what confidence could I go?' We were saying this, 
when Yiisuf knelt before me, saying, * Why should it be hidden ? 
SI. Ahmad Tambal has no news of you, but Shaikh Bayazid 
has and he sent me here/ On hearing this, my state of mind 
was miserable indeed, for well is it understood that nothing in 
the world is worse than fear for one's life. * Tell the truth !' I 
said, *if the affair is likely to go on to worse, I will make 
ablution.* Yusuf swore oaths, but who would trust them ? I 
knew the helplessness of my position. I rose and went to 
a corner of the garden, saying to myself, * If a man live a 
hundred years or a thousand years, at the last nothing . . .'^ 


Friends are likely to have rescued Babur from his dangerous 
isolation. His presence in Karnan was known both in Ghawa 
and in Akhsi; Muh. Baqir Beg was at hand (f. 117) ; some of 
those he had dropped in his flight would follow him when their 
horses had had rest ; Jahangir was somewhere north of the 
river with the half of Babur's former force (f. 112) ; The Khans, 
with their long-extended line of march, may have been on the 
main road through or near Karnan. If Yusuf took Babur as a 
prisoner along the Akhsi road, there were these various chances 
of his meeting friends. 

His danger was evaded ; he joined his uncles and was with 
them, leading 1000 men (Sh. N. p. 268), when they were 
defeated at Archian just before or in the season of Cancer, i,e. 
circa June (T. R. p. 164). What he was doing between the 
winter cold of Karnan (f. 1176) and June might have been 

^ Here the Turki text breaks off, as it might through loss of pages, causing 
a blank of narrative extending over some 16 months. Cf. App. D. for a 
passage, supposedly spurious, found with the Ilaidarabad Codex and the 
Kehr-Ilminsky text, purporting to tell how Babur was rescued from the risk 
in which the lacuna here leaves him. 



908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 TO JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 183 

known from his lost pages. Muh. Salih writes at length of one 
affair falling within the time, — Jahangir's occupation of Khu- 
jand, its siege and its capture by Shaibani. This capture will 
have occurred considerably more than a month before the 
defeat of The Khans (Sh. N. p. 230). 

It is not easy to decide in what month of 908 ah. they went 
into Farghana or how long their campaign lasted. Babur 
chronicles a series of occurrences, previous to the march of the 
army, which must have filled some time. The road over the 
Kindirlik-pass was taken, one closed in Babur's time (f. ib) 
though now open through the winter. Looking at the rapidity 
of his own movements in Farghana, it seems likely that the pass 
was crossed after and not before its closed time. If so, the 
campaign may have covered 4 or 5 months. Muh. SaHh's 
account of Shaibaq's operations strengthens this view. News 
that Ahmad had joined Mahmud in Tashkint (f. 102) went to 
Shaibani in Khusrau Shah's territories ; he saw his interests in 
Samarkand threatened by this combination of the Chaghatai 
brothers to restore Babur in Farghana, came north therefore in 
order to help Tambal. He then waited a month in Samarkand 
(Sh. N. p. 230), besieged Jahangir, went back and stayed in 
Samarkand long enough to give his retainers time to equip for 
a year's campaigning (1. c. p. 244) then went to Akhsi and so 
to Archian. 

Babur's statement (f. 110b) that The Khans went from Andi- 
jan to the Khujand-crossing over the Sir attracts attention 
because this they might have done if they had meant to leave 
Farghana by Mirza-rabat but they are next heard of as at Akhsi. 
Why did they make that great detour ? Why not have crossed 
opposite Akhsi or at Sang ? Or if they had thought of retiring, 
what turned them east again? Did they place Jahangir in 
Khujand ? Babur's missing J)ages would have answered these 
questions no doubt. It was useful for them to encamp where 
they did, east of Akhsi, because they there had near them a road 
by which reinforcement could come from Kashghar or retreat 
be made. The Akhsi people told Shaibani that he could easily 
overcome The Khans if he went without warning, and if they 
had not withdrawn by the Kulja road (Sh. N. p. 262). By that 


road the few men who went with Ahmad to Tashkint (f. 103) 
may have been augmented to the force, enumerated as his in 
the battle by Muh. SaHh (Sh. N. cap. liii.). 

When The Khans were captured, Babur escaped and made 
* for Mughulistan,' a vague direction seeming here to mean 
Tashkint, but, finding his road blocked, in obedience to orders 
from Shaibaq that he and Abii'l-makaram were to be captured, 
he turned back and, by unfrequented ways, went into the hill- 
country of Siikh and Hushiar. There he spent about a year 
in great misery (f. 14 and H. S. ii, 318). Of the wretchedness 
of the time Haidar also writes. If anything was attempted in 
Farghana in the course of those months, record of it has been 
lost with Babur's missing pages. He was not only homeless 
and poor, but shut in by enemies. Only the loyalty or kindness 
of the hill-tribes can have saved him and his few followers. 
His mother was with him ; so also were the families of his men. 
How Qiitluq-nigar contrived to join him from Tashkint, though 
historically a small matter, is one he would chronicle. What 
had happened there after the Mughiil defeat, was that the 
horde had marched away for Kashghar while Shah Begim 
remained in charge of her daughters with whom the Auzbeg 
chiefs intended to contract alliance. Shaibani's orders for her 
stay and for the general exodus were communicated to her by 
her son, The Khan, in what Muh. Salih, quoting its purport, 
describes as a right beautiful letter (p. 296). 

By some means Qiitliiq-nigar joined Babur, perhaps helped 
by the circumstance that her daughter, Khan-zada was 
Shaibaq's wife. She spent at least some part of those hard 
months with him, when his fortunes were at their lowest ebb. 
A move becoming imperative, the ragged and destitute company 
started in mid -June 1504 (Muh. 910 ah.) on that perilous 
mountain journey to which Haidar applies the Prophet's 
dictum, * Travel is a foretaste of Hell,' but of which the end 
was the establishment of a Timiirid dynasty in Hindiistan. 
To look down the years from the destitute Babur to Akbar, 
Shah-jahan and Aurangzib is to see a great stream of human 
life flow from its source in his resolve to win upward, his 
quenchless courage and his abounding vitality. Not yet 22, 

908 AH.— JULY 7th. 1502 TO JUNE 26th. 1503 AD. 185 

the sport of older men's intrigues, he had been tempered by 
failure, privation and dangers. 

He left Siikh intending to go to SI. Husain Mirza in 
Khurasan but he changed this plan for one taking him to 
Kabul where a Timiirid might claim to dispossess the Arghuns, 
then holding it since the death, in 907 ah. of his uncle, 
Aiiliigh Beg Mirza Kdbuli. 












910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD.^ 

(a. Bdbjir leaves Farghdna.) 

In the month of Muharram, after leaving the Farghana country Haidara- 
intending to go to Khurasan, I dismounted at Allak-yllaq,3 one ^^ ^^ 
of the summer pastures of Hisar. In this camp I entered my 
23rd year, and applied the razor to my face.^ Those who, 
hoping in me, went with me into exile, were, small and great, 
between 2 and 300 ; they were almost all on foot, had walking- 
staves in their hands, brogues 5 on their feet, and long coats ^ on 

^ As in the Farghana Section, so here, reliance is on the Elphinstone and 
Haidarabad MSS. The Kehr-Hminsky text still appears to be a retranslation from 
the WaqVat-i-babtm and verbally departs much from the true text ; moreover, in 
this Section it has been helped out, where its archetype was illegible or has lost 
fragmentary passages, from the Leyden and Erskine Meriioirs. It may be 
mentioned, as between the First and the Second Wdqi^at-i-bdburi, that several 
obscure passages in this Section are more explicit in the First (Payanda-hasan's) than 
in its successor {'Abdu-r-rahlm's). 

^ Elph. MS. f. 906; W.-i-B. I.O. 215, f. 966 and 217, f. 79; Mems. p. 127. 
" In 1504 AD. Ferdinand the Catholic drove the French out of Naples " (Erskine). In 
England, Henry VII was pushing forward a commercial treaty, the Intercursiis mahts, 
with the Flemings and growing in wealth by the exactions of Empson and Dudley. 

3 presumably the pastures of the " Ilak " Valley. The route. from Sukh would 
be over the 'Ala'u'd-din-pass, into the Qlzil-su valley, down to Ab-i-garm and on 
to the Ailaq-valley, Khwaja 'Imad, the Kafirnigan, Qabadian, and Aubaj on the Amu. 
See T.R. p. 175 and Farghana Section, p. 184, as to the character of the journey. 

■* Amongst the TurkI tribes, the time of first applying the razor to the face is 
celebrated by a great entertainment. Babur's miserable circumstances would not 
admit of this (Erskine). 

The text is ambiguous here, reading either that Sukh was left or that Ailaq-yllaq 
was reached in Muharram. As the birthday was on the 8th, the journey very 
arduous and, for a party mostly on foot, slow, it seems safest to suppose that the start 
was made from Sukh at the end of 909 ah. and not in Muharram, 910 AH. 

5 chariiq, rough boots of untanned leather, formed like a moccasin with the lower 
leather drawn up round the foot ; they are worn by Khirghiz mountaineers and 
caravan-men on journeys (Shaw). 

^ chiipdn, the ordinary garment of Central Asia (Shaw). 

i88 KABUL 

their shoulders. So destitute were we that we had but two tents 
[cJtddar) amongst us ; my own used to be pitched for my mother, 
and they set an dldchuq at each stage for me to sit in.^ 

Though we had started with the intention of going into 
Khurasan, yet with things as they were ^ something was hoped 
for from the Hisar countr>^ and Khusrau Shah's retainers. 
Every few days some-one would come in from the country or 
a tribe or the (Mughul) horde, whose words made it probable 
that we had growing ground for hope. Just then Mulla Baba 
of Pashaghar came back, who had been our envoy to Khusrau 
Shah ; from Khusrau Shah he brought nothing likely to please, 
but he did from the tribes and the horde. 

Three or four marches beyond Allak, when halt was made at a 
place near Hisar called Khwaja *Imad, Muhibb-'all, the Armourer, 
came to me from Khusrau Shah. Through Khusrau Shah's 
territories I have twice happened to pass ; 3 renowned though he 
was for kindness and liberalit}% he neither time showed me the 
humanity he had shown to the meanest of men. 

As we were hoping something from the country and the 
tribes, we made delay at every stage. At this critical point 
Sherim Taghal, than whom no man of mine was greater, 
thought of leaving me because he was not keen to go into 
Khurasan. He had sent all his family off and stayed himself 
unencumbered, when after the defeat at Sar-i-pul (906 ah.) I went 
back to defend Samarkand ; he was a bit of a coward and he did 
this sort of thing several times over. 

{b. Bdbur joined by one of Khusrau SJidh's kinsmen?) 

After we reached Qabadlan, a younger brother of Khusrau 
Shah, BaqI ChagJidntdnt^ whose holdings were Chaghanlan,^ 
Shahr-i-safa and Tirmlz, sent the kJiatib 5 of QarshI to me to 

' The alachuq^ a tent of flexible poles, covered with felt, may be the khar^k 
(kibitka) ; Persian chadar seems to represent Turki dq awt, white honse. 

- i.e. with Khusrau's power shaken by Auzbeg attack, made in the vrinter of 909 AH. 
{Shazbdm-ndma cap. Iviii). 

3 Cf. ff. 81 and t\b. The armourer's station was low for an envoy to Babor, the 
superior in birth of the armourer's master. 

* var. Chaqanlan and Saghanian. The name formerly described the whole of the 
Hisar territory (Erskine). 

5 the preacher by whom the Khutba is read (Erskine). 


ITH 150CTO JUNE 4TH T5()5 AU. 1 89 

express his good wishes and his desire for alliance, and, after we 
had crossed the Amu at the Aubaj-ferry, he came himself to 
wait on me. By his wish we moved down the river- to opposite 
Tlrmlz, where, without fear [or, without going over himself],^ he 
had their families - and their goods brought across to join us. 
This done, we set out together for Kahmard and Bamlan, then 
held by his son 3 Ahmad-i-qasim, the son of Khusrau Shah's 
sister. Our plan was to leave the households {awt-atl) safe in 
Fort Ajar of the Kahmard-valley and to take action wherever Fol. 121. 
action might seem well. At Albak, Yar-'all Balal,^ who had 
fled from Khusrau Shah, joined us with several braves ; he had 
been with me before, and had made good use of his sword 
several times in my presence, but was parted from me in the 
recent throneless times 5 and had gone to Khusrau Shah. He 
represented to me that the Mughiils in Khusrau Shah's service 
wished me w^ell. Moreover, Qarnbar-'all Beg, known also as 
Oarnbar-'all Sildkh (Skinner), fled to me after we reached 
the Zindan-valley.^ 

{c. Occurrences in Kahmard?) 

We reached Kahmard with three or four marches and 
deposited our households and families in Ajar. While we 
stayed there, Jahanglr Mirza married (Al Beglm) the daughter 
of SI. Mahmud Mirza and Khan-zada Beglm, who had, been 
set aside for him during the lifetime of the Mlrzas.7 

Meantime Baql Beg urged it upon me, again and again, that 
two rulers in one country, or two chiefs in one army are a source 
of faction and disorder — a foundation of dissension and ruin. 

' bi baql or bl Bdql ; perhaps a play of words with the double meaning expressed 
in the above translation. 

- Amongst these were widows and children of Babur's uncle, Mahmiid (f. 2.Tb). 

3 aughid. As being the son of Khusrau's sister, Ahmad was nephew to Baql ; 
there may be in the text a scribe's slip from one aughiil to another, and the real 
statement be that Ahmad was the son of BaqT'sson, Muh. Qasim, which would account 
for his name Ahmad-i-qasim. 

^ Cf. f. 67. 

5 Babur's loss of rule in Farghana and Samarkand. 

* about 7 miles south of Aibak, on the road to Sar-i-tagh (mountain-head, Erskine). 

' viz. the respective fathers, Mahmud and 'Umar Shaikh. The arrangement was 
made in 895 AH. (1490 ad.). 


"For they have said, 'Ten darwTshes can sleep under one blanket, 
but two kings cannot find room in one clime.' 

If a man of God eat half a loaf, 
He gives the other to a darwish ; 
Let a king grip the rule of a clime, 
He dreams of another to grip. " ^ 

BaqI Beg urged further that Khusrau Shah's retainers and 
followers would be coming in that day or the next to take 
service with the Padshah {i.e. Babur) ; that there were such 
sedition-mongers with them as the sons of Ayub Begchik, 
besides other who had been the stirrers and spurs to disloyalty 
amongst their Mlrzas,^ and that if, at this point, Jahanglr Mirza 
were dismissed, on good and friendly terms, for Khurasan, it 
would remove a source of later repentance. Urge it as he would, 
however, I did not accept his suggestion, because it is against 
my nature to do an injury to my brethren, older or younger,3 
or to any kinsman soever, even when something untoward has 
happened. Though formerly between Jahanglr Mirza and me, 
resentments and recriminations had occurred about our rule 
and retainers, yet there was nothing whatever then to arouse 
anger against him ; he had come out of that country 
{i.e. Farghana) with me and was behaving like a blood-relation 
and a servant. But in the end it was just as Baqi Beg 
predicted ; — those tempters to disloyalty, that is to say, Ayub's 
Yusuf and Ayub's Bihlul, left me for Jahanglr Mirza, took up 
a hostile and mutinous position, parted him from me, and 
conveyed him into Khurasan. 

{d. Co-operation invited against Shaibdq Khan?) 

In those days came letters from SI. Husain Mirza, long and 
far-fetched letters which are still in my possession and in that 
of others, written to Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza, myself, Khusrau 
Shah and Zu'n-nun Beg, all to the same purport, as follows : — 
"When the three brothers, SI. Mahmud Mirza, SI. Ahmad 
Mirza, and Aulugh Beg Mirza, joined together and advanced 

' Gulistan cap. i, story 3. Part of this quotation is used again on f. 183. 
" Mahmud's sons under whom Baqi had served. 

3 Uncles of all degrees are included as elder brethren, cousins of all degrees, as 
younger ones. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4th ISOSSDT 191 

against me, I defended the bank of the Murgh-ab ^ in such 
a way that they retired without being able to effect anything. 
Now if the Auzbegs advance, I might myself guard the bank of 
the Murgh-ab again ; let Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza leave men to 
defend the forts of Balkh, Shibarghan, and Andikhud while he 
himself guards Girzawan, the Zang-valley, and the hill-country 
thereabouts." As he had heard of my being in those parts, he 
wrote to me also, " Do you make fast Kahmard, Ajar, and that 
hill-tract ; let Khusrau Shah place trusty men in Hisar and 
Qiinduz ; let his younger brother Wall make fast Badakhshan 
and the Khutlan hills ; then the Auzbeg will retire, able to do 

These letters threw us into despair ; — for why ? Because at 
that time there was in Timur Beg's territory (j/urt) no ruler so 
great as SI. Husain Mirza, whether by his years, armed strength, 
or dominions ; it was to be expected, therefore, that envoys 
would go, treading on each other's heels, with clear and sharp 
orders, such as, " Arrange for so many boats at the Tirmlz, Fol. 122. 
Killf, and Kirkl ferries," " Get any quantity of bridge material 
together," and " Well watch the ferries above TQquz-aulum," ^ 
so that men whose spirit years of Auzbeg oppression had 
broken, might be cheered to hope again. 3 But how could hope 
live in tribe or horde when a great ruler like SI. Husain Mirza, 
sitting in the place of Timur Beg, spoke, not of marching forth 
to meet the enemy, but only of defence against his attack ? 

When we had deposited in Ajar what had come with us of 
hungry train {aj auruq) and household {awi-ait), together with 
the families of Baqi Beg, his son, Muh. Qasim, his soldiers 
and his tribesmen, with all their goods, we moved out with 
our men. 

' presumably the ferries ; perhaps the one on the main road from the north-east 
which crosses the river at Fort Murgh-ab. 

~ Nine deaths, perhaps where the Amu is split into nine channels at the place where 
Mirza Khan's son Sulaiman later met his rebel grandson Shah-rukh {Tabaqdt-i-akbart, 
Elliot cSc Dowson, v, 392, and A.N. Bib. Ind., 3rd ed., 441). Tuquz-aulum is too 
far up the river to be Arnold's "shorn and parcelled Oxus". 

3 Shaibaq himself had gone down from Samarkand in 908 ah. and in 909 ah. and 
so permanently located his troops as to have sent their families to them. In 909 ah. 
he drove Khusrau into the mountains of Badakhshan, but did not occupy Qunduz ; 
thither Khusrau returned and there stayed till now, when Shaibaq again came south 
(fol. 123). See Sh. N. cap. Iviii et seq. 

192 KABUL 

{e. Increase of Bdbur' s following.) 

One man after another came in from Khusrau Shah's 
Mughuls and said, "We of the Mughul horde, desiring the 
royal welfare, have drawn off from Taikhan (Tallkan) towards 
Ishklmlsh and Fulul. Let the Padshah advance as fast as 
possible, for the greater part of Khusrau Shah's force has 
broken up and is ready to take service with him." Just then 
news arrived that Shaibaq Khan, after taking Andijan,^ was 
getting to horse again against Hisar and Qunduz. On hearing 
this, Khusrau Shah, unable to stay in Qunduz, marched out 
with all the men he had, and took the road for Kabul. No 
sooner had he left than his old servant, the able and trusted 
Mulla Muhammad Turkistdni made Qunduz fast for Shaibaq 

Three or four thousand heads-of-houses in the Mughul horde, 
former dependants of Khusrau Shah, brought their families and 
joined us when, going by way of Sham-tu, we were near the 

(/ Qambar-ali, the Skin7tei% dismissed^ 

Qambar-'all Beg's foolish talk has been mentioned several 
times already ; his manners were displeasing to BaqI Beg ; to 
gratify BaqI Beg, he was dismissed. Thereafter his son, 
'Abdu'l-shukur, was in Jahangir Mirza's service. 

(^. Khusrau Shah waits on Bdbur.) 

Khusrau Shah was much upset when he heard that the 
Mughul horde had joined me ; seeing nothing better to do 
for himself, he sent his son-in-law, Ayub's Yaq'ub, to make 
profession of well-wishing and submission to me, and respect- 
fully to represent that he would enter my service if I would 
make terms and compact with him. His offer was accepted, 
because BaqI Chaghdmdni was a man of weight, and, however 
steady in his favourable disposition to me, did not overlook his 
brother's side in this matter. Compact was made that Khusrau 

' From Tambal, to put down whom he had quitted his army near Balkh (Sh. N. 
cap. lix). 

=* This, one of the many Red-rivers, flows from near Kahmard and joins the Andar-ab 
water near Dushi. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 193 

Shah's Hfe should be safe, and that whatever amount of his 
goods he selected, should not be refused him. After giving 
Yaq'Ob leave to go, we marched down the Qlzll-su and dis- 
mounted near to where it joins the water of Andar-ab. Fol. 

Next day, one in the middle of the First Rabi' (end of 
August, 1 504 AD.), riding light, I crossed the Andar-ab water and 
took my seat under a large plane-tree near DushI, and thither 
came Khusrau Shah, in pomp and splendour, with a great 
company of men. According to rule and custom, he dismounted 
some way off and then made his approach. Three times he 
knelt when we saw one another, three times also on taking 
leave ; he knelt once when asking after my welfare, once again 
when he offered his tribute, and he did the same with Jahanglr 
Mirza and with Mirza Khan (Wais). That sluggish old 
mannikin who through so many years had just pleased himself, 
lacking of sovereignty one thing only, namely, to read the 
Khutba in his own name, now knelt 25 or 26 times in 
succession, and came and went till he was so wearied out that 
he tottered forward. His many years of begship and authority 
vanished from his view. When we had seen one another and 
he had offered his gift, I desired him to be seated. We stayed 
in that place for one or two garis,^ exchanging tale and talk. 
His conversation was vapid and empty, presumably because he 
was a coward and false to his salt. Two things he said were 
extraordinary for the time when, under his eyes, his trusty and 
trusted retainers were becoming mine, and when his affairs had 

reached the point that he, the sovereign-aping mannikin, had 
ad to come, willy-nilly, abased and unhonoured, to what sort Fol. 
f an interview ! One of the things he said was this : — When 
ondoled with for the desertion of his men, he replied, " Those 
ery servants have four times left me and returned." The 
ther was said when I had asked him where his brother Wall 
^ould cross the Amu and when he would arrive. " If he find 
ford, he will soon be here, but when waters rise, fords change ; 
be (Persian) proverb has it, ' The waters have carried down 
tie fords.' " These words God brought to his tongue in that 
our of the flowing away of his own authority and following ! 
' A garl is twenty-four minutes. 

194 KABUL 

After sitting a gari or two, I mounted and rode back to camp, 
he for his part returning to his halting-place. On that day his 
begs, with their servants, great and small, good and bad, and 
tribe after tribe began to desert him and come, with their 
families, to me. Between the two Prayers of the next afternoon 
not a man remained in his presence. 

" Say, — O God ! who possessest the kingdom ! Thou givest it 
to whom Thou wilt and Thou takest it from whom Thou wilt ! 
In Thy hand is good, for Thou art almighty." ^ 

Wonderful is His power ! This man, once master of 20 or 
30,000 retainers, once owning SI. Mahmud's dominions from 
Qahlugha, — known also as the Iron-gate, — to the range of 
Hindu-kush, whose old mannikin of a tax-gatherer, Hasan 
Barlds by name, had made us march, had made us halt, with 
all the tax-gatherer's roughness, from Allak to Aiibaj,^ that 
man He so abased and so bereft of power that, with no blow 
struck, no sound made, he stood, without command over 
servants, goods, or life, in the presence of a band of 200 or 
300 men, defeated and destitute as we were. 

In the evening of the day on which we had seen Khusrau 
Shah and gone back to camp, Mirza Khan came to my presence 
and demanded vengeance on him for the blood of his brothers.3 
Many of us were at one with him, for truly it is right, both by 
Law and common justice, that such men should get their deserts, 
but, as terms had been made, Khusrau Shah was let go free. 
An order was given that he should be allowed to take whatever 
of his goods he could convey ; accordingly he loaded up, on 
three or four strings of mules and camels, all jewels, gold, silver, 
and precious things he had, and took them with him.+ Sherim 
Taghal was told off to escort him, who after setting Khusrau 
Shah on his road for Khurasan, by way of Ghuri and Dahanah, 
was to go to Kahmard and bring the families after us to Kabul. 

' Qoran, Sural iii, verse 25 ; Sale's Qoran, ed. 1825, i, 56. 

^ Cf. f. 82. 

3 viz. Bai-sanghar, bowstrung, and Mas*ud, blinded. 

♦ Muh. Salih is florid over the rubies of Badakhshan he says Babur took from 
Khusrau, but Haidar says Babur not only had Khusrau's property, treasure, and 
horses returned to him, but refused all gifts Khusrau offered. ' ' This is one trait out 
of a thousand in the Emperor's character." Haidar mentions, too, the then lack of 
necessaries under which Babur suffered (Sh. N., cap. Ixiii, and T.R. p. 176). 

910 AH. —JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AU. 195 

{h. Bdbur marches for Kabul?) 

Marching from that camp for Kabul, we dismounted in 
Khwaja Zaid. 

On that day, Hamza Bl Mangfit,^ at the head of Auzbeg 
raiders, was over-running round about Dushl. Sayyid Qasim, 
the Lord of the Gate, and Ahmad-i-qasim Kohbur were sent Fol. 125. 
with several braves against him ; they got up with him, beat 
his Auzbegs well, cut off and brought in a few heads. 

In this camp all the armour {jiba) of Khusrau Shah's 
armoury was shared out. There may have been as many as 
7 or 800 coats-of-mail {joshan) and horse accoutrements 
ikuhah) ; ^ these were the one thing he left behind ; many 
pieces of porcelain also fell into our hands, but, these excepted, 
there was nothing worth looking at. 

With four or five marches we reached Ghur-bund, and there 
dismounted in Ushtur-shahr. We got news there that Muqim's 
chief beg, Sherak(var.Sherka) Arghun,\NdiS lying along the Baran, 
having led an army out, not through hearing of me, but to hinder 
'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza from passing along the Panjhir-road, he 
having fled from Kabul 3 and being then amongst the TarkalanI 
Afghans towards Lamghan. On hearing this we marched forward, 
starting in the afternoon and pressing on through the dark till, 
with the dawn, we surmounted the Huplan-pass.4 

I had never seen Suhail ; 5 when I came out of the pass I saw 
a star, bright and low. " May not that be Suhail ? " said I. Said 
they, " It is Suhail." BaqI Chaghdmdnl recited this couplet ; — ^ 

" How far dost thou shine, O Suhail, and where dost thou rise ? 
A sign of good luck is thine eye to the man on whom it may light." 

' Cf. T.R. p. 134 n. and 374 n. 

^ Jiba, so often used to describe the quilted corselet, seems to have here a wider 
meaning, since Xh^ jiba-khdna contained hoih joshan and kilhah, i.e. coats-of-mail 
and horse-mail with accoutrements. It can have been only from this source that 
Babur's men obtained the horse-mail off. 127. 

3 He succeeded his father, Aulugh Beg Kabuli, in 907 AH. ; his youth led to the 
usurpation of his authority by Sherim Zikr, one of his begs ; but the other begs put 
Sherim to death. During the subsequent confusions Muh. Muqim Arghun, in 908 ah, , 
got possession of Kabul and married a sister of 'Abdu'r-razzaq. Things were in this 
state when Babur entered the country in 910 ah. (Erskine). 

* var. Upian, a few miles north of Charikar. 

s Suhail (Canopus) is a most conspicuous star in Afghanistan ; it gives its name to 
the south, which is never called Janub but Suhail ; the rising of Suhail marks one of 
their seasons (Erskine). The honour attaching to this star is due to its seeming to 
rise out of Arabia Felix. 

^ The lines are in the Preface to the Anwar-i-suhaill (Lights of Canopus). 

196 KABUL 

The Sun was a spear's-length high ^ when we reached the foot 
of the Sanjid (Jujube)-valley and dismounted. Our scouting 
125^. braves fell in with Sherak below the Qara-bagh,^ near Alkarl- 
yar, and straightway got to grips with him. After a little of 
some sort of fighting, our men took the upper hand, hurried their 
adversaries off, unhorsed 70-80 serviceable braves and brought 
them in. We gave Sherak his life and he took service with us. 

(/. Death of Walt of Khusrau.) 

The various clans and tribes whom Khusrau Shah, without 
troubling himself about them, had left in Qundiiz, and also the 
Mughul horde, were in five or six bodies {biildk). One of those 
belonging to Badakhshan, — it was the Rusta-hazara, — came, with 
Sayyidim 'Ah darbdn,^ across the Panjhir-pass to this camp, 
did me obeisance and took service with me. Another body 
came under Ayub's Yusuf and Ayub's Bihlul ; it also took 
service with me. Another came from Khutlan, under Khusrau 
Shah's younger brother. Wall ; another, consisting of the 
(Mughul) tribesmen {aimdq) who had been located in Yllanchaq, 
Nikdiri (?), and the Qunduz country, came also. The last- 
named two came by Andar-ab and Sar-i-ab,'^ meaning to cross 
by the PanjhIr-pass ; at Sar-i-ab the tribesmen were ahead ; 
Wall came up behind ; they held the road, fought and beat 
him. He himself fled to the Auzbegs,5 and Shaibaq Khan had 
his head struck off in the Square {Chdr-su) of Samarkand ; his 
followers, beaten and plundered, came on with the tribesmen, 
and like these, took service with me. With them came Sayyid 
126. Yiisuf Beg (the Grey-wolfer). 

(y. Kabul gained?) 

From that camp we marched to the Aq-saral meadow of the 
Qara-bagh and there dismounted. Khusrau Shah's people were 

' "Die Kirghis-qazzaq driicken die Sonnen-hohe in Pikenaus" (von Schwarz, p. 124). 

= presumably, dark with shade, as in qara-yighdch, the hard-wood ehu (f. a,Tb and 
note to naj-wdn). 

3 i.e. Sayyid Muhammad 'All, the door- ward. These bfddks seem Hkely to have 
been groups of 1,000 fighting-men (Turki Ming). 

* In-the-water and Water-head. 

5 Wall went from his defeat to Khwast ; wrote to Mahmud Atizbeg in Qunduz to 
ask protection ; was fetched to Qunduz by Muh Salih, the author of the Shaibani- 
ndma, and forwarded from Qunduz to Samarkand (Sh. N. cap. Ixiii). Cf. f. 2<)b. 

14TH T504~TO JUNE 4th I505AD. 197 

well practised in oppression and violence ; they tyrannized over 
one after another till at last I had up one of Sayyidim 'All's 
good braves to my Gate ^ and there beaten for forcibly taking 
a jar of oil. There and then he just died under the blows ; his 
example kept the rest down. 

We took counsel in that camp whether or not to go at once 
against Kabul. Sayyid YOsuf and some others thought that, 
as winter was near, our first move should be into Lamghan, 
from which place action could be taken as advantage offered. 
BaqI Beg and some others saw it good to move on Kabul at 
once ; this plan was adopted ; we marched forward and dis- 
mounted in Aba-quruq. 

My mother and the belongings left behind in Kahmard 
rejoined us at Aba-quruq. They had been in great danger, 
the particulars of which are these : — Sherim Taghal had gone 
to set Khusrau Shah on his way for Khurasan, and this done, 
was to fetch the families from Kahmard, When he reached 
Dahanah, he found he was not his own master ; Khusrau Shah 
went on with him into Kahmard, where was his sister's son, 
Ahmad-i-qasim. These two took up an altogether wrong Foi. 126^. 
position towards the families in Kahmard. Hereupon a number 
of BaqI Beg's Mughials, who were with the families, arranged 
secretly with Sherim Taghal to lay hands on Khusrau Shah 
and Ahmad-i-qasim. The two heard of it, fled along the 
Kahmard-valley on the Ajar side^ and made for Khurasan. 
To bring this about was really what Sherim Taghal and the 
Mughuls wanted. Set free from their fear of Khusrau Shah by 
his flight, those in charge of the families got them out of Ajar, 
but when they reached Kahmard, the SaqanchI (var. Aslqanchi) 
tribe blocked the road, like an enemy, and plundered the 
families of most of BaqI Beg's men.3 They made prisoner 
Qul-i-bayazld's little son, Tizak ; he came into Kabul three or 
four years later. The plundered and unhappy families crossed 
by the Qlbchaq-pass, as we had done, and they rejoined us in 

' i.e. where justice was administered, at this time, outside Babur's tent. 

^ They would pass Ajar and make for the main road over the Dandan-shikan Pass. 

3 The clansmen may have obeyed Ahmad's orders in thus holding up the families. 

198 KABUL 

Leaving that camp we went, with one night's halt, to the 
Chalak-meadow, and there dismounted. After counsel taken, 
it was decided to lay siege to Kabul, and we marched forward. 
With what men of the centre there were, I dismounted between 
Haidar Tdqis^ garden and the tomb of Qul-i-bayazld, the 
Taster {bakdwat) ;^ Jahanglr Mirza, with the men of the right, 
dismounted in my great Four-gardens {Chdr-bdgJt), Nasir 
Mirza, with the left, in the meadow of Qutluq-qadam's tomb. 
People of ours went repeatedly to confer with Muqim ; they 
sometimes brought excuses back, sometimes words making for 
agreement. His tactics were the sequel of his dispatch, directly 
after Sherak's defeat, of a courier to his father and elder brother 
(in Qandahar) ; he made delays because he was hoping in them. 

One day our centre, right, and left were ordered to put on 
their mail and their horses' mail, to go close to the town, and 
to display their equipment so as to strike terror on those within. 
Jahanglr Mirza and the right went straight forward by the 
Kucha-bagh ; 3 I, with the centre, because there was water, 
went along the side of Qutluq-qadam's tomb to a mound 
facing the rising-ground ; 4 the van collected above Qutluq- 
qadam's bridge, — at that time, however, there was no bridge. 
When the braves, showing themselves off, galloped close up 
to the Curriers'-gate,5 a few who had come out through it fled 
in again without making any stand. A crowd of Kabulls who 
had come out to see the sight raised a great dust when they 
ran away from the high slope of the glacis of the citadel 
{i.e. Bala-hisar). A number of pits had been dug up the rise 
between the bridge and the gate, and hidden under sticks and 
rubbish ; SI. Qui! Chundq and several others were thrown as 
they galloped over them. A few braves of the right exchanged 
sword-cuts with those who came out of the town, in amongst 

' The name may be from Turk! tdq^ a horse-shoe, but I.O. 215 f. 102 writes Persian 
naqib, the servant who announces arriving guests. 

^ Here, as immediately below, when mentioning the Char-bagh and the tomb of 
Qutluq-qadam, Babur uses names acquired by the places at a subsequent date. In 
910 AH. the Taster was alive ; the Char-bagh was bought by Babur in 911 AH., and 
Qiitluq-qadam fought at Kanwaha in 933 ah. 

3 The Kucha-bagh is still a garden about 4 miles from Kabul on the north-west and 
divided from it by a low hill-pass. There is still a bridge on the way (Erskine). 

*■ Presumably that on which the Bala-hisar stood, the glacis of a few lines further. 

s Cf. f. 130. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 199 

the lanes and gardens, but as there was no order to engage, 
having done so much, they retired. 

Those in the fort becoming much perturbed, Muqim made 
offer through the begs, to submit and surrender the town. Baqi 
Beg his mediator, he came and waited on me, when all fear was 
chased from his mind by our entire kindness and favour. It was 
settled that next day he should march out with retainers and 
following, goods and effects, and should make the town over to 
us. Having in mind the good practice Khusrau Shah's retainers 
had had in indiscipline and longhandedness, we appointed 
Jahanglr Mirza and Nasir Mirza with the great and household 
begs, to escort Muqim's family out of Kabul ^ and to bring out 
MuqIm himself with his various dependants, goods and effects. 
Camping-ground was assigned to him at Tipa.^ When the 
Mirzas and the Begs went at dawn to the Gate, they saw much 
mobbing and tumult of the common people, so they sent me a 
man to say, " Unless you come yourself, there will be no holding 
these people in." In the end I got to horse, had two or three 
persons shot, two or three cut in pieces, and so stamped the rising 
down. MuqIm and his belongings then got out, safe and sound, Foi. 
and they betook themselves to Tipa. 

It was in the last ten days of the Second Rabi' (Oct. 1 504 ad.) 3 
that without a fight, without an effort, by Almighty God's bounty 
and mercy, I obtained and made subject to me Kabul and Ghaznl 
and their dependent districts. 

The Kabul country is situated in the Fourth climate and 
in the midst of cultivated lands.5 On the east it has the 

' One of Muqim's wives was a Timurid, Babur's first-cousin, the daughter of 
Aulugh Beg Kabiili ; another was Bib! Zarif Khatiin, the mother of that Mah-chuchuq, 
whose anger at her marriage to Babur's faithful Qasim Kukuldash has filled some 
pages of history (Gulbadan's H.N. s.n. Mah-chuchiiq and Erskine's B. and H. i, 348). 

^ Some 9 m. north of Kabul on the road to Aq-saral. 

3 The Hai. MS. (only) writes First Rabi but the Second better suits the near 
approach of winter. 

4 Elph. MS. fol. 97; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. \02b and 217 f. 85; Mems. p. 136. 
Useful books of the early 19th century, many of them referring to the Babur-nama, 
are Conolly's Travels, Wood's Journey, Elphinstone's Caiibtil, Burnes' Cabool, 
M.2i?,%on^?, Narrative, Lord's and Leech's articles in JASB 183S and in Burnes' Reports 
(India Office Library), Broadfoot's Report in RGS Supp. Papers vol. I. 

5 f. l3 where Farghana is said to be on the limit of cultivation. 

200 KABUL 

Lamghanat/ Parashawar (Pashawar), Hash(t)-nagar and some 
of the countries of Hindustan. On the west it has the 
mountain region in which are Karnud (?) and Ghur, now the 
refuge and dwelHng-places of the Hazara and Nikdirl (van 
Nikudarl) tribes. On the north, separated from it by the range 
of Hindu-kush, it has the Qunduz and Andar-ab countries. 
On the south, it has Farmul, Naghr (van Naghz), Bannu and 

{a. Town and environs of Kabul.) 

The Kabul district itself is of small extent, has its greatest 
length from east to west, and is girt round by mountains. Its 
walled-town connects with one of these, rather a low one known 
as Shah-of-Kabul because at some time a (Hindu) Shah of 
Kabul built a residence on its summit.3 Shah-of-Kabul begins 
at the Durrin narrows and ends at those of Dih-i-yaq*ub 4 ; 
it may be 4 miles (2 shar't) round ; its skirt is covered with 
gardens fertilized from a canal which was brought along the 
hill-slope in the time of my paternal uncle, Aulugh Beg Mirza 
by his guardian, Wais Ataka.5 The water of this canal comes 
to an end in a retired corner, a quarter known as Kul-klna^ 

^ f. 131(5. To find these tumans here classed with what was not part of Kabul 
suggest a clerical omission of "beyond" or "east of" (Lamghanat). It may be 
more correct to write Lamghanat, since the first syllable may be lam, fort. The 
modern form Laghman is not used in the Bdbur-ndtJia, nor, it may be added is 
Paghman for Pamghan. 

-' It will be observed that Babur limits the name Afghanistan to the countries 
inhabited by Afghan tribesmen ; they are chiefly those south of the road from Kabul 
to Pashawar (Erskine). See Vigne, p. 102, for a boundary between the Afghans and 

3 Al-biruni's Indika writes of both Turk and Hindii-shahi Kings of Kabul. See 
Raverty's Notes p. 62 and Stein's Shahl Kings of Kabul. The mountain is 759^ ft. 
above the sea, some 1 800 ft. therefore above the town. 

'■ The Kabul-river enters the Char-dih plain by the Dih-i-yaq'iib narrows, and 
leaves it by those of Durrin. Cf. S.A. War, Plan p. 288 and Plan of action at 
Char-asiya (Four-mills), the second shewing an off-take which may be Wais Ataka's 
canal. See Vigne, p. 163 and Raverty's Notes pp. 69 and 689. 

5 This, the Bala-jui (upper-canal) was a four-mill stream and in Masson's time, as 
now, supplied water to the gardens round Babur's tomb. Masson found in Kabul 
honoured descendants of Wais Ataka (ii, 240). 

^ But for a, perhaps negligible, shortening of its first vowel, this form of the name 
would describe the normal end of an irrigation canal, a little pool, but other forms 
with other meanings are open to choice, e.g. small hamlet (Pers. kul), or some 
compound containing Pers. gul, a rose, in its plain or metaphorical senses. Jarrett's 
Ayin-i-akbart writes Gul-kinah, little rose (?). Masson (ii, 236) mentions a similar 
pleasure -resort, Sanji-taq. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 201 

where much debauchery has gone on. About this place it Fol. 128^. 
sometimes used to be said, in jesting parody of Khwaja Hafiz ^, 
— " Ah ! the happy, thoughtless time when, with our names in 
ill-repute, we lived days of days at Kul-kina ! " 

East of Shah-of-Kabul and south of the walled-town lies 
a large pool ^ about a 2 miles [s/tar'i] round. From the town 
side of the mountain three smallish springs issue, two near Kul- 
klna ; Khwaja Shamu's 3 tomb is at the head of one ; Khwaja 
Khizr's Qadam-gah -^ at the head of another, and the third is at 
a place known as Khwaja Raushanai, over against Khwaja 
'Abdu's-samad. On a detached rock of a spur of Shah-of-Kabul, 
known as 'Uqabain,5 stands the citadel of Kabul with the great 
walled-town at its north end, lying high in excellent air, and 
overlooking the large pool already mentioned, and also three 
meadows, namely, Siyah-sang (Black-rock), Silng-qurghan 
(Fort-back), and Chalak (Highwayman ?), — a most beautiful 
outlook when the meadows are green. The north-wind does 
not fail Kabul in the heats ; people call it the Parwan-wind ^ ; 
it makes a delightful temperature in the windowed houses on 
the northern part of the citadel. In praise of the citadel of 
Kabul, Mulla Muhammad Td/i'd Mu'ammdl (the Riddler)7 

' The original ode, with which the parody agrees in rhyme and refrain, is in the 
Diwan, s.l. Dal (Brockhaus ed. 1854, i, 62 and lith. ed. p. 96). See Wilberforce 
Clarke's literal translation i, 286 (H.B.). A marginal note to the Haidarabad Codex 
gives what appears to be a variant of one of the rhymes of the parody. 

^ aulugh kid; some 3m. round in Erskine's time; mapped as a swamp in S.A. 
War p. 288. 

3 A marginal note to the Hai. Codex explains this name to be an abbreviation of 
Khwaja Shamsu'd-dlnyrt«-<5«s {ox Jahan-bdz ; Masson, ii, 279 and iii, 93). 

•* i.e. the place made holy by an impress of saintly foot-steps. 

5 Two eagles or, Two poles, used for punishment. Vigne's illustration (p. 161) 
clearly shows the spur and the detached rock. _Erskine (p. 137 n.) says that *Uqabain 
seems to be the hill, known in his day as 'Ashiqan-i-'arifan, which connects with 
Babur Badshah. See Raverty's Notes p. 68. 

^ During most of the year this wind rushes through the Hindu-kush (Parwan)-pass ; 
it checks the migration of the birds (f. 142), and it may be the cause of the deposit 
of the Running-sands (Burnes, p. 158). Cf. Wood, p. 124. 

7 He was Badl'u'z-zaman's Sadr before serving Babur; he died in 918 ah. 
(1 512 AD.), in the battle of Kul-i-malik where 'Ubaidu'1-lah Auzbeg defeated 
Babur. He may be identical with Mir Husain the Riddler of f. 181, but seems not 
to be Mulla Muh. Badakhski, also a Riddler, because the Habibii' s-siyar (ii, 343 
and 344) gives this man a separate notice. Those interested in enigmas can find 
one made by Talib on the name Yahya (H.S. ii, 344). Sharafu'd-din 'Ali Yazdi, 
the author of the Zafar-ndvia^ wrote a book about a novel kind of these puzzles 
(T.R. p. 84). 

202 KABUL 

used to recite this couplet, composed on Badfu'z-zaman Mirza's 
name : — 

Drink wine in the castle of Kabul and send the cup round without pause ; 
For Kabul is mountain, is river, is city, is lowland in one. ' 

{b. Kabul as a trading-town.) 

Just as 'Arabs call every place outside 'Arab (Arabia), ' Ajam, 
so Hindustanis call every place outside Hindustan, Khurasan. 
There are two trade-marts on the land-route between Hindustan 
and Khurasan ; one is Kabul, the other, Qandahar. To Kabul 
caravans come from Kashghar,^ Farghana,Turkistan, Samarkand, 
Bukhara, Balkh, Hisar and Badakhshan. To Qandahar they 
come from Khurasan. Kabul is an excellent trading-centre ; 
if merchants went to Khita or to Rum,3 they might make no 
higher profit. Down to Kabul every year come 7, 8, or 10,000 
horses and up to it, from Hindustan, come every year caravans 
of 10, 15 or 20,000 heads-of-houses, bringing slaves {bar da), white 
cloth, sugar-candy, refined and common sugars, and aromatic 
roots. Many a trader is not content with a profit of 30 or 40 
on 10."^ In Kabul can be had the products of Khurasan, Rum, 
'Iraq and Chin (China) ; while it is Hindustan's own market. 

{c. Products and climate of Kabul) 

In the country of Kabul, there are hot and cold districts close 
to one another. In one day, a man may go out of the town of 
Kabul to where snow never falls, or he may go, in two sidereal 
hours, to where it never thaws, unless when the heats are such 
that it cannot possibly lie. 

Fruits of hot and cold climates are to be had in the districts 
near the town. Amongst those of the cold climate, there are 
had in the town the grape, pomegranate, apricot, apple, quince, 

' The original couplet is as follows : — 

Bakhur dar arg-i Kabul mat, bagardan kasa pay dar pay, 

Kah ham koh ast, u ham daryd, u ham shahr ast, u ham sahi'df. 

What Talib's words maybe inferred to conceal is the opinion that like Badi'u'z-zaman 
and like the meaning of his name, Kabul is the Wonder-of-the-world. (Cf. M. Garfin 
de Tassy's Rhetoriqtie [p. 165], for ces combinatsons enigmaiiques.) 

= All MSS. do not mention Kashghar. 

3 Khita (Cathay) is Northern China ; Chin {infra) is China ; Rum is Turkey and 
particularly the provinces near Trebizond (Erskine). 

'• 300% to 400% (Erskine). 


910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 


pear, peach, plum, sinjid, almond and walnut.^ I had cuttings 
of the dlit-bdlu ^ brought there and planted ; they grew and have 
done well. Of fruits of the hot climate people bring into the 
town ; — from the Lamghanat, the orange, citron, amluk {diospyrus 
lotus), and sugar-cane ; this last I had had brought and planted 
there ;3 — from Nijr-au (Nijr-water), they bring the jll-ghuza,^ 
and, from the hill-tracts, much honey. Bee-hives are in use ; it 
is only from towards Ghaznl, that no honey comes. 

The rhubarb 5 of the Kabul district is good, its quinces and 
plums very good, so too its badrang;^ it grows an excellent 
grape, known as the water-grape.7 Kabul wines are heady, 
those of the Khwaja Khawand Sa'ld hill-skirt being famous for 
their strength ; at this time however I can only repeat the praise 
of others about them : — ^ 

The flavour of the wine a drinker knows ; 
What chance have sober men to know it ? 

Kabul is not fertile in grain, a four or five-fold return is 
reckoned good there ; nor are its melons first-rate, but they are 
not altogether bad when grown from Khurasan seed. 

It has a very pleasant climate ; if the world has another so 
pleasant, it is not known. Even in the heats, one cannot sleep 

' Persian sinjid, Brandis, elxagmis hortensis ; Erskine (Mems. p. 138) jujube, 
presumably the zizyphus jujuba of Speede, Supplement p. 86. Tmx^x ydngaq, walnut, 
has several variants, of which the most marked is yanghkdq. For a good account of 
Kabul fruits see Masson, ii, 230. 

2 a kind of plum (?). It seems unlikely to be a cherry since Babur does not mention 
cherries as good in his old dominions, and Firminger (p. 244) makes against it as 
introduced from India. Steingass explains alu-bCilil by "sour-cherry, an armarylla " ; 
if sour, is it the Morello cherry ? 

3 The sugar-cane was seen in abundance in Lan-po (Lamghan) by a Chinese pilgrim 
(Beale, p. 90) ; Babur's introduction of it may have been into his own garden only in 
Ningnahar (f 132^). 

4 i.e. the seeds o{ pbms Gerardiana. 

5 razvdshldr. The green leaf-stalks {chukri) of 7-ibes rheum are taken into Kabul 
in mid- April from the Pamghan-hills ; a week later they are followed by the blanched 
and tended rawdsh (Masson, ii, 7). See Gul-badan's H.N. trs. p. 188, Vigne, p. 100 
and 107, Masson, ii, 230, Conolly, i, 213. 

^ a large green fruit, shaped something like a citron ; also a large sort of cucumber 

^ The sdliibi, a grape praised by Babur amongst Samarkand! fruits, grows in Koh- 
daman ; another well-known grape of Kabul is the long stoneless husainl, brought by 
Afghan traders into Hindustan in round, flat boxes of poplar wood (Vigne, p. 1 72). 

^ An allusion, presumably, to the renouncement of wine made by Babur and some 
of his followers in 933 AH. (1527 ad. f. 312), He may have had 'Umar Khayyam^ s 
quatrain in mind, "Wine's power is known to wine-bibbers alone" (Whinfield's 
2nd ed. 1901, No. 164). 


204 KABUL 

at night without a fur-coat/ Although the snow in most places 
lies deep in winter, the cold is not excessive ; whereas in 
130. Samarkand and Tabriz, both, like Kabul, noted for their pleasant 
climate, the cold is extreme. 

{d. Meadows of Kabul.) 

There are good meadows on the four sides of Kabul. An 
excellent one, Sung-qurghan, is some 4 miles (2 kuroh) to the 
north-east ; it has grass fit for horses and few mosquitos. To 
the north-west is the Chalak meadow, some 2 miles (r shar'i) 
away, a large one but in it mosquitos greatly trouble the horses. 
On the west is the Durrin, in fact there are two, Tlpa and Qush- 
nadir (van nawar), — if two are counted here, there would be five 
in all. Each of these is about 2 miles from the town ; both are 
small, have grass good for horses, and no mosquitos ; Kabul has 
no others so good. On the east is the Siyah-sang meadow with 
Qutluq-qadam's tomb ^ between it and the Currier's-gate ; it is 
not worth much because, in the heats, it swarms with mosquitos. 
Kamari 3 meadow adjoins it ; counting this in, the meadows of 
Kabul would be six, but they are always spoken of as four. 

{e. Mountain-passes into Kabul?) 

The country of Kabul is a fastness hard for a foreign foe to 
make his way into. 

The Hindu-kush mountains, which separate Kabul from Balkh, 
Qunduz and Badakhshan, are crossed by seven roads.^ Three 

^ pustln, usually of sheep-skin. For the wide range of temperature at Kabul in 
24 hours, see Ency. Brtt. art. Afghanistan. The winters also vary much in severity 
(Burnes, p. 273). 

^ Index s.n. As he fought at Kanwaha, he will have been buried after March 
1527 AD. ; this entry therefore will have been made later. The Curriers' -gate is the 
later Lahor-gate (Masson, ii, 259). 

3 Index s.n. 

^ For lists of the Hindu-kush passes see Leech's Report VII ; Yule's Introdtidory 
Essay to ^N 006^% Journey 2nd ed. ; PRGS 1879, Markham's art. p. 121. 

The highest cols on the passes here enumerated by Babur are, — Khawak 1 1 ,640 ft. — 
Till, height not known, — Parand! 15,984 ft. — Baj-gah (Toll-place) 12,000 ft, — Wallan 
(Saints) 15,100 ft. — Chahar-dar (Four-doors) 18,900 ft. and Shibr-tu 9800 ft. In 
considering the labour of their ascent and descent, the general high level, north and 
south of them, should be borne in mind ; e.g. Charikar (Char-yak-kar) stands 5200 ft. 
and Kabul itself at 5780 ft. above the sea. 


IW of these 
^ most, T 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 

lead out of Panjhir (Panj-sher), m^. Khawak, the upper- 
Tul, the next lower, and Bazarak.^ Of the passes on them, 
the one on the Tul road is the best, but the road itself is rather Fol. 1306 
the longest whence, seemingly, it is called Tul. Bazarak is the 
most direct ; like Tul, it leads over into Sar-i-ab ; as it passes 
through Parandi, local people call its main pass, the Parandl. 
Another road leads up through Parwan ; it has seven minor 
passes, known as Haft-bacha (Seven-younglings), between 
Parwan and its main pass (Baj-gah). It is joined at its main 
pass by two roads from Andar-ab, which go on to Parwan by 
it. This is a road full of difficulties. Out of Ghur-bund, again, 
three roads lead over. The one next to Parwan, known as the 
Yangl-yul pass (New-road), goes through Wallan to Khinjan ; 
next above this is the Qlpchaq road, crossing to where the water 
of Andar-ab meets the Siirkh-ab (Qizll-su) ; this also is an 
excellent road ; and the third leads over the Shibr-tu pass ; ^ 
those crossing by this in the heats take their way by Bamlan 
and Saighan, but those crossing by it in winter, go on by Ab-dara 
(Water-valley).3 Shibr-tu excepted, all the Hindu-kush roads 
are closed for three or four months in winter,^ because no road 
through a valley-bottom is passable when the waters are high. 
If any-one thinks to cross the Hindii-kush at that time, over the 
mountains instead of through a valley-bottom, his journey is 
hard indeed. The time to cross is during the three or four 
' autumn months when the snow is less and the waters are low. Fol. 131. 
Whether on the mountains or in the valley-bottoms, Kafir high- 
waymen are not few. 

The road from Kabul into Khurasan passes through Qandahar ; 
it is quite level, without a pass. 


i.e. the hollow, long, and small-bazar roads respectively. Panjhir is explained 
by Hindus to be Panj-sher, the five lion-sons of Pandu (Masson, iii, 168). 

^ Shibr is a Hazara district between the head of the Ghur-bund valley and Bamlan. 
It does not seem to be correct to omit the /w from the name of the pass. Persian tu, 
turn, twist (syn. ptcA) occurs in other names of local passes ; to read it here as a /urn 
agrees with what is said of Shibr-tu pass as not crossing but turning the Hindu-kush 
(Cunningham). Lord uses the same wording about the Haji-ghat (var. -kak etc.) 
traverse of the same spur, which "turns the extremity of the Hindu-kush". See 
Cunningham's Anciera Geography, i, 25 ; Lord's Ghur-bund (JASB 1838 p. 528), 
Masson, iii, 169 and Leech's Report VIL 

3 Perhaps through Jalmish into Saighan. 

^ i.e. they are closed. 

2o6 KABUL 

Four roads leads into Kabul from the Hindustan side; one by 
rather a low pass through the Khaibar mountains, another by 
way of Bangash, another by way of Naghr (van Naghz)/ and 
another through Farmul ;^ the passes being low also in the three 
last-named. These roads are all reached from three ferries over 
the Sind. Those who take the Nll-ab 3 ferry, come on through 
the Lamghanat.4 In winter, however, people ford the Sind- 
water (at Haru) above its junction with the Kabul-water,5 and 
ford this also. In most of my expeditions into Hindustan, 
I crossed those fords, but this last time (932 AH. — 1525 AD.), 
when I came, defeated SI. Ibrahim and conquered the country, 
I crossed by boat at Nll-ab. Except at the one place mentioned 
above, the Sind-water can be crossed only by boat. Those again, 
who cross at Din-kot ^ go on through Bangash. Those crossing 
at Chaupara, if they take the Farmiil road, go on to Ghazni, 
or, if they go by the Dasht, go on to Qandahar.7 

^ It was unknown in Mr. Erskine's day (Mems. p. 140). _ Several of the routes in 
Raverty's JVotes (p. 92 etc.) allow it to be located as on the Iri-ab, near to or identical 
with Baghzan, 35 kurohs (70 m.) s.s.e. of Kabul. 

^ Farmul, about the situation of which Mr. Erskine was in doubt, is now marked 
in maps, Urghun being its principal village. 

3 15 miles below Atak (Erskine). Mr. Erskine notes that he found no warrant, 
previous to Abu'l-fazl's, for calling the Indus the Nll-ab, and that to find one would 
solve an ancient geographical difficulty. This difficulty, my husband suggests, was 
Alexander's supposition that the Indus was the Nile. In books grouping round the 
Bdbtir-ndjua, the name Nil-ab is not applied to the Indus, but to the ferry-station 
on that river, said to owe its name to a spring of azure water on its eastern side. 
(Cf. Afzal Khan Khattak, R.'s Notes p. 447.) 

I find the name Nil-ab applied to the Kabul-river : — I. to its Arghandi affluent 
(Cunningham, p. 17, Map) ; 2. through its boatman class, the Nll-abis of Lalpura, 
Jalalabad and Kimar (G. of I. 1907, art. Kabul) ; 3. inferentially to it as a tributary 
of the Indus (D'Herbelot) ; 4. to it near its confluence with the grey, silt-laden 
Indus, as blue by contrast (Sayyid Ghulam-i-muhammad, R.'s Notes p. 34). (For 
Nll-ab (Naulibis?) in Ghur-bund see Cunningham, p. 32 and Masson, iii, 169.) 

'' By one of two routes perhaps, — either by the Khaibar- Ningnahar-Jagdalik road, 
or along the north bank of the Kabul-river, through Goshta to the crossing where, 
in 1879, the loth Hussars met with disaster. See S.A. IVar, Map 2 and p. 63 ; 
Leech's Reports II and IV (Fords of the Indus) ; and R.'s Notes p. 44. 

5 Haru, Leech's Harroon, apparently, 10 m. above Atak. The text might be read 
to mean that both rivers were forded near their confluence, but, finding no warrant 
for supposing the Kabul-river fordable below Jalalabad, I have guided the translation 
accordingly ; this may be wrong and may conceal a change in the river. 

^ known also as Dhan-kot and as Mu'aggam-nagar {Ma^dsirtiU-^umrd i, 249 and 
A.N. trs. H.B. index s.ii. Dhan-kot). It was on the east bank of the Indus, 
probably near modern Kala-bagh, and was washed away not before 956 AH. (1549 ad. 
H. Beveridge). 

7 Chaupara seems, from f. I48(^, to be the Chapari of Survey Map 1889. Babur's 
Dasht is modern Daman. 



910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 207 

{f. Inhabitants of Kdbzd.) 

There are many differing tribes in the Kabul country ; in its 
dales and plains are Turks and clansmen ^ and 'Arabs ; in its 
town and in many villages, Sarts ; out in the districts and also Fol. iT,ib. 
in villages are the Pashal, ParajT, Tajik, Blrki and Afghan tribes. 
In the western mountains are the Hazara and Nikdirl tribes, 
some of whom speak the Mughull tongue. In the north-eastern 
mountains are the places of the Kafirs, such as Kitur (Gawar ?) 
and Gibrik. To the south are the places of the Afghan tribes. 

Eleven or twelve tongues are spoken in Kabul, — 'ArabI, 
Persian, TurkI, Mughull, Hindi, Afghani, Pashal, Parajl, GibrI, 
Birki and Lamghanl. If there be another country with so many 
differing tribes and such a diversity of tongues, it is not known. 

{e. Sub-divisions of the Kabul country^ 

The [Kabul] country has fourteen tUmdfts.^ 

Bajaur, Sawad and Hash-nagar may at one time have been 
dependencies of Kabul, but they now have no resemblance to 
cultivated countries {wildydt), some lying desolate because of 
the Afghans, others being now subject to them. 

In the east of the country of Kabul is the Lamghanat, 5 tUmdns 
and 2 buluks of cultivated lands.3 The largest of these is 
Ningnahar, sometimes written Nagarahar in the histories.'^ Its 
ddroghds residence is in Adlnapur,5 some 13 yighdch east of 
Kabul by a very bad and tiresome road, going in three or four 
places over small hill-passes, and in three or four others, through Fol. 132. 

^ atmaq, used usually of Mughuls, I think. It may be noted that Lieutenant 
Leech compiled a vocabulary of the tongue of the Mughul Almaq in Qandahar and 
Harat (JASB 1838, p. 785). 

^ The Ayin-i-akbari account of Kabul both uses and supplements the Babur-ndtna. 

3 viz. 'AlT-shang, Alangar and Mandrawar (the Lamghanat proper), Ningnahar 
(with its buluk, Kama), Kunar-with-Nur-gal, (and the two buluks of Nur-valley and 

* See Appendix E, On Nagarahdra. 

s The name Adinapur is held to be descended from ancient Udyanapura (Garden- 
town) ; its ancestral form however was applied to Nagarahara, apparently, in the 
Baran-Surkh-riid du-db, and not to Babur's ddroghcC s seat. The Surkh-rud's deltaic 
mouth was a land of gardens ; when Masson visited Adinapur he went from Bala-bagh 
(High-garden) ; this appears to stand where Babur locates his Bagh-i-wafa, but he 
was shown a garden he took to be this one of Babur's, a mile higher up the Surkh- 
rud. A later ruler made the Char-bagh of maps. It may be mentioned that Bala- 
bagh has become in some maps Rozabad (Garden-town). See Masson, i, 182 and 
iii, 186; R.'sA^<?/^j; 2:cA'^\\.%ox^'s, Ariana Antiqua, Masson's art. 

2o8 KABUL 

narrows/ So long as there was no cultivation along it, the 
KhirilchI and other Afghan thieves used to make it their beat, 
but it has become safe^ since I had it peopled at Qara-tu,3 below 
Quruq-sal. The hot and cold climates are separated on this 
road by the pass of Badam-chashma (Almond-spring) ; on its 
Kabul side snow falls, none at Quruq-sal, towards the Lamghanat.'^ 
After descending this pass, another world comes into view, other 
trees, other plants (or grasses), other animals, and other manners 
and customs of men. Ningnahar is nine torrents {tuqiiz-riid).^ 
It grows good crops of rice and corn, excellent and abundant 
oranges, citrons and pomegranates. In 914 AH. (1508-9 AD.) 
I laid out the Four-gardens, known as the Bagh-i-wafa (Garden- 
of-fidelity), on a rising-ground, facing south and having the 
Surkh-rijd between it and Fort Adlnapur.^ There oranges, citrons 
and pomegranates grow in abundance. The year I defeated 
Pahar Khan and took Labor and Dipalpur,^ I had plantains 
(bananas) brought and planted there ; they did very well. The 
year before I had had sugar-cane planted there ; it also did well ; 
some of it was sent to Bukhara and Badakhshan.^ The garden 
lies high, has running-water close at hand, and a mild winter 
climate. In the middle of it, a one-mill stream flows constantly 
past the little hill on which are the four garden-plots. In the 
south-west part of it there is a reservoir, 10 by io,9 round which 

^ One of these tangi is now a literary asset in Mr. Kipling's My Lord the Elephant. 
Babur's 13 y. represent some 82 miles ; on f. I37<5 the Kabul-Ghaznl road of 14 y. 
represents some 85 ; in each case the ylghdch works out at over six miles (Index 
s.n. ylghdch and Vigne, p. 454). Sayyid Ghulam-i-muhammad traces this route 
minutely (R.'s Notes pp. 57, 59). 

"^ Masson was shewn " Chaghatai castles", attributed to Babur (iii, 174)' 

3 Dark-turn, perhaps, as in Shibr-tu, Jal-tu, etc. (f. i3o<5 and note to Shibr-tii). 

4 f. 145 where the change is described in identical words, as seen south of the 
Jagdalik-pass. The Badam-chashma pass appears to be a traverse of the eastern 
rampart of the Tizln-valley. 

5 Appendix E, On Nagarahara. 

^ No record exists of the actual laying-out of the garden ; the work may have been 
put in hand during the Mahmand expedition of 914 AH. (f. 216) ; the name given to 
it suggests a gathering there of loyalists when the stress was over of the bad Mughul 
rebellion of that year (f. 2i6/5 where the narrative breaks off abruptly in 914 ah. and 
is followed by a gap down to 925 AH.-1519 ad.). 

7 No annals of 930 AH. are known to exist ; from Safar 926 AH. to 932 ah. 
(Jan. 1520-N0V. 1525 AD.) there is a lacuna. Accounts of the expedition are given 
by Khafi Khan, i, 47 and Firishta, lith. ed. p. 202. 

^ Presumably to his son, Humayim, then governor in Badakhshan ; Bukhara also 
was under Babur's rule. 

9 here, qdrt, yards. Thedimensions 10 by 10, are those enjoinedfor places of ablution. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 209 

are orange-trees and a few pomegranates, the whole encircled by 
a trefoil-meadow. This is the best part of the garden, a most 
beautiful sight when the oranges take colour. Truly that garden 
is admirably situated ! 

The Safed-koh runs along the south of Ningnahar, dividing it 
from Bangash ; no riding-road crosses it ; nine torrents {tuquz- 
rild) issue from it.^ It is called Safed-koh^ because its snow 
never lessens ; none falls in the lower parts of its valleys, a half- 
day's journey from the snow-line. Many places along it have 
an excellent climate ; its waters are cold and need no ice. 

The Surkh-rud flows along the south of Adinapur. The fort 
stands on a height having a straight fall to the river of some 
1 30 ft. (40-50 qdri) and isolated from the mountain behind it on 
the north; it is very strongly placed. That mountain runs between 
Ningnahar and Lamghan 3 ; on its head snow falls when it snows Fol. 133. 
in Kabul, so Lamghanis know when it has snowed in the town. 

In going from Kabul into the Lamghanat,4 — if people come 
by Quruq-saT, one road goes on through the Dirl-pass, crosses 
the Baran-water at Bulan, and so on into the Lamghanat, — 
another goes through Qara-tu, below Quruq-sai, crosses the 
Baran-water at Aulugh-nur(Great-rock?),and goes into Lamghan 
by the pass of Bad-i-pich.5 If however people come by Nijr-au, 
they traverse Badr-au (Tag-aQ), and Qara-nakariq (?), and go on 
through the pass of Bad-i-plch. 

^ Presumably those of the tuguz-7-7ld, supra. Cf. Appendix E, On Nagarahdra. 
^ White-mountain ; Pushtii, Spin-ghur (or ghar). 

3 i.e. the Lamghanat proper. The range is variously named ; in (Persian) Siyah- 
koh (Black-mountain), which like Turk! Qara-tagh may mean non-snowy ; by Tajiks, 
Bagh-i-ataka (Foster-father's garden) ; by Afghans, Kanda-ghur, and by Lamghanis 
Koh-i-bulan, — Kanda and Bulan both being ferry-stations below it (Masson, iii, 189 ; 
also the Times Nov. 20th 1912 for a cognate illustration of diverse naming). 

4 A comment made here by Mr. Erskine on changes of name is still appropriate, 
but some seeming changes may well be due to varied selection of land-marks. Of the 
three routes next described in the text, one crosses as for Mandrawar ; the second, as 
for 'Ali-shang, a little below the outfall of the Tizin-water ; the third may take off 
from the route, between Kabul and Tag-au, marked in Col. Tanner's map (PROS 188 1 
p. 180). Cf. R's Route II ; and for Aiilugh-nur, Appendix F, On the name Nur. 

5 The name of this pass has several variants. Its second component, whatever its 
form, is usually taken to mean pass, but to read it here as pass would be redundant, 
since Babur writes " pass {kiital) of Bad-i-pich ". Pich occurs as a place name both 
east (Pich) and west (Pichghan) oi the kiital, but what would suit the bitter and even 
fatal winds of the pass would be to read the name as Whirling- wind {bdd-i-plch). 
Another explanation suggests itself from finding a considerable number of pass-names 
such as Shibr-tu, Jal-tii, Qara-tu, in which tii is a synonym oi pich, turn, twist ; thus 
Bad-i-pich may be the local form of Bad-tu, Windy-turn. 

210 KABUL 

Although Ningnahar is one of the five tumdns of the Lamghan 
tumdn the name Lamghanat appHes strictly only to the three 
(mentioned below). 

One of the three is the *Ah-shang tumdn, to the north of 
which are fastness-mountains, connecting with Hindu-kush and 
inhabited by Kafirs only. What of Kafiristan lies nearest to 
'All-shang, is Mil out of which its torrent issues. The tomb of 
Lord Lam/ father of his Reverence the prophet Nuh (Noah), 
is in this tumdn. In some histories he is called Lamak and 
Lamakan. Some people are observed often to change kdf for 
ghain {k for gh) ; it would seem to be on this account that the 
country is called Lamghan. 

The second is Alangar. The part of Kafiristan nearest to it 
is Gawar (Kawar), out of which its torrent issues (the Gau or 
Kau). This torrent joins that of 'All-shang and flows with it 
into the Baran-water, below Mandrawar, which is the third tumdn 
of the Lamghanat. 

Of the two buluks of Lamghan one is the Nur-valley.^ This 
is a place {yir) without a second 3 ; its fort is on a beak {tmnshuq) 
of rock in the mouth of the valley, and has a torrent on each 
side ; its rice is grown on steep terraces, and it can be traversed 
by one road only.4 It has the orange, citron and other fruits of 
hot climates in abundance, a few dates even. Trees cover the 
banks of both the torrents below the fort ; many are amluk, the 
fruit of which some Turks call qard-yhnlsh ; 5 here they are 
many, but none have been seen elsewhere. The valley grows 
grapes also, all trained on trees.^ Its wines are those of 
Lamghan that have reputation. Two sorts of grapes are grown, 

^ See Masson, iii, 197 and 289. Both in Pasha! and Lamghan!, lam means fort. 

^ See Appendix Y, On the name Dara-i-nur, 

3 ghair mukarrar. Babur may allude to the remarkable change men have wrought 
in the valley-bottom (Appendix F, for Col. Tanner's account of the valley). 


5 dtospyrtis lotus, the European date-plum, supposed to be one of the fruits eaten 
by the Lotophagi. It is purple, has bloom and is of the size of a pigeon's egg or a 
cherry. See Watts' Economic Products of India ; Brandis' Forest Trees, Illustrations ; 
and Speede's Indian Hand-book. 

^ As in Lombardy, perhaps ; in Luhugur vines are clipped into standards ; in most 
other places in Afghanistan they are planted in deep trenches and allowed to run over 
the intervening ridges or over wooden framework. In the narrow Khiilm-valley they 
are trained up poplars so as to secure them the maximum of sun. See Wood's Report 
VI p. 27 ; Bellew's Afghanistan p. 175 and Mems. p. 142 note. 


le arah-tdshl and the suhd7t-tdshl ; ^ the first are yellowish, the 
second, full-red of fine colour. The first make the more cheering 
wine, but it must be said that neither wine equals its reputation 
for cheer. High up in one of its glens, apes {inaimuii) are found, 
none below. Those people {i.e. Nurls) used to keep swine but 
they have given it up in our time.^ 

Another tunidn of Lamghan is Kunar-with-Nur-gal. It lies 
somewhat out-of-the-way, remote from the Lamghanat, with its 
borders in amongst the Kafir lands ; on these accounts its people 
give in tribute rather little of what they have. The Chaghan- Fol. 134. 
saral water enters it from the north-east, passes on into the bulilk 
of Kama, there joins the Baran-water and with that flows east. 

Mir Sayyid 'All Hamaddm,^ — God's mercy on him ! — coming 
here as he journeyed, died 2 miles (i shar't) above Kunar. His 
disciples carried his body to Khutlan. A shrine was erected at 
the honoured place of his death, of which I made the circuit 
when I came and took Chaghan-saral in 920 AH.4 

The orange, citron and coriander 5 abound in this tiirndn. 
Strong wines are brought down into it from Kafiristan. 

A strange thing is told there, one seeming impossible, but 
one told to us again and again. All through the hill-country 
above Multa-kundl, viz. in Kunar, Nur-gal, Bajaur, Sawad and 

{Author's note to Alulta-kundi.) As Multa-kundi is known the lower part 
of the tumdn of Kunar-with-Nur-gal ; what is below {i.e. on the river) 
belongs to the valley of Nur and to Atar.^ 

' Appendix G, On the names of tivo Nuri wines. 

- This practice Babur viewed with disgust, the hog being an impure animal according 
to Muhammadan Law (Erskine), 

3 The Khazlnatti' l-asfiyd (ii, 293) explains how it came about that this saint, one 
honoured in Kashmir, was buried in Khutlan. He died in Hazara (Pakli) and there 
the Pakll Sultan wished to have him buried, but his disciples, for some unspecified 
reason, wished to bury him in Khutlan. In order to decide the matter they invited 
the Sultan to remove the bier with the corpse upon it. It could not be stirred from 
its place. When, however a single one of the disciples tried to move it, he alone was 
able to lift it, and to bear it away on his head. Hence the burial in Khutlan. The 
death occurred in 786 ah. ( 1 384 ad. ). A point of interest in this legend is that, like the 
one to follow, concerning dead women, it shews belief in the living activities of the dead. 

^ The MSS. vary between 920 and 925 ah. — neither date seems correct. As the 
annals of 925 ah. begin in Muharram, with Babur to the east of Bajaur, we surmise 
that the Chaghan-saral affair may have occurred on his way thither, and at the end 
of 924 AH. 

5 karanj, coriandrum sativtim. 

^ some 20-24 m- north of Jalalabad. The name Multa-kundl may refer to the 
Ram-kundi range, or mean Lower district, or mean Below Kundl. See Biddulph's 
Khowdri Dialect s.n under ; R.'s Notes p. 108 and Diet. s.n. ktcnd ', Masson, i, 209. 

212 KABUL 

thereabouts, it is commonly said that when a woman dies and has 
been laid on a bier, she, if she has not been an ill-doer, gives the 
bearers such a shake when they lift the bier by its four sides, 
that against their will and hindrance, her corpse falls to the 
ground ; but, if she has done ill, no movement occurs. This 
was heard not only from Kunarls but, again and again, in Bajaur, 
Sawad and the whole hill-tract. Haidar-*ali Bajaurl, — a sultan 
who governed Bajaur well, — when his mother died, did not weep, 
or betake himself to lamentation, or put on black, but said, *' Go! 
lay her on the bier ! if she move not, I will have her burned." ^ 
They laid her on the bier ; the desired movement followed ; 
when he heard that this was so, he put on black and betook 
himself to lamentation. 

Another buluk is Chaghan-saral,^ a single village with little 
land, in the mouth of Kafiristan ; its people, though Musalman, 
mix with the Kafirs and, consequently, follow their customs.3 
A great torrent (the Kunar) comes down to it from the north- 
east from behind Bajaur, and a smaller one, called Pich, 
comes down out of Kafiristan. Strong yellowish wines are had 
there, not in any way resembling those of the Nur-valley, 
however. The village has no grapes or vineyards of its own ; 
its wines are all brought from up the Kafiristan-water and from 

The Pich Kafirs came to help the villagers when I took the 
place. Wine is so commonly used there that every Kafir has 
his leathern wine-bag {khtg) at his neck, and drinks wine instead 
of water.* 

^ i.e. treat her corpse as that of an infidel (Erskine). 

= It would suit the position of this village if its name were found to link to the 
Turk! verb chagnidq, to go out, because it lies in the mouth of a defile (Dahanah-i-koh, 
Mountain-mouth) through which the road for Kafiristan goes out past the village. 
A not- infrequent explanation of the name to mean White-house, Aq-sarai, may well 
be questioned. Chaghan, white, is Mughiill and it would be less probable for a 
Mughuli than for a Turk! name to establish itself. Another explanation may lie in 
the tribe name Chuganl. The two forms chaghan and chaghar may well be due to 
the common local interchange in speech of n with r. (For Dahanah-i-koh see [some] 
maps and Raverty's Bajaur routes. ) 

3 Nimchas, presumably, — half-bred in custom, perhaps in blood — ; and not 
improbably, converted Kafirs. It is useful to remember that Kafiristan was once 
bounded, west and south, by the Baran-water. 

-* Kafir wine is mostly poor, thin and, even so, usually diluted with water. When 
kept two or three years, however, it becomes clear and sometimes strong. Sir G. S. 
Robertson never saw a Kafir drunk {Kafirs of the Hindu-kush, p. 591). 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 213 

Kama, again, though not a separate district but dependent on 
Ningnahar, is also called a Imliik} Fol. 135. 

Nijr-au ^ is another tumdn. It lies north of Kabul, in the 
Kohistan, with mountains behind it inhabited solely by Kafirs ; 
it is a quite sequestered place. It grows grapes and fruits in 
abundance. Its people make much wine but, they boil it. 
They fatten many fowls in winter, are wine-bibbers, do not pray, 
have no scruples and are Kafir-like.3 

In the Nijr-au mountains is an abundance of archa, jilghuza^ 
bilut and khanjakA The first-named three do not grow above 
Nigr-au but they grow lower, and are amongst the trees of 
Hindustan. Jilghuza-wood is all the lamp the people have ; it 
burns like a candle and is very remarkable. The flying-squirrel 5 
is found in these mountains, an animal larger than a bat and 
having a curtain {parda), like a bat's wing, between its arms and 
legs. People often brought one in ; it is said to fly, downward 
from one tree to another, as far as a gtz flies ; ^ I myself have 
never seen one fly. Once we put one to a tree ; it clambered 
up directly and got away, but, when people went after it, it 
spread its wings and came down, without hurt, as if it had flown. 
Another of the curiosities of the Nijr-aii mountains is the lukha 
(var. liija) bird, called also bu-qalamun (chameleon) because, 
between head and tail, it has four or five changing colours, 
resplendent like a pigeon's throat.7 It is about as large as the 

^ Kama might have classed better under Ningnahar of which it was a dependency. 

^ i.e. water-of-Nijr ; so too, Badr-au and Tag-au. Nijr-au has seven-valleys 
(JASB 1838 p. 329 and Burnes' Report X). Sayyid Ghulam-i-muhammad mentions 
that Babur established a frontier-post between Nijr-au and Kafiristan which in his 
own day was still maintained. He was an envoy of V^arren Hastings to Timiir Shah 
Sadozl (R.'s Notes p. 36 and p. 142). 

3 Kafii-wash ; they were Kafirs converted to Muhammadanism. 

•♦ Archa, if not inclusive, meaning conifer, may representy?<«z/>^r«j ^jr^rij/ra, this being 
the common local conifer. The other trees of the list 2S& pinus Gerardiana (Brandis, 
p. 69c), quercus bilut,\he ho\m-oa^^.,^.n6. pistacia mutica or MawyaZ', a tree yielding mastic. 

s riiba-i-parwan, pteromys inornatus, the large, red flying-squirrel (Blandford's 
Fauna of British India, Mammalia, p. 363). 

^ The giz is a short-flight arrow used for shooting small birds etc. Descending 
flights of squirrels have been ascertained as 60 yards, one, a record, of 80 (Blandford). 

7 Apparently tetrogallus himalayensis, the Himalayan snow-cock (Blandford, iv, 
143). Burnes {Cabool p. 163) describes the kabg-i-darl as the rara avis of the Kabul 
Kohistan, somewhat less than a turkey, and of the chikor (partridge) species. It was 
procured for him first in Ghur-bund, but, when snow has fallen,' it could be had 
nearer Kabul. Babur's bii-galamii?t may have come into his vocabulary, either as 
a survival direct from Greek occupation of Kabul and Panj-ab, or through Arabic 
writings. PRGS 1879 p. 251, Kaye's art. and JASB 1838 p. 863, Hodgson's art. 

214 KABUL 

kabg-i-dari and seems to be the kabg-i-dari of Hindustan.^ 
People tell this wonderful thing about it : — When the birds, at 
the on-set of winter, descend to the hill-skirts, if they come over 
a vineyard, they can fly no further and are taken.^ There is 
a kind of rat in Nijr-au^ known as the musk-rat, which smells of 
musk ; I however have never seen it.3 

Panjhir (Panj-sher) is another tumdn ; it lies close to Kafiristan, 
along the Panjhir road, and is the thoroughfare of Kafir highway- 
men who also, being so near, take tax of it. They have gone 
through it, killing a mass of persons, and doing very evil deeds, 
since I came this last time and conquered Hindustan (932 AH.- 
1526 AD.).4 

Another is the tumdn of Ghur-bund. In those countries they 
call a kiital {koh ?) a bu7id ; 5 they go towards Ghur by this pass 
{kutal) ; apparently it is for this reason that they have called (the 
tumdn ?) Ghur-bund. The Hazara hold the heads of its valleys.^ 
It has {^w villages and little revenue can be raised from it. There 
are said to be mines of silver and lapis lazuli in its mountains. 

Again, there are the villages on the skirts of the (Hindu-kush) 
mountains,^ with Mita-kacha and Parwan at their head, and 

* V)2ct\z.v&Vi^% Greek-partridge, tetrao- ox perdrix-rufus [f. 279 and Mems. p. 32011.]. 

° A similar story is told of some fields near Whitby : — " These wild geese, which 
in winter fly in great flocks to the lakes and rivers unfrozen in the southern parts, to 
the great amazement of every-one, fall suddenly down upon the ground when they 
are in flight over certain neighbouring fields thereabouts ; a relation I should not 
have made, if I had not received it from several credible men. " See Notes to Marmion 
p. xlvi (Erskine) ; Scott's Foems, Black's ed. 1880, vii, 104. 

3 Are we to infer from this that the musk-rat {Crocidura ccerulea, Lydekker, 
p. 626) was not so common in Hindustan in the age of Babur as it has now become ? 
He was not a careless observer (Erskine). 

^ Index s.n. Babicr-ndma, date of composition ; also f. 131. 

s In the absence of examples oi bund to mean kiital, and the presence " in those 
countries " of many in which bund means koh, it looks as though a clerical error had 
here written kiital for koh. But on the other hand, the wording of the next passage 
shows just the confusion an author's unrevised draft might shew if a place were, as 
this is, both a tumdn and a kiital {i.e. a steady rise to a traverse). My impression 
is that the name Ghur-bund applies to the embanking spur at the head of the valley- 
tUman, across which roads lead to Ghuri and Ghur (PRGS 1879, Maps; Leech's 
Report VII ; and W^ood's VI). 

^ So too when, because of them, Leech and Lord turned back, re infectd. 

"> It will be noticed that these villages are not classed in any tumdn ; they include 
places " rich without parallel " in agricultural products, and level lands on which 
towns have risen and fallen, one being Alexandria ad Caucasum. They cannot have 
been part of the unremunerative Ghiir-bund tUmdn ; from their place of mention in 
Babur's list oi tUtndns, they may have been part of the Kabul tUmdn (f. 178), as was 
Koh-daman(Burnes' Cabool ^p. 154 ; Haughton's Charikar^. 73 ; and Cunningham's 
Ancient History, i, 18). 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUTTE 4th 1505 A U. 215 

"Dur-nama ^ at their foot, 12 or 1 3 in all. They are fruit-bearing 
villages, and they grow cheering wines, those of Khwaja Khawand 
Sa'ld being reputed the strongest roundabouts. The villages all 
lie on the foot-hills ; some pay taxes but not all are taxable 
because they lie so far back in the mountains. 

Between the foot-hills and the Baran-water are two detached 
stretches of level land, one known as Kurrat-tdziydn^ the other 
as Dasht-i-shaikh (Shaikh's-plain). As the green grass of the 
millet 3 grows well there, they are the resort of Turks and Fol. 136. 
(Mughul) clans {aimdq). 

Tulips of many colours cover these foot-hills ; I once counted 
them up ; it came out at 32 or 33 different sorts. We named 
one the Rose-scented, because its perfume was a little like that 
of the red rose ; it grows by itself on Shaikh's-plain, here and 
nowhere else. The Hundred-leaved tulip is another ; this grows, 
also by itself, at the outlet of the Ghur-bund narrows, on the 
hill-skirt below Parwan. A low hill known as Khwaja-i-reg- 
rawan (Khwaja-of-the-running-sand), divides the afore-named 
two pieces of level land ; it has, from top to foot, a strip of sand 
from which people say the sound of nagarets and tambours 
issues in the heats.4 

Again, there are the villages depending on Kabul itself 
South-west from the town are great snow mountains 5 where snow 
falls on snow, and where few may be the years when, falling, it 
does not light on last year's snow. It is fetched, 12 miles 
may-be, from these mountains, to cool the drinking water when 
ice-houses in Kabul are empty. Like the Bamian mountains, 

' Dur-namai, seen from afar (Masson, iii, 152) is not marked on the Survey Maps ; 
Masson, Vigne and Haughton locate it. Babur's " head " and " foot " here indicate 
status and not location. 

^ Mems. p. 146 and Alans, i, 297, Arabs' encampment and Cellule des Arabes. 
Perhaps the name may refer to uses of the level land and good pasture by horse 
qdfilas, since Kurra is written with tashdld in the Haidarabad Codex, as in kurra-tdz, 
a horse-breaker. Or the taziydn may be the fruit of a legend, commonly told, that 
the saint of the neighbouring Running-sands was an Arabian. 

3 Presumably this is the grass of the millet, the growth before the ear, on which 
grazing is allowed (Elphinstone, i, 400 ; Burnes, p. 237). 

4 Wood, p. 115 ; Masson, iii, 167; Burnes, p. 157 and JASB 1838 p. 324 with 
illustration; Vigne, pp. 219, 223; Lord, JASB 1838 p. 537 5 Cathay and the 
way thither^ Hakluyt Society vol. I. p. xx, para. 49 ; History of Musical Sands, 
C. Carus-Wilson. 

5 West might be more exact, since some of the group are a little north, others a little 
south of the latitude of Kabul. 

2i8 KABUL 

whereas the 1 3 yighdch between Adinapur and Kabul can never 
be done in one day, because of the difficulties of the road. 

Ghaznl has little cultivated land. Its torrent, a four-mill or 
five-mill stream may-be, makes the town habitable and fertilizes 
four or five villages ; three or four others are cultivated from 
under-ground water-courses (Jmrez). Ghaznl grapes are better 
than those of Kabul ; its melons are more abundant ; its apples 
are very good, and are carried to Hindustan. Agriculture is 
very laborious in Ghaznl because, whatever the quality of the soil, 
it must be newly top-dressed every year ; it gives a better return, 
however, than Kabul. Ghaznl grows madder ; the entire crop 
goes to Hindustan and yields excellent profit to the growers. 
In the open-country of Ghaznl dwell Hazara and Afghans. 
Compared with Kabul, it is always a cheap place. Its people 
hold to the Hanafi faith, are good, orthodox Musalmans, many 
keep a three months' fast,^ and their wives and children live 
modestly secluded. 

One of the eminent men of Ghaznl was Mulla 'Abdu'r-rahman, 
a learned man and always a learner {dars), a most orthodox, 
pious and virtuous person ; he left this world the same year as 
Nasir Mirza (921 AH.-1515 AD.). SI. Mahmud's tomb is in the 
suburb called Rauza,^ from which the best grapes come; there also 
are the tombs of his descendants, SI. Mas'ijd and SI. Ibrahim. 
Ghaznl has many blessed tombs. The year 3 I took Kabul and 
Ghaznl, over-ran Kohat, the plain of Bannu and lands of the 
Afghans, and went on to Ghaznl by way of DukI (Dijgl) and 
Ab-istada, people told me there was a tomb, in a village of 
Ghaznl, which moved when a benediction on the Prophet was 
pronounced over it. We went to see it. In the end I discovered 
that the movement was a trick, presumably of the servants at 
the tomb, who had put a sort of platform above it which moved 
when pushed, so that, to those on it, the tomb seemed to move, 
just as the shore does to those passing in a boat. I ordered the 

^ Some Musalmans fast through the months of Rajab, Sha'ban and Ramzan ; 
Muhammadans fast only by day ; the night is often given to feasting (Erskine). 

= The Garden ; the tombs of more eminent Musalmans are generally in gardens 
(Erskine). See Vigne's illustrations, pp. 133, 266, 

3 i.e. the year now in writing. The account of the expedition, Babur's first into 
Hindustan, begins on f. 145. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 219 

scaffold destroyed and a dome built over the tomb ; also I forbad 
the servants, with threats, ever to bring about the movement again. 

Ghaznl is a very humble place ; strange indeed it is that rulers 
in whose hands were Hindustan and Khurasanat,^ should have 
chosen it for their capital. In the Sultan's (Mahmud's) time 
there may have been three or four dams in the country ; one he 
made, some three yighdch (18 m. ?) up the GhaznI-water to the 
north ; it was about 40-50 ^^rf (yards) high and some 300 long ; 
through it the stored waters were let out as required.^ It was 
destroyed by *Alau'u'd-dIn Jahdn-soz Ghuri when he conquered 
the country (550 AH.-1152 ad.), burned and ruined the tombs 
of several descendants of SI. Mahmud, sacked and burned the 
town, in short, left undone no tittle of murder and rapine. Since Fol. 139. 
that time, the Sultan's dam has lain in ruins, but, through God's 
favour, there is hope that it may become of use again, by means 
of the money which was sent, in Khwaj'a Kalan's hand, in the year 
Hindustan was conquered (932 AH.- 15 26 AD.). 3 The Sakhan- 
dam is another, 2 or 3 yighdch (12-18 m.), may-be, on the east 
of the town ; it has long been in ruins, indeed is past repair. 
There is a dam in working order at Sar-i-dih (Village-head). 

In books it is written that there is in Ghaznl a spring such 
that, if dirt and foul matter be thrown into it, a tempest gets up 
instantly, with a blizzard of rain and wind. It has been seen said 
also in one of the histories that Sabuk-tlgin, when besieged by 
the Ral (Jal-pal) of Hind, ordered dirt and foulness to be thrown 
into the spring, by this aroused, in an instant, a tempest with 
blizzard of rain and snow, and, by this device, drove off his foe.4 
Though we made many enquiries, no intimation of the spring's 
existence was given us. 

In these countries Ghaznl and Khwarizm are noted for cold, 
in the same way that Sultania and Tabriz are in the two 'Iraqs 
and Azarbaljan. 

^ i.e. the countries groupable as Khurasan. 

^ For picture and account of the dam, see Vigne, pp. 138, 202. 

3 f. 295^5. 

'^ The legend is told in numerous books with varying location of the spring. One 
narrator, Zakarlya Qazwini, reverses the parts, making Jai-pal employ the ruse ; 
hence Leyden's note (Mems. p. 150; E. and D.'s History of India ii, 20, 182 and 
iv, 162; for historical information, 'R..''s Noles p. 320). The date of the events is 
shortly after 378 AH. -988 AD. 


220 KABUL 

Zurmut is another tunidn, some \ 2-1 '^ yighdch south of Kabul 
and 7-8 south-east of Ghaznl.^ Its ddroghds head-quarters are 
\y^b. in Girdiz ; there most houses are three or four storeys high. It 
does not want for strength, and gave Nasir Mirza trouble when 
it went into hostility to him. Its people are Aughan-shal ; they 
grow corn but have neither vineyards nor orchards. The tomb 
of Shaikh Muhammad Musalmdn is at a spring, high on the 
skirt of a mountain, known as Barakistan, in the south of the 

Farmul is another turndn^ a humble place, growing not bad 
apples which are carried into Hindustan. Of Farmul were the 
Shaikh-zadas, descendants of Shaikh Muhamma.d Musa/mdn, who 
were so much in favour during the Afghan period in Hindustan. 

Bangash is another tiimdn.'^ All round about it are Afghan 
highwaymen, such as the Khugianl, KhirilchI, Tiirl and Landar. 
Lying out-of-the-way, as it does, its people do not pay taxes 
willingly. There has been no time to bring it to obedience ; 
greater tasks have fallen to me, — the conquests of Qandahar, 
Balkh, Badakhshan and Hindustan ! But, God willing ! when 
I get the chance, I most assuredly will take order with those 
Bangash thieves. 

One of the buluks of Kabul is Ala-sai,4 4 to 6 miles 
(2-3 shar't) east of Nijr-ail. The direct road into it from 
Nijr-au leads, at a place called Kura, through the quite small 
pass which in that locality separates the hot and cold climates. 
Through this pass the birds migrate at the change of the seasons, 
and at those times many are taken by the people of Pichghan, 
one of the dependencies of Nijr-au, in the following manner : — 
140. From distance to distance near the mouth of the pass, they make 
hiding-places for the bird-catchers. They fasten one corner of 
a net five or six yards away, and weight the lower side to the 

* ^''^ Notes s.n. Zurmut. 

' The question of the origin of the Farmul! has been written of by several writers ; 
perhaps they were Turks of Persia, Turks and Tajiks. 

3 This completes the list of the 14 tutnans of Kabul, viz. Ningnahar, 'Ali-shang, 
Alangar, Mandrawar, Kunar-with-Nur-gal, Nijr-au, Panjhir, Ghiir-bund, Koh-daman 
(with Kohistan?), Luhugur (of the Kabul tumdn), Ghazni, Zurmut, Farmul and 

< Between Nijr-au and Tag-au (Masson, iii, 165). Mr. Erskine notes that Babur 
reckoned it in the hot climate but that the change of climate takes place further east, 
between 'Ali-shang and Auzbln {i.e. the valley next eastwards from Tag-au). 



910AH.~JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 221 

ground with stones. Along the other side of the net, for half its 
width, they fasten a stick some 3 to 4 yards long. The hidden 
bird-catcher holds this stick and by it, when the birds approach, 
lifts up the net to its full height. The birds then go into the net of 
themselves. Sometimes so many are taken by this contrivance 
that there is not time to cut their throats.^ 

Though the Ala-sal pomegranates are not first-rate, they have 
local reputation because none are better there-abouts ; they are 
carried into Hindustan. Grapes also do not grow badly, and 
the wines of Ala-sai are better and stronger than those of 

Badr-aii (Tag-aii) is another buluk ; it runs with Ala-sai, grows 
no fruit, and for cultivators has corn-growing Kafirs.^ 

(/. Tribesmen of Kabul?) 

Just as Turks and (Mughul) clans {aundq) dwell in the open 
country of Khurasan and Samarkand, so in Kabul do the 
Hazara and Afghans. Of the Hazara, the most widely-scattered 
are the Sultan-mas'udi Hazara, of Afghans, the Mahmand. 

(^g. Revenue of Kabul.) 

The revenues of Kabul, whether from the cultivated lands 
or from tolls {tanigha) or from dwellers in the open country, 
amount to 8 laks of shdhrukhis.^ 

{h. The mountain-tracts of Kabul?) 

Where the mountains of Andar-ab, Khwast,^ and the Badakh- 
shanat have conifers {archa), many springs and gentle slopes, 
those of eastern Kabul have grass {aut), grass like a beautiful 
floor, on hill, slope and dale. For the most part it is bUta-kdk 
grass {aiit), very suitable for horses. In the Andijan country 
they talk of buta-kdh, but why they do so was not known (to 
me ?) ; in Kabul it was heard-say to be because the grass comes 

* bughuzldrlgha fursat bulmds ; i.e. to kill them in the lawful manner, while 
pronouncing the Br smV llah. 

^ This completes the buliiks of Kabul viz. Badr-au (Tag-au), Nur-valley, Chaghan- 
saral, Kama and Ala-sai. 

3 The mpi being equal to 2\ shdhrukhts, the shdhrukht may be taken at \od. thus 
making the total revenue only ^^33,333 ds. M. See Ayin-i-akbari ii, 169 (Erskine). 

4 sic in all B.N. MSS. Most maps print Khost. Muh. Salih says of Khwast, 
" Who sees it, would call it a Hell " (Vambery, p. 361). 



up in tufts {bilta, butd)} The alps of these mountains are like 
those of Hisar, Khutlan, Farghana, Samarkand and Mughuli- 
stan, — all these being alike in mountain and alp, though the 
alps of Farghana and Mughulistan are beyond comparison with 
the rest. 

From all these the mountains of Nijr-au, the Lamghanat and 
Sawad differ in having masses of cypresses,^ holm-oak, olive and 
mastic {kkanjak) ; their grass also is different, — it is dense, it is 
tall, it is good neither for horse nor sheep. Although these 
mountains are not so high as those already described, indeed 
they look to be low, none-the-less, they are strongholds ; what 
to the eye is even slope, really is hard rock on which it is 
impossible to ride. Many of the beasts and birds of Hindustan 
are found amongst them, such as the parrot, mina, peacock and 
liija {lukhd), the ape, nil-gdu and hog-deer {kuta-pdt) ; 3 some 
found there are not found even in Hindustan. 

The mountains to the west of Kabul are also all of one sort, 
those of the Zindan-valley, the Suf-valley, Garzawan and Ghar- 
jistan (Gharchastan).4 Their meadows are mostly in the dales ; 
they have not the same sweep of grass on slope and top as some 
of those described have ; nor have they masses of trees ; they 
have, however, grass suiting horses. On their flat tops, where 
all the crops are grown, there is ground where a horse can gallop. 
They have masses of kiyik.^ Their valley-bottoms are strong- 
holds, mostly precipitous and inaccessible from above. It is 
remarkable that, whereas other mountains have their fastnesses 
in their high places, these have theirs below. 

Of one sort again are the mountains of Ghur, Karnud (var. 
Kuzud) and Hazara ; their meadows are in their dales ; their 
trees are few, not even the archa being there ; ^ their grass is fit 

' Babur's statement about this fodder is not easy to translate ; he must have seen 
grass grow in tufts, and must have known the Persian word buta (bush). Perhaps 
kih should be read to mean plant, not grass. Would Wood's bootr fit in, a small 
furze bush, very plentiful near Bamlan ? (Wood's Report VI, p. 23 ; and for regional 
grasses, Aitchison's Botany of the Afghan Delimitation Commission, p. 122.) 

" ndza, perhaps cupressus torulosa (Brandis, p. 693). 

3 f. 276. 

*• A laborious geographical note of Mr. Erskine's is here regretfully left behind, as 
now needless (Mems. p. 152), 

5 Here, mainly wild-sheep and wild-goats, including mdr-hhwdr. 

* Perhaps, no conifers ; perhaps none of those of the contrasted hill-tract. 


910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 223 

for horses and for the masses of sheep they keep. They differ 
from those last described in this, their strong places are not below. 
The mountains (south-east of Kabul) of Khwaja Ismail, Dasht, 
Dug! (Duki) ^ and Afghanistan are all alike ; all low, scant of 
vegetation, short of water, treeless, ugly and good-for-nothing. 
Their people take after them, just as has been said, Ting bulmd- 
ghuncha tush bulmds? Likely enough the world has few moun- 
tains so useless and disgusting. 

{h. Fire-wood of Kabul.) 

The snow-fall being so heavy in Kabul, it is fortunate that 
excellent fire-wood is had near by. Given one day to fetch it, 
wood can be had of the khanjak (mastic), bilut (holm-oak), 
bdddmcha (small-almond) and qarqand.^ Of these khanjak wood 
is the best ; it burns with flame and nice smell, makes plenty of 
hot ashes and does well even if sappy. Holm-oak is also first- 
rate fire-wood, blazing less than mastic but, like it, making 
a hot fire with plenty of hot ashes, and nice smell. It has the 
peculiarity in burning that when its leafy branches are set alight, 
they fire up with amazing sound, blazing and crackling from 
bottom to top. It is good fun to burn it. The wood of the 
small-almond is the most plentiful and commonly-used, but it 
does not make a lasting fire. The qarqand is quite a low shrub, 
thorny, and burning sappy or dry ; it is the fuel of the Ghaznl 

{i. Fauna of Kdbul.) 

The cultivated lands of Kabul lie between mountains which 
are like great dams 4 to the flat valley-bottoms in which most 
villages and peopled places are. On these mountains kiyik and 

^ While here dasht (plain) represents the eastern skirt of the Mehtar Sulaiman 
range, diiki or diigt (desert) seems to stand for the hill tracts on the west of it, and 
not, as on f. 152, for the place there specified. 

"" Mems. p. 152, "A narrow place is large to the narrow-minded" ; Alems. i, 311, 
*' Ce qui n'est pas trop large, ne reste pas vide." Literally, " So long as heights are 
not equal, there is no vis-a-vis," or, if tang be read for ting, " No dawn, no noon," 
i.e. no effect without a cause. 

3 I have not lighted on this name in botanical books or explained by dictionaries. 
Perhaps it is a Cis-oxanian name for the sax-aol of Transoxania, As its uses are 
enumerated by some travellers, it might be Haloxylon ammodendron, ta-ghaz etc. and 
sax-aol (Aitchison, p. 102). 

•♦ f. 135^ note to Ghur-bund. 

224 KABUL 

dhii ^ are scarce. Across them, between its summer and winter 
quarters, the dun sheep,^ the arqdrghalcha, have their regular 
track,3 to which braves go out with dogs and birds ^ to take them. 
Towards Khurd-kabul and the Surkh-rud there is wild-ass, but 
there are no white klyik at all ; Ghaznl has both and in few 
other places are white kiyik found in such good condition.5 

In the heats the fowling-grounds of Kabul are crowded. The 
birds take their way along the Baran-water. For why ? It is 
because the river has mountains along it, east and west, and a 
great Hindu-kush pass in a line with it, by which the birds must 
cross since there is no other near.^ They cannot cross when the 
north wind blows, or if there is even a little cloud on Hindu-kush ; 
at such times they alight on the level lands of the Baran-water 
and are taken in great numbers by the local people. Towards the 
end of winter, dense flocks of mallards {aurdiiq) reach the banks 
of the Baran in very good condition. Follow these the cranes and 
herons,7 great birds, in large flocks and countless numbers. 

(y. Bird-catching^ 

Along the Baran people take masses of cranes {tHrna) with 
the cord ; masses of aUqdr, qarqara and qHtdn also.^ This 

' I understand that wild-goats, wild-sheep and deer {ahu) were not localized, but 
that thedun-sheep migrated through. Antelope {ahu) was scarce in Elphinstone's time. 

' qiztl klyik which, taken with its alternative name, arqdrghalcha, allows it to be 
the dun-sheep of Wood's Journey p. 241. From its second name it may be Ovis 
amnon (/^aos), or O. argall. 

3 tusqdwal, var. lutgdwal, tumqawal and tushqawal, a word which has given 
trouble to scribes and translators. As a sporting-term it is equivalent to j>^?/6Jr-z- 
nihilam ; in one or other of its forms I find it explained as Weg-hiiter, Fahnen-huter, 
Zahl-meister, Schlucht, Gefahrlicher-weg and Schmaler-weg. It recurs in the B. N. 
on f. I97<5 1. 5 and 1. 6 and there might mean either a narrow road or a Weg-hiiter. 
If its Turkl root be tus, the act of stopping, all the above meanings can follow, but 
there may be two separate roots, the second, tUsh, the act of descent (JRAS 1900 
p. 137, H. Beveridge's art. On the word nihilam). 

*• qushlik, altllk. Elphinstone writes (i, 191) of the excellent greyhounds and 
hawkmg birds of the region ; here the bird may be the charkh, which works with the 
dogs, fastening on the head of the game (Von Sch warz, p. 1 1 7, for the same use of eagles). 

s An antelope resembling the usual one of Hindustan is common south of Ghazni 
(Vigne, p. no); what is not found may be some classes of wild-sheep, frequent 
further north, at higher elevation, and in places more familiar to Babur. 

The Parwan or Hindu-kush pass, concerning the winds of which see f. 128. 

^ tHrna u qarqara ; the second of which is the Hindi dUg/d, heron, egret ardea 
ga^tta, the furnisher of the aigrette of commerce. 

* The aHqar is ardea cinerea, the grey heron ; the qarqara is ardea gazetta, the 
egret. QHtan is explained in the Elph. Codex (f. 1 10) by khawasil, goldfinch, but 
the context concerns large birds ; Scully (Shaw's Voc.) has qodan, water-hen, which 
suits better. ' y » » 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 225 

method of bird-catching is unique. They twist a cord as long 
as the arrow's ^ flight, tie the arrow at one end and a bildurga ^ 
at the other, and wind it up, from the arrow-end, on a piece of 
wood, span-long and wrist-thick, right up to the bildurga. They Fol. 14: 
then pull out the piece of wood, leaving just the hole it was in. 
The bildurga being held fast in the hand, the arrow is shot off 3 
towards the coming flock. If the cord twist round a neck or 
wing, it brings the bird down. On the Baran everyone takes 
birds in this way ; it is difficult ; it must be done on rainy nights, 
because on such nights the birds do not alight, but fly continually 
and fly low till dawn, in fear of ravening beasts of prey. Through 
the night the flowing river is their road, its moving water showing 
through the dark ; then it is, while they come and go, up and down 
the river, that the cord is shot. One night I shot it ; it broke in 
drawing in ; both bird and cord were brought in to me next day. 
By this device Baran people catch the many herons from which they 
take the turban-aigrettes sent from Kabul for sale in Khurasan. 

Of bird-catchers there is also the band of slave-fowlers, two or 
three hundred households, whom some descendant of Timur Beg 
made migrate from near Multan to the Baran.4 Bird-catching Fol. 14: 
is their trade ; they dig tanks, set decoy-birds 5 on them, put a net 
over the middle, and in this way take all sorts of birds. Not fowlers 
only catch birds, but every dweller on the Baran does it, whether 
by shooting the cord, setting the springe, or in various other ways. 

{k. Fishing?) 

The fish of the Baran migrate at the same seasons as birds. 
At those times many are netted, and many are taken on wattles 

" giz, the short-flight arrow. 

^ a small, round-headed nail with which a whip-handle is decorated (Vambery). 
Such a stud would keep the cord from slipping through the fingers and would not 
check the arrow-release. 

3 It has been understood (Mems. p. 158 and Mems. i, 313) that the arrow was flung 
by hand but if this were so, something heavier than the giz would carry the cord 
better, since it certainly would be difficult to direct a missile so light as an arrow 
without the added energy of the bow. The arrow itself will often have found its billet 
in the closely-flying flock ; the cord would retrieve the bird. The verb used in the 
text is aitrnaq, the one common to express the discharge of arrows etc. 

^ For Timurids who may have immigrated the fowlers see Ravert^s Notes p. 579 
and his Appendix p. 22. 

5 milwdh ; this has been read by all earlier translators, and also by the Persian 
annotator of the Elph. Codex, to mean skdkh, bough. For decoy-ducks see Bellew's 
Notes on Afghanistan p. 404. 

326 KABUL 

{chigJi) fixed in the water. In autumn when the plant known 
as wild-ass-tail ^ has come to maturity, flowered and seeded, 
people take 10-20 loads (of seed?) and 20-30 of green branches 
\guk-shibdk) to some head of water, break it up small and 
cast it in. Then going into the water, they can at once pick up 
drugged fish. At some convenient place lower down, in a hole 
below a fall, they will have fixed before-hand a wattle of 
finger-thick willow-withes, making it firm by piling stones on its 
sides. The water goes rushing and dashing through the wattle, 
but leaves on it any fish that may have come floating down. 
This way of catching fish is practised in Gul-bahar, Parwan and 

1433. Fish are had in winter in the Lamghanat by this curious 
device : — ^People dig a pit to the depth of a house, in the bed of 
a stream, below a fall, line it with stones like a cooking-place, 
and build up stones round it above, leaving one opening only, 
under water. Except by this one opening, the fish have no 
inlet or outlet, but the water finds its way through the stones. 
This makes a sort of fish-pond from which, when wanted in 
winter, fish can be taken, 30-40 together. Except at the opening, 
left where convenient, the sides of the fish-pond are made fast 
with rice-straw, kept in place by stones. A piece of wicker-work 
is pulled into the said opening by its edges, gathered together, 
and into this a second piece, (a tube,) is inserted, fitting it at the 
mouth but reaching half-way into it only.^ The fish go through 
the smaller piece into the larger one, out from which they cannot 
get. The second narrows towards its inner mouth, its pointed 
ends being drawn so close that the fish, once entered, cannot 

144. turn, but must go on, one by one, into the larger piece. Out of 
that they cannot return because of the pointed ends of the inner, 
narrow mouth. The wicker-work fixed and the rice-straw making 
the pond fast, whatever fish are inside can be taken out ; 3 any 
also which, trying to escape may have gone into the wicker-work, 

* qulUn guyirughi. Amongst the many plants used to drug fish I have not found 
this one mentioned. Khar-zahra and khdr-faq approach it in verbal meaning ; the 
first describes colocynth, the second, wild rue. See "^^XU' Economic Products ^ India 
iii, 366 and Bellew's Notes pp. 182, 471 and 478. 

' Much trouble would have been spared to himself and his translators, if Babur 
had known a lobster-pot. 

3 The fish, it is to be inferred, came down the fall into the pond. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 227 

are taken in it, because they have no way out. This method 
of catching fish we have seen nowhere else.^ 


{a. Departure of Muqzm and allotment of lands.) 

A few days after the taking of Kabul, Muqim asked leave to 
set off for Qandahar. As he had come out of the town on 
terms and conditions, he was allowed to go to his father (Zu'n- 
nOn) and his elder brother (Shah Beg), with all his various 
people, his goods and his valuables, safe and sound. 

Directly he had gone, the Kabul-country was shared out to 
the Mirzas and the guest-begs.3 To Jahanglr Mirza was given 
Ghaznl with its dependencies and appurtenancies ; to Nasir 
Mirza, the Ningnahar tiiindn, Mandrawar, N Or- valley, Kunar, 
Nur-gal (Rock-village?) and Chlghan-saraT. To some of the 
begs who had been with us in the guerilla-times and had come 
to Kabul with us, were given villages, fief-fashion.4 Wildyat Fol. 144 
itself was not given at all.5 It was not only then that I looked 
with more favour on guest-begs and stranger-begs than I did 
on old servants and Andijanis ; this I have always done when- 
ever the Most High God has shown me His favour ; yet it is 
remarkable that, spite of this, people have blamed me constantly 
as though I had favoured none but old servants and Andijanis. 
There is a proverb, (Turk!) " What will a foe not say ? what 
enters not into dream ? " and (Persian) " A town-gate can be 
shut, a foe's mouth never." 

^ Burnes and Vigne describe a fall 20 miles from Kabul, at "Tang! Gharoi", 
[below where the Tag-au joins the Baran-water,] to which in their day, Kabulis went 
out for the amusement of catching fish as they try to leap up the fall. Were these 
migrants seeking upper waters or were they captives in a fish-pond ? 

^ Elph. MS. f. Ill ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. \\6b and 217 f. 97^; Mems. p. 155 ; 
M^ms. i, 318. 

3 mihman-beglar, an expression first used by Babur here, and due, presumably, to 
accessions from Khusrau Shah's following. A parallel case is given in Max Muller's 
Science of Language i, 348 ed. 187 1, "Turkman tribes . . . call themselves, not 
subjects, but guests of the Uzbeg Khans." 

-♦ tiyul-dik in all the Turki MSS. Ilminsky, de Courteille and Zenker, yitiil-drk, 
Turki, a fief. 

5 Wildyat kkUd heck birilmadi ', W.-i-B. 215 f, wdb, Wildyat ddda na shuda and 
217 f. 97^, Wildyat khUd hech ddda na shud. By this I understand that he kept the 
lands of Kabul itself in his own hands. He mentions (f. 350) and Gul-badan mentions 
(H.N. f. 6tOb) his resolve so to keep Kabul. I think he kept not only the fort but 
all lands constituting the Kabul tUmdn (f. 135^ and note). 

228 KABUL 

(^. A levy in grain?) 

Many clans and hordes had come from Samarkand, Hisar 
and Qunduz into the Kabul-country. Kabul is a small country ; 
it is also of the sword, not of the pen ; ^ to take in money from 
it for all these tribesmen was impossible. It therefore seemed 
advisable to take in grain, provision for the families of these 
clans so that their men could ride on forays with the army. 
Accordingly it was decided to levy 30,000 ass-loads ^ of grain 
on Kabul, Ghaznl and their dependencies ; we knew nothing 
at that time about the harvests and incomings ; the impost was 
excessive, and under it the country suffered very grievously. 

In those days I devised the Baburi script.3 

{c. Foray on the Hazdra.) 

A large tribute in horses and sheep had been laid on the 
Sultan Mas'iidl Hazaras ; 4 word came a few days after collectors 
had gone to receive it, that the Hazaras were refractory and 
would not give their goods. As these same tribesmen had 
before that come down on the Ghaznl and Girdiz roads, we got 
to horse, meaning to take them by surprise. Riding by the 
Maidan-road, we crossed the Nirkh-pass 5 by night and at the 
Morning-prayer fell upon them near Jal-tu (van Cha-tu). The 
incursion was not what was wished.^ We came back by the 
Tunnel-rock (Sang-i-surakh) ; Jahanglr Mirza (there ?) took 
leave for Ghaznl. On our reaching Kabul, Yar-i-husain, son of 
Darya Khan, coming in from Bhlra, waited on me.7 

' Saijt dur, qalatnl almas, i.e. tax is taken by force, not paid on a written 

» khar-wdr, about 700 lbs Averdupois (Erskine). Cf. Ayln-i-akbarl (Jarrett, ii, 394). 

3 Nizamu'd-din Ahmad and Badayuni both mention this script and say that in it 
Babur transcribed a copy of the Qoran for presentation to Makka. Badayuni says 
it was unknown in his day, the reign of Akbar {Tabaqdt-i-akbari, lith. ed. p. 193, 
and MuntakhabiiU-tawarlkh Bib. Ind. ed. iii, 273). 

^ Babur's route, taken with one given by Raverty {Notes p. 691), allows these 
Hazaras, about whose location Mr. Erskine was uncertain, to be located between the 
Takht-pass (Arghandl-Maidan-Unai road), on their east, and the Sang-lakh mountains, 
on their west. 

5 The Takht-pass, one on which from times immemorial, toll {nirkh) has been 

* khatir-kkwdh chdpilmddi, which perhaps implies mutual discontent, Babur's with 
his gains, the Hazaras' with their losses. As the second Persian translation omits 
the negative, the Memoirs does the same. 

7 Bhira being in Shahpur, this Khan's daryd will be the Jehlam. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 229 

{d. Bdbur' s first start for Hindustan?) 

When, a few days later, the army had been mustered, persons 
acquainted with the country were summoned and questioned 
about its every side and quarter. Some advised a march to the 
Plain (Dasht) ; ^ some approved of Bangash ; some wished to 
go into Hindustan. The discussion found settlement in a move 
on Hindustan. 

It was in the month of Sha'ban (910 AH.-Jan. 1505 ad.), the 
Sun being in Aquarius, that we rode out of Kabul for Hindustan. 
We took the road by Badam-chashma and Jagdallk and reached 
Adinapur in six marches. Till that time I had never seen 
a hot country or the Hindustan border-land. In Ningnahar ^ 
another world came to view, — other grasses, other trees, other 
animals, other birds, and other manners and customs of clan and 
horde. We were amazed, and truly there was ground for amaze. Fol. 

Nasir Mlrza, who had gone earlier to his district, waited on 
me in Adinapur. We made some delay in Adinapur in order 
to let the men from behind join us, also a contingent from the 
clans which had come with us into Kabul and were wintering 
in the Lamghanat.3 All having joined us, we marched to below 
jQI-shahl and dismounted at Qush-gumbaz.4 There Nasir Mlrza 
asked for leave to stay behind, saying he would follow in a few 
days after making some sort of provision for his dependants 
and followers. Marching on from Qush-gurnbaz, when we dis- 
mounted at Hot-spring (Garm-chashma), a head-man of the 
GaglanI was brought in, a Fajji,^ presumably with his caravan. 
We took him with us to point out the roads. Crossing Khaibar 
in a march or two, we dismounted at Jam.^ 

^ Babur uses Persian dasht and Hindi dukl, plain and hill, for the tracts east and 
west of Mehtar Sulaiman. The first, dasht, stands for Daman (skirt) and Dara-i-jat, 
the second, diikl, indefinitely for the broken lands west of the main range, but also, 
in one instance for the DukI [Dugl] district of Qandahar, as will be noted, 

2 f. 132. The Jagdalik-pass for centuries has separated the districts of Kabul and 
Ningnahar. Forster ( Travels ii, 68), making the journey the reverse way, was 
sensible of the climatic change some 3m. east of Gandamak. Cf. Wood's Report I. p. 6. 

3 These are they whose families Nasir Mlrza shepherded out of Kabul later (f. 154, 
f. 155). 

* Bird's-dome, opposite the mouth of the Kunar-water {S.A. War, Map p. 64). 

s This word is variously pointed and is uncertain. Mr. Erskine adopted "Pekhi", 
but, on the whole, it may be best to read, here and on f. 146, Ar. fajj or pers. pajy 
mountain or pass. To do so shews the guide to be one located in the Khaibar-pass, 
a Fajji or Paji. 

* mod. Jam-rud (Jam-torrent), presumably. 



Tales had been told us about Gur-khattrl ; ' it was said to be 
a holy place of the Jogis and Hindus who come from long 
distances to shave their heads and beards there. I rode out at 
once from Jam to visit Blgram,^ saw its great tree,3 and all the 
country round, but, much as we enquired about Gur-khattrT, 
our guide, one Malik Bu-sa'ld Kamari,^ would say nothing 
about it. When we were almost back in camp, however, he told 
Khwaja Muhammad-amin that it was in Bigram and that he 
had said nothing about it because of its confined cells and 
narrow passages. The Khwaja, having there and then abused 
him, repeated to us what he had said, but we could not go back 
because the road was long and the day far spent. 

{e. Move against Kohdt.) 

Whether to cross the water of Sind, or where else to go, was 
discussed in that camp.5 BaqI Chaghdnidni represented that it 
seemed we might go, without crossing the river and with one 
night's halt, to a place called Kohat where were many rich 
tribesmen ; moreover he brought Kabulls forward who repre- 
sented the matter just as he had done. We had never heard of 
the place, but, as he, my man in great authority, saw it good to 
go to Kohat and had brought forward support of his recom- 
mendation, — this being so ! we broke up our plan of crossing 
the Sind-water into Hindustan, marched from Jam, forded the 
Bara-water, and dismounted not far from the pass iddbdn) 
through the Muhammad-mountain {fajj). At the time the 
Gaglanl Afghans were located in Parashawar but, in dread of 
our army, had drawn off to the skirt-hills. One of their head- 
men, coming into this camp, did me obeisance ; we took him, as 

' G. of I. XX, 125 and Cunningham's Ancient History i, 80. Babur saw the place 

in 925 AH. (f. 232(J). 

^ Cunningham, p. 29. Four ancient sites, not far removed from one another, bear 
this name, Bigram, viz. those near Hupian, Kabul, Jalalabad and Pashawar. 

3 Cunningham, i, 79. 

^ Perhaps a native of Kamarl on the Indus, but kamarl is a word of diverse 
application (index s.n.). 

5 The annals of this campaign to the eastward shew that Babur was little of a free 
agent ; that many acts of his own were merciful ; that he sets down the barbarity of 
others as it was, according to his plan of writing (f. 86) ; and that he had with him 
undisciplined robbers of Khusrau Shah's former following. He cannot be taken as 
having power to command or control the acts of those, his guest-begs and their 
following, who dictated his movements in this disastrous journey, one worse than 
a defeat, says Haidar Mirza. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 231 

well as the FajjT, with us, so that, between them, they might Fol. 146 
point out the roads. We left that camp at midnight, crossed 
Muhammad-fajj at day-rise ^ and by breakfast-time descended 
on Kohat. Much cattle and buffalo fell to our men ; many 
Afghans were taken but I had them all collected and set them 
free. In the Kohat houses corn was found without limit. Our 
foragers raided as far as the Sind-river {daryd), rejoining us after 
one night's halt. As what BaqI Chaghdnmmhdid led us to expect 
did not come to hand, he grew rather ashamed of his scheme. 

When our foragers were back and after two nights in Kohat, 
we took counsel together as to what would be our next good move, 
and we decided to over-run the Afghans of Bangash and the 
Bannu neighbourhood, then to go back to Kabul, either through 
Naghr (Baghzan ?), or by the Farmul-road (Tochl-valley ?). 

In Kohat, Darya Khan's son, Yar-i-husain, who had waited 
on me in Kabul made petition, saying, "If royal orders were 
given me for the Dilazak,^ the Yusuf-zal, and the Gaglanl, these 
would not go far from my orders if I called up the Padshah's 
swords on the other side of the water of Sind." 3 The farman 
he petitioned for being given, he was allowed to go from Kohat. 

(/ March to Thai.) 

Marching out of Kohat, we took the Hangu-road for Bangash. Fol. 147 
Between Kohat and Hangu that road runs through a valley shut 
in on either hand by the mountains. When we entered this 
valley, the Afghans of Kohat and thereabouts who were gathered 
on both hill-skirts, raised their war-cry with great clamour. Our 
then guide, Malik Bu-sa'id Kainari was well-acquainted with 
the Afghan locations ; he represented that further on there was 
a detached hill on our right, where, if the Afghans came down 
to it from the hill-skirt, we might surround and take them. God 
brought it right ! The Afghans, on reaching the place, did come 
down. We ordered one party of braves to seize the neck of 
land between that hill and the mountains, others to move along 

' For the route here see Masson, i, 1 1 7 and Colquhoun's With the Kuram Field- 
force p. 48. 

= The Hai. MS. writes this Dilah-zak. 

3 i.e. raised a force in Babur's name. He took advantage of \}i\\% farman in 911 AH. 
to kill Baqi Chaghanldnl (f. 1 59(5- 160). 

232 KABUL 

its sides, so that under attack made from all sides at once, the 
Afghans might be made to reach their doom. Against the all- 
round assault, they could not even fight ; a hundred or two were 
taken, some were brought in alive but of most, the heads only 
were brought. We had been told that when Afghans are power- 
less to resist, they go before their foe with grass between their 
teeth, this being as much as to say, " I am your cow." ^ Here 
i47d. we saw this custom ; Afghans unable to make resistance, came 
before us with grass between their teeth. Those our men had 
brought in as prisoners were ordered to be beheaded and a pillar 
of their heads was set up in our camp.^ 

Next day we marched forward and dismounted at Hangu, 
where local Afghans had made a sangur on a hill. I first heard 
the word sangur after coming to Kabul where people describe 
fortifying themselves on a hill as making a sangur. Our men 
went straight up, broke into it and cut off a hundred or two of 
insolent Afghan heads. There also a pillar of heads was set up. 
From Hangu we -marched, with one night's halt, to Til (Thal),3 
below Bangash ; there also our men went out and raided the 
Afghans near-by ; some of them however turned back rather 
lightly from a sangur.^ 

{g. Across country into Bannil.) 

On leaving Til (Thai) we went, without a road, right down 
a steep descent, on through out-of-the-way narrows, halted one 
night, and next day came down into Bannu,s man, horse and 
camel all worn out with fatigue and with most of the booty in 
cattle left on the way. The frequented road must have been 
a few miles to our right ; the one we came by did not seem 

* Of the Yusuf-zai and Ranjit-singh, Masson says, (i, 141) "The miserable, hunted 
wretches threw themselves on the ground, and placing a blade or tuft of grass in their 
mouths, cried out, " I am your cow." This act and explanation, which would have 
saved them from an orthodox Hindu, had no effect with the infuriated Sikhs." This 
form of supplication is at least as old as the days of FirdausI (Erskine, p. 159 n.j. 
The Bahar-i-'-ajam is quoted by Vullers as saying that in India, suppliants take straw 
m the rnouth to indicate that they are blanched and yellow from fear. 

=" This barbarous custom has always prevailed amongst the Tartar conquerors of 
Asia (Erskine). For examples under Timur see Raverty's Notes p. 137. 

3 For a good description of the road from Kohat to Thai see Bellew's Mission p. 104. 

^ F. 88<5 has the same phrase about the doubtful courage of one Sayyidi Qara. 

5 Not to the mod. town of Bannu, [that having been begun only in 1848 ad.] but 
wherever their wrong road brought them out into the Bannu amphitheatre. The 
Survey Map of 1868, No. 15, shews the physical features of the wrong route. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 233 

a riding-road at all ; it was understood to be called the Gosfand- Foi. 
liyar (Sheep-road), — liydr being Afghani for a road, — because 
sometimes shepherds and herdsmen take their flocks and herds 
by it through those narrows. Most of our men regarded our 
being brought down by that left-hand road as an ill-design of 
Malik Bu-sa'ld Kaniari} 

{h. Bannu and the 'Isa-khail country^ 

The Bannu lands lie, a dead level, immediately outside the 
Bangash and Naghr hills, these being to their north. The 
Bangash torrent (the Kuram) comes down into Bannu and 
fertilizes its lands. South(-east) of them are Chaupara and the 
water of Sind ; to their east is Din-kot ; (south-)west is the Plain 
(Dasht), known also as Bazar and Taq.^ The Bannu lands are 
cultivated by the KuranI, KlwT, Sur, 'Isa-khail and Nia-zal of 
the Afghan tribesmen. 

After dismounting in Bannu, we heard that the tribesmen in 
the Plain (Dasht) were for resisting an4 were entrenching 
themselves on a hill to the north. A force headed by Jahanglr 
Mirza, went against what seemed to be the Kiwi sangur, took it 
at once, made general slaughter, cut off and brought in many 
heads. Much white cloth fell into (their) hands. In Bannu 
also a pillar of heads was set up. After the sangur had been 
taken, the Kiwi head-man, Shadi Khan, came to my presence, 
with grass between his teeth, and did me obeisance. I pardoned 
all the prisoners. 

After we had over-run Kohat, it had been decided that 
Bangash and Bannu should be over-run, and return to Kabul Fol. 
made through Naghr or through Farmiil. But when Bannii had 
been over-run, persons knowing the country represented that the 
Plain was close by, with its good roads and many people ; so it 
was settled to over-run the Plain and to return to Kabul 
afterwards by way of Farmul.3 

^ Perhaps he connived at recovery of cattle by those raided already. 

^ Taq is the Tank of Maps ; Bazar was s.w. of it. Tank for Taq looks to be 
a variant due to nasal utterance (Vigne, p. 77, p. 203 and Map ; and, as bearing on 
the nasal, in loco. Appendix E). 

3 If return had been made after over-running Bannu, it would have been made by 
the Tochl-valley and so through Farmul ; if after over-running the Plain, Babur's 
details shew that the westward turn was meant to be by the Gumal-valley and one of 

234 KABUL 

Marching next day, we dismounted at an *Isa-khail village on 
that same water (the Kuram) but, as the villagers had gone into 
the Chaupara hills on hearing of us, we left it and dismounted 
on the skirt of Chaupara. Our foragers went from there into 
the hills, destroyed the *Isa-khail sangur and came back with 
sheep, herds and cloth. That night the 'Isa-khail made an 
attack on us but, as good watch was kept all through these 
operations, they could do nothing. So cautious were we that at 
night our right and left, centre and van were just in the way 
they had dismounted, each according to its place in battle, each 
prepared for its own post, with men on foot all round the camp, at 
an arrow's distance from the tents. Every night the army was 
posted in this way and every night three or four of my household 
149. made the rounds with torches, each in his turn. I for my part 
made the round once each night. Those not at their posts had 
their noses slit and were led round through the army. Jahanglr 
Mirza was the right wing, with BaqT Chaghdnldni, Sherim Taghal, 
Sayyid Husain Ak-bar, and other begs. Mirza Khan was the 
left wing, with 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza, Qasim Beg and other begs. 
In the centre there were no great begs, all were household-begs. 
Sayyid Qasim Lord-of-the-gate, was the van, with Baba AOghulI, 
Allah-blrdI (van Allah-qull Puran), and some other begs. The 
army was in six divisions, each of which had its day and night 
on guard. 

Marching from that hill-skirt, our faces set west, we dismounted 
on a waterless plain {qui) between Bannu and the Plain. The 
soldiers got water here for themselves, their herds and so on, by 
digging down, from one to one-and-a-half yards, into the dry 
water-course, when water came. Not here only did this happen 
for all the rivers of Hindustan have the peculiarity that water is 
safe to be found by digging down from one to one-and-a-half 
yards in their beds. It is a wonderful provision of God that where, 
except for the great rivers, there are no running-waters,^ water 
should be so placed within reach in dry water-courses. 

two routes out of it, still to Farmul ; but the extended march southward to near 
Dara-i-GhazI Khan made the westward turn be taken through the valley opening at 

' This \yill mean, none of the artificial runlets familiar where Babur had lived 
before gettmg to know Hindustan. 

910 AH. —JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 235 

We left that dry channel next morning. Some of our men, 
riding light, reached villages of the Plain in the afternoon, raided 
a few, and brought back flocks, cloth and horses bred for trade. ^ 
Pack-animals and camels and also the braves we had outdistanced, 
kept coming into camp all through that night till dawn and on 
till that morrow's noon. During our stay there, the foragers Fol. 
brought in from villages in the Plain, masses of sheep and cattle, 
and, from Afghan traders met on the roads, white cloths, aromatic 
roots, sugars, tipiichaqs, and horses bred for trade. Hindi (van 
Mindl) Mughiil unhorsed Khwaja Khizr Luhdnt, a well-known 
and respected Afghan merchant, cutting off and bringing in his 
head. Once when Sherim Taghal went in the rear of the foragers, 
an Afghan faced him on the road and struck off his index-finger. 

(/. Return made for Kabul.) 

Two roads were heard of as leading from where we were to 
Ghaznl ; one was the Tunnel-rock (Sang-i-surakh) road, passing 
Birk (Barak) and going on to Farmijl ; the other was one along 
the Gumal, which also comes out at Farmul but without touching 
Birk (Barak).^ As during our stay in the Plain rain had fallen 
incessantly, the Giimal was so swollen that it would have been 
difficult to cross at the ford we came to ; moreover persons well- 
acquainted with the roads, represented that going by the Gumal 
road, this torrent must be crossed several times, that this was 
always difficult when the waters were so high and that there was 
always uncertainty on the Gumal road. Nothing was settled 
then as to which of these two roads to take ; I expected it to be 
settled next day when, after the drum of departure had sounded, Fol. 
we talked it over as we went.3 It was the 'Id-i-fitr (March /th 
1505 AD.); while I was engaged in the ablutions due for the 
breaking of the fast, Jahanglr Mirza and the begs discussed the 

' sauda-dt, perhaps, pack-ponies, perhaps, bred for sale and not for own use. 
Burnes observes that in 1837 Luhani merchants carried precisely the same articles of 
trade as in Babur's day, 332 years earlier {Report IX p. 99). 

^ Mr. Erskine thought it probable that the first of these routes went through 
Kaniguram, and the second through the Ghwalirl-pass and along the Gumal. Birk, 
fastness, would seem an appropriate name for Kaniguram, but, if Babur meant to go 
to Ghaznl, he would be off the ordinary Gumal-Ghaznl route in going through Farmul 
(Aijrgun). Ravertys Notes give much useful detail about these routes, drawn from 
native sources. For Barak (Birk) see Notes pp. 88, 89 ; Vigne, p. 102. 

3 From this it would seem that the alternative roads were approached by one in 


236 KABUL 

question of the roads. Some-one said that if we were to turn 
the bilP of the Mehtar Sulaiman range, this lying between 
the Plain and the Hill-country {deskt u duki)^ we should get 
a level road though it might make the difference of a few marches. 
For this they decided and moved off ; before my ablutions were 
finished the whole army had taken the road and most of it was 
across the Giimal. Not a man of us had ever seen the road ; 
no-one knew whether it was long or short ; we started off just 
on a rumoured word ! 

The Prayer of the 'Id was made on the bank of the Gumal. 
That year New-year's Day3 fell close to the 'Id-i-fitr, there being 
only a few days between ; on their approximation I composed 
the following (Turki) ode : — 

Glad is the Bairam-moon for him who sees both the face of the Moon and the 

Moon-face of his friend ; 
Sad is the Bairam-moon for me, far away from thy face and from thee.'* 

O Babur ! dream of your luck when your Feast is the meeting, your New-year 

the face ; 
For better than that could not be with a hundred New-years and Bairams. 

After crossing the Gumal torrent, we took our way along the 
skirt of the hills, our faces set south. A mile or two further on, 
iso*^- some death-devoted Afghans shewed themselves on the lower 
edge of the hill-slope. Loose rein, off we went for them ; most 
of them fled but some made foolish stand on rocky-piles 5 of the 
foot-hills. One took post on a single rock seeming to have 
a precipice on the further side of it, so that he had not even a way 
of escape. SI. Qui! Chundq (One-eared), all in his mail as he was, 
got up, slashed at, and took him. This was one of SI. Qull's 
deeds done under my own eyes, which led to his favour and 
promotion.^ At another pile of rock, when Qutluq-qadam 
exchanged blows with an Afghan, they grappled and came down 

' titmshuq, a bird's bill, used here, as in Selsey-bill, for the naze (nose), or snout, 
the last spur, of a range. 

° Here these words may be common nouns. 

3 Nu-roz, the feast of the old Persian New-year (Erskine) ; it is the day on which 
the Sun enters Aries. 

* In the [Turki] Elph. and Hai. MSS. and in some Persian ones, there is a space 
left here as though to indicate a known omission. 

5 kamari, sometimes a cattle-enclosure, which may serve as a sangur. The word 
may stand in one place of its Babur-nama uses for Gum-rahl (R.'s Notes s.n. Gum- 

' Index s.n. 

910 AH— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 237 

together, a straight fall of 10 to 12 yards; in the end Qutluq- 
qadam cut off and brought in his man's head. Kupuk Beg got 
hand-on-collar with an Afghan at another hill ; both rolled down 
to the bottom ; that head also was brought in. All Afghans 
taken prisoner were set free. 

Marching south through the Plain, and closely skirting Mehtar 
Sulaiman, we came, with three nights' halt, to a small township, 
called Bllah, on the Sind-water and dependent on Multan.^ The 
villagers crossed the water, mostly taking to their boats, but 
some flung themselves in to cross. Some were seen standing on 
an island in front of Bilah. Most of our men, man and horse in 
mail, plunged in and crossed to the island ; some were carried 
down, one being Qul-i-aruk (thin slave), one of my servants, 
another the head tent-pitcher, another Jahanglr Mirza's servant, 
Qaltmas Turkman.^ Cloth and things of the baggage {partaldik 
nima) fell to our men. The villagers all crossed by boat to the 
further side of the river ; once there, some of them, trusting to 
the broad water, began to make play with their swords. Qul-i- 
bayazld, the taster, one of our men who had crossed to the island, 
stripped himself and his horse and, right in front of them, 
plunged by himself into the river. The water on that side of 
the island may have been twice or thrice as wide as on ours. 
He swum his horse straight for them till, an arrow's-flight away, 
he came to a shallow where his weight must have been up-borne, 
the water being as high as the saddle-flap. There he stayed for 
as long as milk takes to boil ; no-one supported him from 
behind ; he had not a chance of support. He made a dash at 
them ; they shot a few arrows at him but, this not checking him, 
they took to flight. To swim such a river as the Sind, alone, 
bare on a bare-backed horse, no-one behind him, and to chase 
off a foe and occupy his ground, was a mightily bold deed ! He 
having driven the enemy off, other soldiers went over who 
returned with cloth and droves of various sorts. Qul-i-bayazld 
had already his place in my favour and kindness on account of 
his good service, and of courage several times shewn ; from the 
cook's office I had raised him to the royal taster's ; this time, as 

^ Vigne, p. 241. 

= This name can be translated " He turns not back " or '* He stops not ". 

238 KABUL 

will be told, I took up a position full of bounty, favour and 
promotion, — in truth he was worthy of honour and advancement. 
Two other marches were made down the Sind-water. Our 
men, by perpetually gallopping off on raids, had knocked up 
their horses ; usually what they took, cattle mostly, was not 
worth the gallop ; sometimes indeed in the Plain there had been 
sheep, sometimes one sort of cloth or other, but, the Plain left 
behind, nothing was had but cattle. A mere servant would 
bring in 3 or 400 head during our marches along the Sind-water, 
but every march many more would be left on the road than 
they brought in. 

(j. The westward march?) 

Having made three more marches^ close along the Sind, we 
left it when we came opposite Pjr Kanu's tomb.^ Going to the 
tomb, we there dismounted. Some of our soldiers having injured 
several of those in attendance on it, I had them cut to pieces. 
It is a tomb on the skirt of one of the Mehtar Sulaiman 
mountains and held in much honour in Hindustan. 

Marching on from Pir Kanu, we dismounted in the (Pawat) 
pass ; next again in the bed of a torrent in Dukl.3 After we 
left this camp there were brought in as many as 20 to 30 
followers of a retainer of Shah Beg, Fazil Kickulddsh, the 
darogha of SlwI. They had been sent to reconnoitre us but, as 
at that time, we were not on bad terms with Shah Beg, we let 
them go, with horse and arms. After one night's halt, we 
reached Chutlall, a village of Dukl. 

Although our men had constantly gallopped off to raid, both 
before we reached the Sind-water and all along its bank, they 
had not left horses behind, because there had been plenty of green 
food and corn. When, however, we left the river and set our 
faces for Pir Kanu, not even green food was to be had ; a little 
land under green crop might be found every two or three 

' i.e. five from Bilah. 

= Raverty gives the saint's name as Pir Kanun (Ar. kaiiun, listened to). It is the 
well-known Sakhl-sarwar, honoured by Hindus and Muhammadans. (G. of I., xxi, 
390 ; ^.''% Notes p. II and p. 12 and JASB 1855 ; Calcutta Review 1875, Macauliffe's 
art. On the fair at Sakhi-sarwar \ Leech's Report VII, for the route; Khazinatu 
U-asfiyd iv, 245. ) 

3 This seems to be the sub-district of Qandahar, Duki or Dugi. 

910 AH.— JUNE Uth 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 239 

marches, but of horse-corn, none. So, beyond the camps 
mentioned, there began the leaving of horses behind. After 
passing Chutlah, my own felt-tent^ had to be left from want of 
baggage-beasts. One night at that time, it rained so much, that 
water stood knee-deep in my tent {chdddr) ; I watched the night 
out till dawn, uncomfortably sitting on a pile of blankets. 

{k. Bdqi Chaghdnidni s treachery ?) 

A few marches further on came Jahanglr Mlrza, saying, " I Fol. 
have a private word for you." When we were in private, he 
said, " BaqI Chaghdnidni came and said to me, ' You make the 
Padshah cross the water of Sind with j, ^, 10 persons, then 
make yourself Padshah.' " Said I, " What others are heard of as 
consulting with him?" Said he, "It was but a moment ago 
Baqi Beg spoke to me ; I know no more." Said I, " Find out 
who the others are ; likely enough Sayyid Husain Akbar and 
SI. 'All the page are in it, as well as Khusrau Shah's begs and 
braves." Here the Mlrza really behaved very well and like 
a blood-relation ; what he now did was the counterpart of what 
I had done in Kahmard,^ in this same ill-fated mannikin's other 
scheme of treachery.^ 

On dismounting after the next march, I made Jahanglr Mlrza 
lead a body of well-mounted men to raid the Aughans (Afghans) 
of that neighbourhood. 

Many men's horses were now left behind in each camping- 
ground, the day coming when as many as 2 or 300 were left. 
Braves of the first rank went on foot ; Sayyid Mahmud 
Aughldqchi, one of the best of the household-braves, left his 
horses behind and walked. In this state as to horses we went 
all the rest of the way to GhaznI. 

Three or four marches further on, Jahanglr Mlrza plundered Fol 
some Afghans and brought in a few sheep. 

(/. The Ab-i-istdda.) 

When, with a few more marches, we reached the Standing- 
water (yAb-i-istdda) a wonderfully large sheet of water presented 

^ khar-gdh, a folding tent on lattice frame-work, perhaps a khibitka. 
^ It may be more correct to write Kah-mard, as the Hai. MS. does and to under- 
stand in the name a reference to the grass(^<2-^)-yielding capacity of the place. 
3 f. 121. 



itself to view ; the level lands on its further side could not be 
seen at all ; its water seemed to join the sky ; the higher land 
and the mountains of that further side looked to hang between 
Heaven and Earth, as in a mirage. The waters there gathered 
are said to be those of the spring-rain floods of the Kattawaz- 
plain, the Zurmut-valley, and the Qara-bagh meadow of the 
GhaznI-torrent, — floods of the spring-rains, and the over-plus ^ of 
the summer-rise of streams. 

When within two miles of the Ab-i-istada, we saw a wonderful 
thing, — something as red as the rose of the dawn kept shewing 
and vanishing between the sky and the water. It kept coming 
and going. When we got quite close we learned that what 
seemed the cause were flocks of geese,^ not 10,000, not 20,000 
in a flock, but geese innumerable which, when the mass of birds 
flapped their wings in flight, sometimes shewed red feathers, 
sometimes not. Not only was this bird there in countless 
numbers, but birds of every sort. Eggs lay in masses on the 
shore. When two Afghans, come there to collect eggs, saw us, 
iSS*^- they went into the water half a kuroh (a mile). Some of our 
men following, brought them back. As far as they went the 
water was of one depth, up to a horse's belly ; it seemed not to 
lie in a hollow, the country being flat. 

We dismounted at the torrent coming down to the Ab-i-istada 
from the plain of Kattawaz. The several other times we have 
passed it, we have found a dry channel with no water whatever,^ 
but this time, there was so much water, from the spring-rains, 
that no ford could be found. The water was not very broad 
but very deep. Horses and camels were made to swim it ; some 
of the baggage was hauled over with ropes. Having got across, 
we went on through Old NanI and Sar-i-dih to Ghaznl where 
for a few days Jahanglr Mirza was our host, setting food before 
us and oflering his tribute. 

' This may mean, what irrigation has not used. 

' Mr. Erskine notes that the description would lead us to imagine a flock of 
flamingoes. Masson found the lake filled with red-legged, white fowl (i, 262) ; these 
and also what Babur saw, may have been the China-goose which has body and neck 
white, head and tail russet (Bellew's Mission p. 402). Broadfoot seems to have visited 
the lake when migrants were few, and through this to have been led to adverse 
comment on Babur's accuracy (p. 350). 

3 The usual dryness of the bed may have resulted from the irrigation of much land 
some 12 miles from Ghazni. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 TO JUNE 4rH 1505 AD. 241 

{in. Retui'n to Kdbul^ 

That year most waters came down in flood. No ford was 
found through the water of Dih-i-yaq*ub.^ For this reason we 
went straight on to Kamarl, through the Sajawand-pass. At 
KamarT I had a boat fashioned in a pool, brought and set on the 
Dih-i-yaq'ub-water in front of Kamarl. In this all our people 
were put over. 

We reached Kabul in the month of Zu'1-hijja (May 1505 AD.).^ 
A few days earlier Sayyid Y\)i?M{ Aughldqchth.2A gone to God's Fol. 154. 
mercy through the pains of colic. 

{n. Misconduct of N a sir Mirzd.) 

It has been mentioned that at Qush-gumbaz, Nasir Mirza 
asked leave to stay behind, saying that he would follow in a few 
days after taking something from his district for his retainers 
and followers.3 But having left us, he sent a force against the 
people of Nur-valley, they having done something a little 
refractory. The difficulty of moving in that valley owing to the 
strong position of its fort and the rice-cultivation of its lands, 
has already been described.4 The Mirza's commander, Fazll, in 
ground so impracticable and in that one-road tract, instead of 
safe-guarding his men, scattered them to forage. Out came the 
valesmen, drove the foragers off, made it impossible to the rest 
to keep their ground, killed some, captured a mass of others 
and of horses, — precisely what would happen to any army 
chancing to be under such a person as Fazll ! Whether because 
of this affair, or whether from want of heart, the Mirza did not 
follow us at all ; he stayed behind. 

Moreover Ayub's sons, Yusuf and Bahlul (Begchik), more 
seditious, silly and arrogant persons than whom there may not 
exist, — to whom I had given, to Yusuf Alangar, to BahlOl *Ali- 
shang, they like Nasir Mirza, were to have taken something from Fol. 154/ 
their districts and to have come on with him, but, he not coming, 

' This is the Luhugur (Logar) water, knee-deep in winter at the ford but spreading 
in flood with the spring-rains. Babur, not being able to cross it for the direct roads 
into Kabul, kept on along its left bank, crossing it eventually at the Kamarl of maps, 
s.e. of Kabul. 

^ This disastrous expedition, full of privation and loss, had occupied some four 
months (T.R. p. 201). 

3 f. 145(5. 4 f. 1333 and Appendix F. 



neither did they. All that winter they were the companions of 
his cups and social pleasures. They also over-ran the Tarkalanl 
Afghans in it' With the on-coming heats, the Mirza made 
march off the families of the clans, outside-tribes and hordes who 
had wintered in Ningnahar and the Lamghanat, driving them like 
sheep before him, with all their goods, as far as the Baran-water.^ 

{o. Affairs of Badakhshdn.) 

While Nasir Mirza was in camp on the Baran-water, he heard 
that the Badakhshls were united against the Auzbegs and had 
killed some of them. 

Here are the particulars : — When Shaibaq Khan had given 
Qijnduz to Qambar Bi and gone himself to Khwarizm3 ; Qarnbar 
Bl, in order to conciliate the Badakhshls, sent them a son of 
Muhammad-i-makhdumi, Mahmud by name, but Mubarak Shah, 
— whose ancestors are heard of as begs of the Badakhshan 
Shahs, — having uplifted his own head, and cut off Mahmud's and 
those of some Auzbegs, made himself fast in the fort once known 
as Shaf-tiwar but re-named by him Qila'-i-zafar. Moreover, in 
Rustaq Muhammad qiirchz, an armourer of Khusrau Shah, then 
occupying Khamalangan, slew Shaibaq Khan's sadr and some 
Auzbegs and made that place fast. Zubair of Ragh, again, 
whose forefathers also will have been begs of the Badakhshan 
Shahs, uprose in Ragh.^ Jahanglr Turkmdn, again, a servant 
of Khusrau Shah's Wall, collected some of the fugitive soldiers 
and tribesmen Wall had left behind, and with them withdrew 
into a fastness.5 

Nasir Mirza, hearing these various items of news and spurred 
on by the instigation of a few silly, short-sighted persons to 
covet Badakhshan, marched along the Shibr-tu and Ab-dara 
road, driving like sheep before him the families of the men who 
had come into Kabul from the other side of the Amu.^ 

' They were located in Mandrawar in 926 AH. (f. 251). 

^ This was done, manifestly, with the design of drawing after the families their 
fighting men, then away with Babur. 

3 f. 163. Shaibaq Khan besieged Chin Sufi, SI. Husain Mirza's man in Khwarizm 
(T.R. p. 204 ; Shaibam-nama, Vamb^ry, Table of Contents and note 89). 

* Survey Map 1889, Sadda. The Ragh-water flows n.w. into the Oxus (Amu). 
5 birk^ a mountain stronghold ; cf. f. 149^ note to Birk (Barak). 

* They were thus driven on from the Baran-water (f. 154^). 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 243 

(/. Affairs of Khusrau Shah.) 

At the time Khusrau Shah and Ahmad-i-qasim were in flight 
from Ajar for Khurasan/ they meeting in with Badl'u'z-zaman 
Mirza and Zu'n-nun Beg, all went on together to the presence of 
SI. Husain Mirza in Herl. All had long been foes of his ; all 
had behaved unmannerly to him ; what brands had they not set 
on his heart ! Yet all now went to him in their distress, and all 
went through me. For it is not likely they would have seen 
him if I had not made Khusrau Shah helpless by parting him 
from his following, and if I had not taken Kabul from Zu'n'nun's 
son, Muqim. Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza himself was as dough in the 
hands of the rest ; beyond their word he could not go. SI. Husain 
Mirza took up a gracious attitude towards one and all, mentioned 
no-one's misdeeds, even made them gifts. 

Shortly after their arrival Khusrau Shah asked for leave to go 
to his own country, saying, " If I go, I shall get it all into my 
hands." As he had reached Herl without equipment and without 
resources, they finessed a little about his leave. He became 
importunate. Muhammad Baranduq retorted roundly on him 
with, " When you had 30,000 men behind you and the whole 
country in your hands, what did you effect against the Auzbeg ? 
What will you do now with your 500 men and the Auzbegs in 
possession.?" He added a little good advice in a few sensible 
words, but all was in vain because the fated hour of Khusrau 
Shah's death was near. Leave was at last given because of his 
importunity ; Khusrau Shah with his 3 or 400 followers, went 
straight into the borders of Dahanah. There as Nasir Mirza 
had just gone across, these two met. 

Now the BadakhshI chiefs had invited only the Mirza ; they 
had not invited Khusrau Shah. Try as the Mirza did to persuade 
Khusrau Shah to go into the hill-country,^ the latter, quite 
understanding the whole time, would not consent to go, his own 
idea being that if he marched under the Mirza, he would get the 
country into his own hands. In the end, unable to agree, each 
of them, near Ishklmlsh, arrayed his following, put on mail, drew 
out to fight, and — departed. Nasir Mirza went on for Badakhshan ; 
Khusrau Shah after collecting a disorderly rabble, good and bad 

' f. 126b. ^ Hisar, presumably. 

244 KABUL 

of some T,000 persons, went, with the intention of laying siege 
to Qunduz, to Khwaja Char-taq, one or two yighdch outside it. 

{q. Death of Khusrau Shah.) 

At the time Shaibaq Khan, after overcoming Sultan Ahmad 
Tambal and Andijan, made a move on Hisar, his Honour 
Khusrau Shah^ flung away his country (Qunduz and Hisar) 
without a blow struck, and saved himself. Thereupon Shaibaq 
Khan went to Hisar in which were Sherim the page and a few 
good braves. They did not surrender Hisar, though their 
honourable beg had flung his country away and gone off ; they 
made Hisar fast. The siege of Hisar Shaibaq Khan entrusted to 
Hamza SI. and Mahdl Sultan,^ went to Qunduz, gave Qunduz to 
his younger brother, Mahmud Sultan and betook himself without 
delay to Khwarizm against Chin Sufi. But as, before he reached 
Samarkand on his way to Khwarizm, he heard of the death in 
Qunduz of his brother, Mahmud Sultan, he gave that place to 
Qambar Bl of Marv.3 

Qarnbar Bl was in Qunduz when Khusrau Shah went against 
it ; he at once sent off galloppers to summon Hamza SI. and the 
1 56^5. others Shaibaq Khan had left behind. Hamza SI. came himself 
as far as the sardi on the Amu bank where he put his sons and 
begs in command of a force which went direct against Khusrau 
Shah. There was neither fight nor flight for that fat, little man ; 
Hamza Sultan's men unhorsed him, killed his sister's son, 
Ahmad-i-qasim, Sherim the page and several good braves. Him 
they took into Qunduz, there struck his head off and from there 
sent it to Shaibaq Khan in Khwarizm.^ 

{r. Conduct in Kabul of Khusrau Shah's retainers?) 

Just as Khusrau Shah had said they would do, his former 
retainers and followers, no sooner than he marched against 

' Here " His Honour " translates Babur's clearly ironical honorific plural. 

' These two sultans, almost always mentioned in alliance, may be Tlmurids by 
maternal descent (Index s.nn.). So far I have found no direct statement of their 
parentage. My husband has shewn me what may be one indication of it, viz. that 
two of the uncles of Shaibaq Khan (whose kinsmen the sultans seem to be), Quj-kunji 
and Slunjak, were sons of a daughter of the Timurid Aulugh Beg Samarkandl 
(H.S. ii, 318). See Vamb^ry's Bukhara p. 248 note. 

3 For the deaths of Tambal and Mahmud, mentioned in the above summary of 
Shaibaq Khan's actions, see the Shaibdm-ndma, Vamb^ry, p. 323. 

* H. S. ii, 323, for Khusrau Shah's character and death. 

910 AH.— JUNE 14th 1504 to JUNE 4th 1505 AD. 


Qunduz, changed in their demeanour to me/ most of them 
marching off to near Khwaja-i-riwaj.^ The greater number of 
the men in my service had been in his. The Mughuls behaved 
well, taking up a position of adherence to me.3 On all this the 
news of Khusrau Shah's death fell like water on fire ; it put 
his men out. 

^ f. 124. 

^ Khwaja-of-the-rhubarb, presumably a shrine near rhubarb-grounds (1. 129^). 

3 yakshl bardildr, lit. went well, a common expression in the Bdbur-ndma, of which 
the reverse statement \s, yamdnllk bila bdrdl (f. 163). Some Persian MSS. make the 
Mughuls disloyal but this is not only in opposition to the Turki text, it is a redundant 
statement since if disloyal, they are included in Babur's previous statement, as being 
Khusrau Shah's retainers. What might call for comment in Mughuls would be loyalty 
to Babur. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD.^ 

{a. Death of Qutluq-nigdr Khdmm.) 

In the month of Muharram my mother had fever. Blood 

was let without effect and a KhurasanI doctor, known as Sayyid 

Tabib, in accordance with the Khurasan practice, gave her 

water-melon, but her time to die must have come, for on the 

157- Saturday after six days of illness, she went to God's mercy. 

On Sunday I and Qasim Kukuldash conveyed her to the 
New-year's Garden on the mountain-skirt^ where Aulugh Beg 
Mirza had built a house, and there, with the permission of his 
heirs,3 we committed her to the earth. While we were mourning 
for her, people let me know about (the death of) my younger 
Khan dddd Alacha Khan, and my grandmother Aisan-daulat 
Begim.4 Close upon Khanlm's Fortieths arrived from Khurasan 
Shah Beglm the mother of the Khans, together with my maternal- 
aunt Mihr-nigar Khanim, formerly of SI. Ahmad Mirza's haram, 
and Muhammad Husain Kilrkdn Dughldt^ Lament broke out 
afresh ; the bitterness of these partings was extreme. When 
the mourning-rites had been observed, food and victuals set out 
for the poor and destitute, the Qoran recited, and prayers offered 
for the departed souls, we steadied ourselves and all took heart 

{b. A futile start for Qandahdr.) 

When set free from these momentous duties, we got an army 
to horse for Qandahar under the strong insistance of Baql 

' Elph. MS. f. 121^ : W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 126 and 217 f. 106b ; Mems. p. 169. 

' tagh-ddmanasi, presumably the Koh-daman, and the garden will thus be the one 
off. 136/5. 

3 If these heirs were descendants of Aulugh Beg M. one would be at hand in 
'Abdu'r-razzaq, then a boy, and another, a daughter, was the wife of Muqlm Arghun. 
As Mr. Erskine notes, Musalmans are most scrupulous not to bury their dead in 
ground gained by violence or wrong. 

•♦ The news of Ahmad's death was belated ; he died some 13 months earlier, in the 
end of 909 AH. and in Eastern Turkistan. Perhaps details now arrived. 

s i.e. the fortieth day of mourning, when alms are given. 

*> Of those arriving, the first would find her step-daughter dead, the second her 
sister, the third, his late wife's sister (T.R. p. 196), 


911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 247 

Chaghdmdm. At the start I went to Qush-nadir (van nawar) 
where on dismounting I got fever. It was a strange sort of 
illness for whenever with much trouble I had been awakened, 
my eyes closed again in sleep. In four or five days I got 
quite well. 

{c. An earthquake^ 

At that time there was a great earthquake^ such that most of 
the ramparts of forts and the walls of gardens fell down ; houses 
were levelled to the ground in towns and villages and many 
persons lay dead beneath them. Every house fell in Paghman- Fol. 157/A 
village, and 70 to 80 strong heads-of-houses lay dead under 
their walls. Between Pagh-man and Beg-tut^ a piece of ground, 
a good stone-throw 3 wide may-be, slid down as far as an 
arrow's-flight ; where it had slid springs appeared. On the 
road between Istarghach and Maidan the ground was so broken 
up for 6 to ^ ytghdch (36-48 m.) that in some places it rose as 
high as an elephant, in others sank as deep ; here and there 
people were sucked in. When the Earth quaked, dust rose from 
the tops of the mountains. NQru'l-lah the tambourchi ^ had 
been playing before me ; he had two instruments with him and 
at the moment of the quake had both in his hands ; so out of 
his own control was he that the two knocked against each other. 
Jahanglr Mlrza was in the porch of an upper-room at a house 
built by Aulugh Beg Mlrza in Tlpa ; when the Earth quaked, 
he let himself down and was not hurt, but the roof fell on 
some-one with him in that upper-room, presumably one of his 
own circle ; that this person was not hurt in the least must have 
been solely through God's mercy. In Tlpa most of the houses 
were levelled to the ground. The Earth quaked 33 times on 
the first day, and for a month afterwards used to quake two or 
three times in the 24 hours. The begs and soldiers having been 

^ This will be the earthquake felt in Agra on Safar 3rd 911 ah. (July 5th 1505 ad. 
Erskine's History of India i, 229 note). Cf, Elliot and Dowson, iv, 465 and v, 99. 

^ Raverty's N'otes p. 690. 

3 blr kitta task atlfnt ; var. bash atinii. If task be right, the reference will 
probably be to the throw of a catapult. 

"* Here almost certainly, a drummer, because there were two tambours and because 
also Babur uses ^aadi & ghachaki for the other meanings of tambourchi, lutanist and 
guitarist. The word has found its way, as ta/fibourgi, into Childe Harold's Pilgrimage 
(Canto ii, Ixxii. H.B. ). 

248 KABUL 

ordered to repair the breaches made in the towers and ramparts 
158. of the fort (Kabul), everything was made good again in 20 days 
or a month by their industry and energy. 

{d. Campaign against Qaldt-i-ghilzdt.) 

Owing to my illness and to the earthquake, our plan of going 
to Oandahar had fallen somewhat into the background. The 
illness left behind and the fort repaired, it was taken up again. 
We were undecided at the time we dismounted below Shniz^ 
whether to go to Qandahar, or to over-run the hills and plains. 
Jahanglr Mirza and the begs having assembled, counsel was 
taken and the matter found settlement in a move on Qalat. On 
this move Jahanglr Mirza and BaqI Chaghdnidm insisted strongly. 

At TazI^ there was word that Sher-i-*ali the page with Kichik 
Baqi Diwdna and others had thoughts of desertion ; all were 
arrested ; Sher-i-'all was put to death because he had given clear 
signs of disloyalty and misdoing both while in my service and 
not in mine, in this country and in that country.3 The others 
were let go with loss of horse and arms. 

On arriving at Qalat we attacked at once and from all sides, 
without our mail and without siege-appliances. As has been 
mentioned in this History, Kichik Khwaja, the elder brother of 
Khwaja Kalan, was a most daring brave ; he had used his sword 
158^^. in my presence several times ; he now clambered up the south- 
west tower of Qalat, was pricked in the eye with a spear when 
almost up, and died of the wound two or three days after the 
place was taken. Here that Kichik Baqi Diwdna who had been 
arrested when about to desert with Sher-i-'ali the page, expiated 
his baseness by being killed with a stone when he went under 
the ramparts. One or two other men died also. Fighting of 
this sort went on till the Afternoon Prayer when, just as our 
men were worn-out with the struggle and labour, those in the 
fort asked for peace and made surrender. Qalat had been given 
by Zu'n-nun ArgMn to Muqim, and in it now were Muqim's 
retainers, Farrukh ArghUn and Qara BilUt (Afghan). When 
they came out with their swords and quivers hanging round 

* Kabul -Ghazni road (R.'s Notes index s.n.). 

" var. Yari. Tazi is on the Ghazni-Qalat-i-ghilzal road (R.'siVip/^j, Appendix p. 46), 

3 i.e. in Kabul and in the Trans-Himalayan country. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 249 

their necks, we forgave their offences.^ It was not my wish to 
reduce this high family^ to great straits ; for why? Because if 
we did so when such a foe as the Auzbeg was at our side, what 
would be said by those of far and near, who saw and heard ? 

As the move on Qalat had been made under the insistance of 
Jahangir Mirza and BaqI Chaghdmdni, it was now made over to 
the Mirza's charge. He would not accept it ; BaqI also could 
give no good answer in the matter. So, after such a storming 
and assaulting of Qalat, its capture was useless. 

We went back to Kabul after over-running the Afghans of 
Sawa-sang and Ala-tagh on the south of Qalat. 

The night we dismounted at Kabul I went into the fort ; 
my tent and stable being in the Char-bagh, a Khirilchi thief 
going into the garden, fetched out and took away a bay horse 
of mine with its accoutrements, and my khachar.^ 

{e. Death of Bdqi Chaghdmdm.) 

From the time BaqI C hagkdmam lom^d me on the Amu-bank, 
no man of mine had had more trust and authority .4 If a word 
were said, if an act were done, that word was his word, that act, 
his act. Spite of this, he had not done me fitting service, nor 
had he shewn me due civility. Quite the contrary ! he had 
done things bad and unmannerly. Mean he was, miserly and 
malicious, ill-tongued, envious and cross-natured. So miserly 
was he that although when he left Tirmlz, with his family and 
possessions, he may have owned 30 to 40,000 sheep, and 
although those masses of sheep used to pass in front of us at 
every camping-ground, he did not give a single one to our bare 

' These will be those against Babur's suzerainty done by their defence of Qalat 
for Muqim. 

^ tabaqa, diyw^sty. By using this word Babur shews recognition of high birth. It is 
noticeable that he usually writes of an Arghun chief either simply as "Beg" or 
without a title. This does not appear to imply admission of equality, since he styles 
even his brothers and sisters Mirza and Begim ; nor does it shew familiarity of inter- 
course, since none seems to have existed between him and Zu'n-niin or Muqim. That 
he did not admit equality is shewn on f, 208. The T. R. styles Zu'n-niin " Mirza", 
a title by which, as also by Shah, his descendants are found styled (A.-i-a. 
Blochmann, s.ii.). 

3 Turki khachar is a camel or mule used for carrying personal effects. The word 
has been read by some scribes as khanjar, dagger. 

^ In 910 AH. he had induced Babur to come to Kabul instead of going into Khurasan 
(H.S. iii, 319) ; in the same year he dictated the march to Kohat, and the rest of that 
disastrous travel. His real name was not Baqi but Muhammad Baqir (H.S. iii, 311). 

250 KABUL 

braves, tortured as they were by the pangs of hunger ; at last in 
Kah-mard, he gave 50 ! 

Spite of acknowledging me for his chief (j>ddshdk), he had 
nagarets beaten at his own Gate. He was sincere to none, had 
regard for none. What revenue there is from Kabul (town) 
comes from the tamghd'^ ; the whole of this he had, together 
159^. with the <2^^r^^^^-ship in Kabul and Panjhir, the Gadai (var. Kidi) 
Hazara, and kushluk'^ and control of the Gate.3 With all this 
favour and finding, he was not in the least content ; quite the 
reverse ! What medley of mischief he planned has been told ; 
we had taken not the smallest notice of any of it, nor had we 
cast it in his face. He was always asking for leave, affecting 
scruple at making the request. We used to acknowledge the 
scruple and excuse ourselves from giving the leave. This 
would put him down for a few days ; then he would ask again. 
He went too far with his affected scruple and his takings of 
leave ! Sick were we too of his conduct and his character. We 
gave the leave ; he repented asking for it and began to agitate 
against it, but all in vain ! He got written down and sent to 
me, " His Highness made compact not to call me to account till 
nine4 misdeeds had issued from me." I answered with a reminder 
of eleven successive faults and sent this to him through Mulla 
Baba of Pashaghar. He submitted and was allowed to go 
towards Hindustan, taking his family and possessions. A few 
of his retainers escorted him through Khaibar and returned ; he 
joined BaqI Gdgmnrs caravan and crossed at Nll-ab. 

Darya Khan's son, Yar-i-husain was then in Kacha-kot,S 
having drawn into his service, on the warrant of the farmdn 
taken from me in Kohat, a few Afghans of the Dilazak (var. 
Dilah-zak) and Yusuf-zal and also a few Jats and Gujurs.^ 
With these he beat the roads, taking toll with might and main. 

* These transit or custom duties are so called because the dutiable articles are 
stamped with a tamgha, a wooden stamp. 

" Perhaps this word is an equivalent of Persian goshi, a tax on cattle and beasts 
of burden. 

3 BaqI was one only and not the head of the Lords of the Gate. 

* The choice of the number nine, links on presumably to the mystic value attached 
to it e.g. Tarkhans had nine privileges ; gifts were made by nines. 

5 It is near Hasan-abdal (A. i-A. Jarrett, ii, 324). 
^ For iht farmdn, f. 146*^ ; for Gujurs, G. of L 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 251 

Hearing about BaqI, he blocked the road, made the whole party Fol. 160. 
prisoner, killed Baqi and took his wife. 

We ourselves had let BaqT go without injuring him, but his 
own misdeeds rose up against him ; his own acts defeated him. 

Leave thou to Fate the man who does thee wrong ; 
For Fate is an avenging servitor. 

{/. Attack on the Turkman Hazdras.) 

That winter we just sat in the Char-bagh till snow had fallen 
once or twice. 

The Turkman Hazaras, since we came into Kabul, had done 
a variety of insolent things and had robbed on the roads. We 
thought therefore of over-running them, went into the town to 
Aiilugh Beg Mirza's house at the Bustan-saraT, and thence rode 
out in the month of Sha'ban (Feb. 1 506 AD.). 

We raided a few Hazaras at Jangllk, at the mouth of the 
Dara-i-khush (Happy-valley).'^ Some were in a cave near the 
valley-mouth, hiding perhaps. Shaikh Darwish Kukuldash went 

{AutJior's note on Shaikh Darwish. ) He had been with me in the guerilla- 
times, was Master-armourer [qur-begt), drew a strong bow and shot a good shaft. 

incautiously right {auq) up to the cave-mouth, was shot {ailqldb) 
in the nipple by a Hazara inside and died there and then {auq).^ 

As most of the Turkman Hazaras .seemed to be wintering 
inside the Dara-i-khush, we marched against them. 

The valley is shut in,3 by a mile-long gully stretching inwards 
from its mouth. The road engirdles the mountain, having Fol. 160*. 
a straight fall of some 50 to 60 yards below it and above it 
a precipice. Horsemen go along it in single-file. We passed 
the gully and went on through the day till between the Two 
Prayers (3 p.m.) without meeting a single person. Having spent 
the night somewhere, we found a fat cameH belonging to the 
Hazaras, had it killed, made part of its flesh into kabdbs^ and 

' var. Khwesh. Its water flows into the Ghur-bund stream ; it seems to be the 
Dara-i-Turkman of Stanford and the Survey Maps both of which mark Jangllk. For 
Hazara turbulence, f. I35<5 and note. 

^ The repetition of aiiq in this sentence can hardly be accidental. 

3 taur idara], which I take to be TurkI, round, complete. 

^ Three MSS. of the Turk! text write iir stmlzluq tlwah ; but the two Persian 
translations have yak shtiturliiq fa^'bth, a shuturluq being a baggage-camel with little 
hair (Erskine). 

s brochettes, meat cut into large mouthfuls, spitted and roasted. 

252 KABUL 

cooked part in a ewer {aftdh). Such good camel-flesh had never 
been tasted ; some could not tell it from mutton. 

Next day we marched on for the Hazara winter-camp. At 
the first watch (9 a.m.) a man came from ahead, saying that the 
Hazaras had blocked a ford in front with branches, checked our 
men and were fighting. That winter the snow lay very deep ; 
to move was difficult except on the road. The swampy meadows 
{tuk-dh) along the stream were all frozen ; the stream could only 
be crossed from the road because of snow and ice. The Hazaras 
had cut many branches, put them at the exit from the water and 
were fighting in the valley-bottom with horse and foot or raining 
161. arrows down from either side. 

Muhammad 'All Mubashshir^ Beg one of our most daring 
braves, newly promoted to the rank of beg and well worthy of 
favour, went along the branch-blocked road without his mail, 
was shot in the belly and instantly surrendered his life. As 
we had gone forward in haste, most of us were not in mail. 
Shaft after shaft flew by and fell ; with each one Yusuf 's Ahmad 
said anxiously, " Bare^ like this you go into it ! I have seen 
two arrows go close to your head ! " Said I, " Don't fear ! 
Many as good arrows as these have flown past my head ! " So 
much said, Qasim Beg, his men in full accoutrement,3 found 
a ford on our right and crossed. Before their charge the Hazaras 
could make no stand ; they fled, swiftly pursued and unhorsed 
one after the other by those just up with them. 

In guerdon for this feat Bangash was given to Qasim Beg. 
Hatim the armourer having been not bad in the affair, was 
promoted to Shaikh DarwTsh's office of qur-begi. Baba Qull's 
Kipik {sic) also went well forward in it, so we entrusted Muh. 
'All Mubashshir's office to him. 

SI. Qui! Chundq (one-eared) started in pursuit of the Hazaras 
but there was no getting out of the hollow because of the snow. 
161^. For my own part I just went with these braves. 

Near the Hazara winter-camp we found many sheep and 
herds of horses. I myself collected as many as 4 to 500 sheep 

* Perhaps he was officially an announcer ; the word means also bearer of good news. 
" yildng, without mail, as in the common T^hxasQ ytgit ytldtig, a bare brave. 
3 aiipchin, of horse and man (f. 113^ and note). 


m r and fn 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 253 

and from 20 to 25 horses. SI. Qull Chundq and two or three of 
my personal servants were with me. I have ridden in a raid 
twice ^ ; this was the first time ; the other was when, coming in 
from Khurasan (912 AH.), we raided these same Turkman 
Hazaras. Our foragers brought in masses of sheep and horses. 
The Hazara wives and their Httle children had gone off up the 
snowy slopes and stayed there ; we were rather idle and it was 
getting late in the day ; so we turned back and dismounted in 
their very dwellings. Deep indeed was the snow that winter ! 
Off the road it was up to a horse's qdptdl,^ so deep that the 
night-watch was in the saddle all through till shoot of dawn. 

Going out of the valley, we spent the next night just inside 
the mouth, in the Hazara winter-quarters. Marching from there, 
we dismounted at Janglik. At Jangllk Yarak Taghal and other 
late-comers were ordered to take the Hazaras who had killed 
Shaikh Darwish and who, luckless and death-doomed, seemed 
still to be in the cave. Yarak Taghal and his band by sending 
smoke into the cave, took 70 to 80 Hazaras who mostly died by 
the sword. 

{g. Collectio7t of the Nijr-au tribute^ 

On the way back from the Hazara expedition we went to 
the Al-tughdi neighbourhood below Baran 3 in order to collect 
the revenue of Nijr-au. Jahanglr Mirza, come up from Ghaznl, Foi. 
waited on me there. At that time, on Ramzan 13th (Feb. 7th) 
such sciatic-pain attacked me that for 40 days some-one had 
to turn me over from one side to the other. 

Of the (seven) valleys of the Nijr-waterthe Pichkan-valley, — 
and of the villages in the Pichkan-valley Chain, — and of Ghain 
its head-man Husain Ghainim particular, together with his elder 
and younger brethren, were known and notorious for obstinacy 
and daring. On this account a force was sent under Jahanglr 
Mirza, Qasim Beg going too, which went to Sar-i-tup (Hill-top), 
stormed and took a sangur and made a few meet their doom. 

^ Manifestly Babur means that he twice actually helped to collect the booty. 

^ This is that part of a horse covered by the two side-pieces of a TurkI saddle, from 
which the side-arch springs on either side (Shaw). 

3 Bdrdn-nlng aydghl. Except the river I have found nothing called Baran ; the 
village marked Baian on the French Map would suit the position ; it is n. e. of Char- 
yak-kar (f. 184^ note). 



Because of the sciatic pain, people made a sort of litter 
for me in which they carried me along the bank of the Baran 
and into the town to the Bustan-saral. There I stayed for 
a few days ; before that trouble was o^ a boil came out on 
my left cheek ; this was lanced and for it I also took a purge. 
When relieved, I went out into the Char-bagh. 

{h. Misconduct of Jahdngir Mtrzd.) 

At the time Jahangir Mlrza waited on me, Ayub's sons 
Yusuf and Buhlul, who were in his service, had taken up a 
strifeful and seditious attitude towards me ; so the Mlrza was 
not found to be what he had been earlier. In a few days 
he marched out of Tlpa in his mail,^ hurried back to GhaznT, 
there took Nanl, killed some of its people and plundered all. 
After that he marched off with whatever men he had, through 
the Hazaras,^ his face set for Bamian. God knows that nothing 
had been done by me or my dependants to give him ground 
for anger or reproach ! What was heard of later on as perhaps 
explaining his going off in the way he did, was this ; — When 
Qasim Beg went with other begs, to give him honouring 
meeting as he came up from Ghazni, the Mlrza threw a falcon 
off at a quail. Just as the falcon, getting close, put out its 
pounce to seize the quail, the quail dropped to the ground. 
Hereupon shouts and cries, " Taken ! is it taken ? " Said 
Qasim Beg, " Who looses the foe in his grip ? " Their 
misunderstanding of this was their sole reason for going off, but 
they backed themselves on one or two other worse and weaker 
old cronish matters.3 After doing in Ghazni what has been 
mentioned, they drew off through the Hazaras to the Mughul 

^ i.e. prepared to fight. 

' For the Hazara (Turk!, Ming) on the Mlrza's road see Raverty's routes from 
Ghazni to the north. An account given by the Tdrlkh-i-rashldl (p. 196) of Jahanglr's 
doings is confused; its parenthetical "(at the same time)" can hardly be correct. 
Jahangir left Ghazni now, {911 AH.), as Babur left Kabul in 912 AH. without know- 
ledge of Husain's death (911 AH.). Babur had heard it (f l^^b) before Jahangir 
joined him (912 ah.) ; after their meeting they went on together to Heri. The 
petition of which the T. R. speaks as made by Jahangir to Babur, that he might go 
into Khurasan and help the Bai-qara Mirzas must have been made after the meeting 
of the two at Saf-hill (f. iM). 

3 The plurals they and their of the preceding sentence stand no doubt for the Mirza, 
Yusuf and Buhlul who all had such punishment due as would lead them to hear threat 
in Qasim's words now when all were within Babur's pounce. 


911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 255 

clans.' These clans at that time had left Nasir Mirza but had 
not joined the Auzbeg, and were in Yal, Astar-ab and the 
summer-pastures thereabouts. 

{i. SI. Husain Mirzd calls up help against Shaibdq Khan?) 

SI. Husain Mirza, having resolved to repel Shaibaq Khan, 
summoned all his sons ; me too he summoned, sending to me 
Sayyid Afzal, son of Sayyid 'All Khwdb-bln (Seer-of-dreams). 
It was right on several grounds for us to start for Khurasan. 
One ground was that when a great ruler, sitting, as SI. Husain 
Mirza sat, in Tlmur Beg's place, had resolved to act against Fol. 
such a foe as Shaibaq Khan and had called up many men and 
had summoned his sons and his begs, if there were some who 
went on foot it was for us to go if on our heads ! if some took 
the bludgeon, we would take the stone ! A second ground was 
that, since Jahanglr Mirza had gone to such lengths and had 
behaved so badly ,^ we had either to dispel his resentment or to 
repel his attack. 

(y. Chin Sufi's death,) 

This year Shaibaq Khan took Khwarizm after besieging Chin 
Sufi in it for ten months. There had been a mass of fighting 
during the siege ; many were the bold deeds done by the 
Khwarizml braves ; nothing soever did they leave undone. Again 
and again their shooting was such that their arrows pierced 
shield and cuirass, sometimes the two cuirasses.3 For ten 
months they sustained that siege without hope in any quarter. 
A few bare braves then lost heart, entered into talk with the 
Auzbeg and were in the act of letting him up into the fort 
when Chin Sufi had the news and went to the spot. Just as 
he was beating and forcing down the Auzbegs, his own page, 
in a discharge of arrows, shot him from behind. No man was 
left to fight ; the Auzbegs took Khwarizm. God's mercy on 

' These are the aimaqs from which the fighting-men went east with Babur in 
910 AH. and the families in which Nasir shepherded across Hindu-kush (f. 154 and 
f. 155). 

' yamdnltk blla bdrdi ; cf. f. I ^db and n. for its opposite, yakhshi bardildr ; and 
T.R. p. 196. 

3 One might be of mail, the other of wadded cloth. 

256 KABUL 

Chin Sufi, who never for one moment ceased to stake his Hfe 
163/5. for his chief ! ^ 

Shaibaq Khan entrusted Khwarizm to Kupuk {sic) Bi and 
went back to Samarkand. 
{k. Death of Sultan Husain Mirzd.) 

SI. Husain Mirza having led his army out against Shaibaq 
Khan as far as Baba IlahP went to God's mercy, in the month 
of Zu'1-hijja (Zu'1-hijja nth 911 AH.— May 5th 1506 ad.). 

sultAn husain mirzA and his COURT.3 

{a.) His birth and descent. 

He was born in Her! (Harat), in (Muharram) 842 (ah. — 
June-July, 1438 AD.) in Shahrukh Mirza's time^ and was the 
son of Mansur Mirza, son of Bal-qara Mirza, son of 'Umar 
Shaikh Mirza, son of Amir Timur. Mansur Mirza and Bal- 
qara Mirza never reigned. 

His mother was Firuza Begim, a (great-)grandchild {nabird) 
of Timur Beg ; through her he became a grandchild of Mlran- 
shah also.5 He was of high birth on both sides, a ruler of royal 

^ Chin Siifi was Husain Bal-qara^ s man (T. R. p. 204). His arduous defence, 
faithfulness and abandonment recall the instance of a later time when also a long road 
stretched between the man and the help that failed him. But the Mirza was old, his 
military strength was, admittedly, sapped by ease ; hence his elder Khartum, his 
neglect of his Gordon. 

It should be noted that no mention of the page's fatal arrow is made by the 
Shaibani-nama (Vambery, p. 442), or by the Tartkh-i-rashidl (p. 204). Chin Sufi's 
death was on the 21st of the Second Rab! 911 ah. (Aug. 22nd 1505 ad.). 

^ This may be the " Baboulei" of the French Map of 1904, on the Herl-Kushk- 
Maruchaq road. 

3 Elph. MS. f. 127; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 132 and 217 f. \\\b \ Mems. p. 175 ; 
Mims. i, 364. 

That Babur should have given his laborious account of the Court of Heri seems due 
both to loyalty to a great Timurid, seated in Timiir Beg's place (f. xizb), and to his 
own interest, as a man-of-letters and connoisseur in excellence, in that ruler's galaxy 
of talent. His account here opening is not complete ; its sources are various ; they 
include the Hablbu^ s-siydr and what he will have learned himself in Her! or from 
members of the BaT-qara family, knowledgeable women some of them, who were with 
him in Hindustan. The narrow scope of my notes shews that they attempt no more 
than to indicate further sources of information and to clear up a few obscurities. 

*• Tlmur's youngest son, d. 850 ah. (1446 ad.). Cf. H.S. iii, 203. The use in 
this sentence of Amir and not Beg as Tlmur's title is, up to this point, unique in the 
Babur-nama ; it may be a scribe's error. 

s Firiiza's paternal line of descent was as follows : — Firuza, daughter of SI. Husain 
Qanjiit, son of Aka Begim, daughter of Timur. Her maternal descent was : — Firuza, 
d. of Qutluq-sultan Begim, d. of Miran-shah, s. of Timur. She died Muh. 24th 874 ah. 
(July 25th 1489 AD. H.S. iii, 218). 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 257 

lineage.^ Of the marriage (of Mansur with Firuza) were born 
two sons and two daughters, namely, Bal-qara Mirza and SI. 
Husain Mirza, Aka Begliti and another daughter, Badka Beglm 
whom Ahmad Khan took.^ 

Bal-qara Mirza was older than SI. Husain Mirza ; he was 
his younger brother's retainer but used not to be present as 
head of the Court ; 3 except in Court, he used to share his 
brother's divan {tUshak). He was given Balkh by his younger 
brother and was its Commandant for several years. He had three 
sons, SI. Muhammad Mirza, SI. Wais Mirza and SI. Iskandar 

Aka Beglm was older than the Mirza ; she was taken by Foi. 164. 
SI. Ahmad Mlrza,5 a grandson {nabira) of Miran-shah ; by him 
she had a son (Muhammad Sultan Mirza), known as Kichik 
(Little) Mirza, who at first was in his maternal-uncle's service, 
but later on gave up soldiering to occupy himself with letters. 
He is said to have become very learned and also to have taste 
in verse.^ Here is a Persian quatrain of his : — 

For long on a life of devotion I plumed me, 
As one of the band of the abstinent ranged me ; 
Where when Love came was devotion ? denial ? 
By the mercy of God it is I have proved me ! 

* *' No-one in the world had such parentage", writes Kh wand-amir, after detailing 
the Timurid, Chlnglz-khanid, and other noted strains meeting in Husain Bdl-qard 
(H.S. iii, 204). 

^ The Elph. MS. gives the Beglm no name; Badi'u'l-jamal is correct (H.S. iii, 
242). The curious " Badka " needs explanation. It seems probable that Babur left 
one of his blanks for later fiUing-in ; the natural run of his sentence here is " Aka B. 
and Badi'u'l-jamal B." and not the detail, which follows in its due place, about the 
marriage with Ahmad. 

3 Dlwdn bdshida hdzir bulmds aidt ; the sense of which may be that Bal-qara did 
not sit where the premier retainer usually sat at the head of the Court (Pers. trs. 

4 From this Wais and SI. Husain M.'s daughter Sul.tanlm(f. idTb) were descended 
the Bai-qara Mirzas who gave Akbar so much trouble. 

5 As this man might be mistaken for Babur's uncle {q.v.) of the same name, it may 
be well to set down his parentage. He was a s, of Mirza SayyidI Ahmad, s. of 
Miran-shah, s. of Timur (H.S. iii, 217, 241). I have not found mention elsewhere 
of " Ahmad s. of Miran-shah " ; the sayyidi in his style points to a sayyida mother. 
He was Governor of Heri for a time, for SI. H. M. ; 'Ali-sher has notices of him and 
of his son, Kichik Mirza {Journal Asiatique xvii, 293, M. Belin's art. where may be 
seen notices of many other men mentioned by Babur). 

^ He collected and thus preserved 'Ali-sher's earlier poems (Rieu's Pers. Cat p. 294). 
Mu'inu'd-din al Zamji writes respectfully of his being worthy of credence in some 
Egyptian matters with which he became acquainted in twice passing through that 
country on his Pilgrimage {Journal Asiatique xvi, 476, de Meynard's article). 

258 KABUL 

This quatrain recalls one by the Mulla.^ Klchik Mirza made 
the circuit of the kdba towards the end of his life. 

Badka (Badl'u'l-jamal) Beglm also was older ^ than the Mirza. 
She was given in the guerilla times to Ahmad Khan of Hajl- 
tarkhan ; 3 by him she had two sons (SI. Mahmud Khan and 
Bahadur SI.) who went to Herl and were in the Mirza's service. 

(^.) His appearance and habits. 

He was slant-eyed {qiyik gUzlHq) and lion-bodied, being 
slendfeir from the waist downwards. Even when old and white- 
bearded, he wore silken garments of fine red and green. He 
used to wear either the black lambskin cap {biirk) or the 
qdlpdq,^ but on a Feast-day would sometimes set up a little 
three-fold turban, wound broad and badly,5 stick a heron's 
plume in it and so go to Prayers. 
b When he first took Herl, he thought of reciting the names of 
d. 164^./ the Twelve Imams in the khutba^ but *Ali-sher Beg and others 
1 prevented it ; thereafter all his important acts were done in 
\ accordance with orthodox law. He could not perform the 
Prayers on account of a trouble in the joints,^ and he kept no 
lasts. He was lively and pleasant, rather immoderate in temper, 
and with words that matched his temper. He shewed great 
respect ~ for the law in several weighty matters; he once 
surrendered to the Avengers of blood a son of his own who had 

* Kichik M.'s quatrain is a mere plagiarism of Jami's which I am indebted to my 
husband for locating as in the Dtwan I.O. MS. 47 p. 47 ; B.M. Add. 7774 p. 290 ; 
and Add. 7775 P- 285. M. Belin interprets the verse as an expression of the rise 
of the average good man to mystical rapture, not as his lapse from abstinence to 
indulgence (I.e. xvii, 296 and notes). 

* Elph. MS. younger but Hai. MS. older in which it is supported by the "also" 
[ham) of the sentence. 

3 modern Astrakhan. Husain's guerilla wars were those through which he cut his 
way to the throne of Herl. Thisbegim was married first to Pir Budagh SI. (H.S. iii, 
242) ; he dying, she was married by Ahmad, presumably by levirate custom 
{ytnkdltk', f. 12 and note). By Ahmad she had a daughter, styled Khan-zada Begim 
whose affairs find comment on f. 206 and H.S. iii, 359. (The details of this note 
negative a suggestion of mine that Badka was the Rabl'a-sultan off 168 (Gul-badan, 
App. s. nn.).) 

^ This is a felt wide-awake worn by travellers in hot weather (Shaw) ; the Turkman 
bonnet (Erskine). 

5 Hai. MS. yamdnlik, badly, but Elph. MS. namdyan, whence Erskine's showy. 

^ This was a proof that he was then a Shi 'a (Erskine). 

7 The -word perform may be excused in speaking of Musalman prayers because they 
involve ceremonial bendings and prostrations (Erskine). 


V killed ; 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 259 

killed a man, and had him taken to the Judgment-gate {Ddru'l- 
qaza). He was abstinent for six or seven years after he took 
the throne ; later on he degraded himself to drink. During the 
almost 40 years of his rule ^ in Khurasan, there may not have 
been one single day on which he did not drink after the Mid-day 
prayer ; earlier than that however he did not drink. What 
happened with his sons, the soldiers and the town was that 
every-one pursued vice and pleasure to excess. Bold and daring 
he was ! Time and again he got to work with his own sword, 
getting his own hand in wherever he arrayed to fight ; no man 
of Timur Beg's line has been known to match him in the slashing 
of swords. He^ had a leaning to poetry and even put a diwdn 
together, writing in Turki with HusainI for his pen-name.^ 
Many couplets in his diwdn are not bad ; it is however in one 
and the same metre throughout. Great ruler though he was, Fol. 165. 
both by the length of his reign {ydsh) and the breadth of his 
dominions, he yet, like little people kept fighting-rams, flew 
pigeons and fought cocks. 

(r.) His wars and encounters.'^ 

He swam the Gurgan-water ^ in his guerilla days and gave 
a party of Auzbegs a good beating. 

Again, — with 60 men he fell on 3000 under Pay-master 
Muhammad 'All, sent ahead by SI. AbO-sa'id Mirza, and gave 
them a downright good beating (868 AH.). This was his one 
fine, out-standing feat-of-arms.s 

Again, — he fought and beat SI. Mahmud Mirza near Astarabad 
(865 AH.).6 

* If Babur's 40 include rule in Heii only, it over-states, since Yadgar died in 
875 AH. and Husain in 911 ah. while the intervening 36 years include the 5 or 6 
temperate ones. If the 40 count from S61 ah. when Husain began to rule in Merv, 
it under-states. It is a round number, apparently. 

^ Relying on the Ilminsky text, Dr. Rieu was led into the mistake of writing that 
Babur gave Husain the wrong pen-name, i.e. Husain, and not Husaini (Turk. Cat. 
p. 256). 

3 Daulat-shah says that as he is not able to enumerate all Husain's feats-of-arms, he, 
Turkman fashion, offers a gift of Nine. The Nine differ from those of Babur's list in 
some dates ; they are also records of victory only (Browne, p. 521 ; Not. et Extr. iv, 
262, de Sa9y's article). 

4 Wolves' -water, a river and its town at the s.e. corner of the Caspian, the ancient 
boundary between Russia and Persia. The name varies a good deal in MSS. 

5 The battle was at Tarshiz ; Abu-sa'id was ruling in Her! ; Daulat-shah (I.e. p. 523) 
gives 90 and 10,000 as the numbers of the opposed forces ! 

^ f. 26(5 and note; H.S. iii, 209 ; Daulat-shah p. 523. 

26o KABUL 

Again, — this also in Astarabad, he fought and beat Sa'idllq 
Said, son of Husain Turkman (873 AH. ?). 

Again, — after taking the throne (of Herl in Ramzan 873 AH. — 
March 1469 AD.), he fought and beat Yadgar-i-muhammad Mirza 
at Chanaran (874 AH.).^ 

Again, — coming swiftly^ from the Murgh-ab bridge-head (Sar- 
i-pul), he fell suddenly on Yadgar-i-muhammad Mirza where 
he lay drunk in the Ravens'-garden (875 AH.), a victory which 
kept all Khurasan quiet. 

Again, — he fought and beat SI. Mahmud Mirza at Chlkman- 
saral in the neighbourhood of Andikhud and Shibrghan(876 ah.).3 

Again, — he fell suddenly on Aba-bikr Mirza ^ after that Mirza, 
joined by the Black-sheep Turkmans, had come out of 'Iraq, 
beaten AulOgh Beg Mirza {Kdbuli) in Takana and Khimar 
(van Himar), taken Kabul, left it because of turmoil in 'Iraq, 
crossed Khaibar, gone on to Khush-ab and Multan, on again to 
165^. Slwl,5 thence to Karman and, unable to stay there, had entered 
the Khurasan country (884 AH.).^ 

Again, — he defeated his son Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza at Pul-i- 
chiragh (902 AH.) ; he also defeated his sons Abu'l-muhsin 
Mirza and Kupuk (Round-shouldered) Mirza at Halwa-spring 

Again, — he went to Qunduz, laid siege to it, could not take 
it, and retired ; he laid siege to Hisar, could not take that 
either, and rose from before it (901 AH.) ; he went into Zu'n-nun's 
country, was given Bast by its ddrogha, did no more and retired 
(903 AH.).^ A ruler so great and so brave, after resolving royally 
on these three movements, just retired with nothing done ! 

' The loser was the last Shahrukh! ruler. Chanaran (variants) is near Ablward, 
Anwari's birth-place (H.S. iii, 218; D.S. p. 527). 

"" f. 85. D.S. (p. 540) and the H.S. (iii, 223) dwell on Husain's speed through 
three continuous days and nights. 

3 f. 26; H.S. iii, 227 ; D.S. p. 532. 

* Abu-sa'id's son by a BadakhshI Begim (T.R. p. 108) ; he became his father's 
Governor in Badakhshan and married Husain Bal-qarcHs daughter Begim Sultan at 
a date after 873 ah. (f. 168 and note ; H.S. iii, 196, 229, 234-37 ; D.S. p. 535)- 

5 f. 152. 

^ Aba-bikr was defeated and put to death at the end of Rajab 884 ah. -Oct. 1479 ad. 
after flight before Husain across the Gurgan-water (H.S. iii, 196 and 237 but D.S. 
P- 539, Safar 885 ah. ). 

7 f. 41, Pul-i-chiragh ; for Halwa-spring, H.S. iii, 283 and Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 443- 

^ f. 33 (p. 57) and f. 57<5. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 261 

Again, — he fought his son Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza in the 
Nlshln-meadow, who had come there with Zu'n-nOn's son, Shah 
Beg (903 AH.). In that affair were these curious coincidences : — 
The Mlrza's force will have been small, most of his men being 
in Astarabad ; on the very day of the fight, one force rejoined 
him coming back from Astarabad, and SI. Mas'ud Mirza arrived 
to join SI. Husain Mirza after letting Bal-sunghar Mirza take 
Hisar, and Haidar Mirza came back from reconnoitring Badl'u'z- 
zaman Mirza at Sabzawar. 

{d.) His counti'ies. 

His country was Khurasan, with Balkh to the east, Bistam 
and Damghan to the west, Khwarizm to the north, Qandahar 
and Sistan to the south. When he once had in his hands such 
a town as Heri, his only affair, by day and by night, was with 
comfort and pleasure ; nor was there a man of his either who 
did not take his ease. It followed of course that, as he no 
longer tolerated the hardships and fatigue of conquest and 
soldiering, his retainers and his territories dwindled instead of 
increasing right down to the time of his departure.^ 

{e?) His children. 

Fourteen sons and eleven daughters were born to him.^ The 
oldest of all his children was Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza ; (Bega 
Beglm) a daughter of SI. Sanjar of Marv, was his mother. 

Shah-i-gharib Mirza was another ; he had a stoop {bUkiirt) ; 

though ill to the eye, he was of good character ; though weak 

of body, he was powerful of pen. He even put a diwdn together, 

using GharbatI (Lowliness) for his pen-name and writing both 

TurkI and Persian verse. Here is a couplet of his : — 

Seeing a peri-face as I passed, I became its fool ; 
Not knowing what was its name, where was its home. 

For a time he was his father's Governor in Herl. He died 
before his father, leaving no child. 

' In commenting thus Babur will have had in mind what he best knew, Husain's 
futile movements at Qunduz and Hisar. 

^ qdlih aldi ; if qalib be taken as Turk!, survived or remained, it would not apply 
here since many of Husain's children predeceased him ; Ar. qalab would suit, meaning 
begotten, born. 

There are discrepancies between Babur's details here and Khwand-amlr's scattered 
through the Habibii's-siycu; concerning Husain's family. 

262 KABUL 

Muzafifar-i-husain Mirza was another ; he was his father's 
favourite son, but though this favourite, had neither accompHsh- 
ments nor character. It was SI. Husain Mirza's over-fondness 
for this son that led his other sons into rebelHon. The mother 
of Shah-i-gharib Mlrza and of Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza was 
Khadlja Beglm, a former mistress of SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza by 
whom she had had a daughter also, known as Aq (Fair) 

Two other sons were Abu'l-husain Mirza and Kupuk (var. 
Kipik) Mirza whose name was Muhammad Muhsin Mirza ; 
their mother was Latlf-sultan Aghacha. 

Abu-turab Mirza was another. From his early years he 
had an excellent reputation. When the news of his father's 
increased illness ^ reached him and other news of other kinds 
also, he fled with his younger brother Muhammad-i-husain 
Mirza into 'Iraq,^ and there abandoned soldiering to lead the 
darwish-life ; nothing further has been heard about him.3 His 
son Sohrab was in my service when I took Hisar after having 
beaten the sultans led by Hamza SI. and Mahdl SI. (917 AH. — 
1 5 1 1 AD.) ; he was blind of one eye and of wretchedly bad 
aspect ; his disposition matched even his ill-looks. Owing to 
some immoderate act {bl i'tiddl), he could not stay with me, so 
went off. For some of his immoderate doings, Nijm SanI put 
him to death near Astarabad.4 

Muhammad-i-husain Mirza was another. He must have been 
shut up {bund) with Shah Isma'Il at some place in 'Iraq and 
have become his disciple ; 5 he became a rank heretic later on 
and became this although his father and brethren, older and 
younger, were all orthodox. He died in Astarabad, still on the 
same wrong road, still with the same absurd opinions. A good 
deal is heard about his courage and heroism, but no deed of his 

* bl huzuri, which may mean aversion due to Khadlja Beglm's malevolence. 

" Some of the several goings into 'Iraq chronicled by Babur point to refuge taken 
with Tlmurids, descendants of Khalil and 'Umar, sons of Miran-shah (Lane-Poole's 
Muhammadan Dynasties, Table of the Timurids). 

3 He died before his father (H.S. iii, 327). 

^ He will have been killed previous to Ramzan 3rd 918 ah. (Nov. 12th, 1512 ad. ), 
the date of the battle of Ghaj-dawan when Nijm SanI died. 

5 The bund here may not imply that both were in prison, but that they were bound 
in close company, allowing Isma'il, a fervent Shi 'a, to convert the Mirza. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 263 

stands out as worthy of record. He may have been poetically- 
disposed ; here is a couplet of his : — 

Grimed with dust, from tracking what game dost thou come? 
Steeped in sweat, from whose heart of flame dost thou come ? 

Farldun-i-husain Mirza was another. He drew a very strong Fol. 167. 
bow and shot a first-rate shaft ; people say his cross-bow 
{kamdn-i-guroha) may have been 40 bdtmdns} He himself was 
very brave but he had no luck in war ; he was beaten wherever 
he fought. He and his younger brother Ibn-i-husain Mlrza 
were defeated at Rabat-i-duzd (var. Dudur) by Timur SI. and 
'Ubaid SI. leading Shaibaq Khan's advance (913 AH. ?), but he 
had done good things there.^ In Damghan he and Muhammad- 
i-zaman Mlrza 3 fell into the hands of Shaibaq Khan who, killing 
neither, let both go free. Farldun-i-husain Mlrza went later on 
to Qalat 4 where Shah Muhammad Diwdna had made himself 
fast ; there when the Auzbegs took the place, he was captured 
and killed. The three sons last-named were by Mingll Bibl 
Aghacha, SI. Husain Mirza's Auzbeg mistress. 

Haidar Mlrza was another ; his mother Payanda-sultan Begim 
was a daughter of SI. Abu-sa'id Mlrza. Haidar Mlrza was 
Governor of Balkh and Mashhad for some time during his father's 
life. For him his father, when besieging Hisar (901 AH.) took 
(Bega Beglm) a daughter of SI. Mahmud Mlrza and Khan-zada 
Beglm ; this done, he rose from before Hisar. One daughter 
only 5 was born of that marriage ; she was named Shad (Joy) 

^ The batman is a Turkish weight of I3lbs (Meninsky) or I5lbs (Wollaston). The 
weight seems hkely to refer to the strength demanded for rounding the bow {kamdn 
guroha-si) i.e. as much strength as to lift 40 bdtjftdns. Rounding or bending might 
stand for stringing or drawing. The meaning can hardly be one of the weight of the 
cross-bow itself. Erskine read gurdehieh for gm-oha (p. 180) and translated by 
" double-stringed bow " ; de Courteille (i, 373) read giiirdhiyeh, arrondi, circulaire, 
in this following Ilminsky who may have followed Erskine. The Elph. and Hai. 
MSS. and the first W.-i-B. (I.O. 215 f. II3(5) haso. kamdn guroha-si \ the second 
W.-i-B. omits the passage, in the MSS. I have seen. 

^ yakhshildr bdrlb tur ; lit. good things went (on) ; cf. f. 156^5 and note. 

3 Badi'u'z-zaman's son, drowned at Chausa in946AH. ( 1539AD.) A.N. (H. Beveridge, 
i, 344). 

^ Qalat-i-nadiri, in Khurasan, the birth-place of Nadir Shah (T. R. p. 209). 

s blr gina qtz, which on f. %6b can fitly be read to mean daughterling, Tdchierchen, 
fillette, but here and i.a. f. 168, must have another meaning than diminutive and may 
be an equivalent of German Stiick and mean one only. Gul-badan gives an account 
of Shad's manly pursuits (H.N. f. zsb). 

264 KABUL 

Beglm and given to 'Adil Sl.^ when she came to Kabul later 
on. Haidar Mirza departed from the world in his father's 
\6^b. life-time. 

Muhammad Ma'sum Mirza was another. He had Qandahar 
given to him and, as was fitting with this, a daughter of 
AOliigh Beg Mirza, (Bega Beglm), was set aside for him ; when 
she went to Herl (902 AH.), SI. Husain Mirza made a splendid 
feast, setting up a great chdr-tdq for it.^ Though Qandahar 
was given to Muh. Ma*sum Mirza, he had neither power nor 
influence there, since, if black were done, or if white were done, 
the act was Shah Beg Arghun's. On this account the Mirza 
left Qandahar and went into Khurasan. He died before his 

Farrukh-i-husain Mirza was another. Brief life was granted 
to him ; he bade farewell to the world before his younger brother 
Ibrahlm-i-husain Mirza. 

^ He was the son of Mahdl SI. (f. 320*^) and the father of 'Aqil SI. Auzbeg (A.N. 
index s, n. ). Several matters suggest that these men were of the Shaban Auzbegs 
who intermarried with Husain Bdt-gara's family and some of whom went to Babur in 
Hindustan. One such matter is that Kabul was the refuge of dispossessed Haratis, 
after the Auzbeg conquest ; that there 'Aqil married Shad Bdi-qard and that ' Adil went 
on to Babur. Moreover Khafi Khan makes a statement which (if correct) would 
allow 'Adil's father Mahdi to be a grandson of Husain Bdi-qard ; this statement is 
that when Babur defeated the Auzbegs in 916 ah. (1510 ad.), he freed from their 
captivity two sons (descendants) of his paternal uncle, named Mahdi SI. and Sultan 
Mirza. [Leaving the authenticity of the statement aside for a moment, it will be 
observed that this incident is of the same date and place as another well-vouched for, 
namely that Babur then and there killed Mahdi SI. Auzbeg and Hamza SI. Auzbeg 
after defeating them.] What makes in favour of Khafi Khan's correctness is, not 
only that Babur's foe Mahdi is not known to have had a son 'Adil, but also that his 
" Sultan Mirza" is not a style so certainly suiting Hamza as it does a Shaban sultan, 
one whose father was a Shaban sultan, and whose mother was a Mirza's daughter. 
Moreover this point of identification is pressed by the correctness, according to 
oriental statement of relationship, of Khafi Khan's "paternal uncle" (of Babur), 
because this precisely suits SI. Husain Mirza with whose family these Shaban sultans 
allied themselves. On the other hand it must be said that Khafi Khan's statement 
is not in the English text of the Tdrikh-i-rashidi, the book on which he mostly relies 
at this period, nor is it in my husband's MS. [a copy from the Rampur Codex] ; and 
to this must be added the verbal objection that a modicum of rhetoric allows a death 
to be described both in Turki and Persian, as a release from the captivity of a sinner's 
own acts (f. 160). Still Khafi Khan may be right ; his statement may yet be found 
in some other MS. of the T.R. or some different source ; it is one a scribe copying 
the T. R. might be led to omit by reason of its coincidences. The killing and the release 
may both be right ; 'Adil's Mahdi may be the Shaban sultan inference makes him 
seem. This little crttx presses home the need of much attention to the lacunae in the 
Bdbur-ndtna, since in them are lost some exits and some entries of Babur's dramatis 
personae, pertinently, mention of the death of Mahdi with Hamza in 916 ah., and 
possibly also that of 'Adil's Mahdi's release. 

' A chdr-tdq may be a large tent rising into four domes or having four porches. 

I TKr5V 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 265 

Ibrahim-i-husain Mirza was another. They say his disposition 
was not bad ; he died before his father from bibbing and bibbing 
Herl wines. 

Ibn-i-husain Mirza and Muh. Qasim Mirza were others ; ^ 
their story will follow. Papa Aghacha was the mother of the 
five sons last-named. 

Of all the Mirza's daughters, Sultanim Begim was the oldest. 
She had no brother or sister of the full-blood. Her mother, 
known as ChulT (Desert) Begim, was a daughter of one of the 
Azaq begs. Sultanim Begim had great acquaintance with words 
{soz biliir aidi) ; she was never at fault for a word. Her father 
sent her out^ to SI. Wais Mirza, the middle son of his own elder 
brother Bal-qara Mirza ; she had a son and a daughter by him ; 
the daughter was sent out to Alsan-qull SI. younger brother of 
Ylll-bars of the Shaban sultans ; 3 the son is that Muhammad 
SI. Mirza to whom I have given the Qanauj district.4 At that 
same date Sultanim Begim, when on her way with her grandson Foi. 168. 
from Kabul to Hindustan, went to God's mercy at Nll-ab. Her 
various people turned back, taking her bones ; her grandson 
came on.5 

Four daughters were by Payanda-sultan Begim. Aq Begim, 
the oldest, was sent out to Muhammad Qasim ^r/i^, a grandson 
of Bega Begim the younger sister of Babur Mirza ; ^ there was one 
daughter {btr gina qiz), known as Qara-guz (Dark-eyed) Begim, 
whom Nasir Mirza {^Miran-shdhi) took. Kichik Begim was the 
second ; for her SI. Mas'ild Mirza had great desire but, try as he 
would, Payanda-sultan Begim, having an aversion for him, would 
not give her to him ; 7 she sent KichIk Begim out afterwards 

^ H.S. iii, 367- 

^ This phrase, common but not always selected, suggests unwillingness to leave the 
paternal roof. 

3 Abu'l-ghazl's History of the Mughuls, Desmaisons, p. 207, 

^ The appointment was made in 933 AH. (1527 ad.) and seems to have been held 
still in 934 AH. (fif. 329, 332). 

5 This grandson may have been a child travelling with his father's household, 
perhaps Aulugh Mirza, the oldest son of Muhammad Sultan Mirza (A. A. Blochmann, 
p. 461). No mention is made here of Sultanim Begim's marriage with 'Abdu'1-baqi 
Mirza (f. 175). 

^ Abu'l-qasim Babur Shdhrukhi presumably. 

7 The time may have been 902 ah. when Mas'ud took his sister Bega Begim to 
Heri for her marriage with Haidar (H.S. iii, 260). 

266 KABUL 

to Mulla Khwaja of the line of Sayyid Ata.^ Her third and 
fourth daughters Bega Begim and Agha Beglm, she gave to 
Babur Mirza and Murad Mirza the sons of her younger sister, 
Rabfa-sultan Beglm.^ 

Two other daughters of the Mirza were by Mingll Blbl 
Aghacha. They gave the elder one, Bairam-sultan Beglm to 
Sayyid 'Abdu'1-lah, one of the sayyids of Andikhud who was 
a grandson of Bal-qara Mirza 3 through a daughter. A son of 
this marriage, Sayyid Barka^ was in my service when Samarkand 
was taken (917 AH -15 11 AD.); he went to Aurganj later and 
there made claim to rule; the Red-heads 5 killed him in Astarabad. 
Mingll Bibl's second daughter was Fatima-sultan Beglm ; her 
they gave to Yadgar(-i-farrukh) Mirza of Timur Beg's line.^ 

Three daughters 7 were by Papa Aghacha. Of these the 

oldest, Sultan-nizhad Beglm was made to go out to Iskandar 

Mirza, youngest son of SI. Husain Mirza's elder brother Bal-qara 

Mirza. The second, (Sa'adat-bakht, known as) Beglm Sultan, 

i68(5. was given to SI. Mas'ud Mirza after his blinding.^ By SI. Mas'ud 

^ Khwaja Ahmad Vdsawi, known as Khwaja Ata, founder of the Yasawl religious 

^ Not finding mention of adaughter of Abu-sa'id named Rabi'a-sultan, I think she 
may be the daughter styled Aq Beglm who is No. 3 in Gul-badan's guest-list for the 
Mystic Feast. 

3 This man I take to be Husain's grandfather and not brother, both because ' Abdu'l- 
lah was of Husain's and his brother's generation, and also because of the absence here 
of Babur's usual defining words ' ' elder brother " (of SI. Husain Mirza). In this I have 
to differ from Dr. Rieu (Pers. Cat. p. 152). 

■♦ So-named after his ancestor Sayyid Barka whose body was exhumed from Andi- 
khud for reburial in Samarkand, by Timur's wish and there laid in such a position that 
Timur's body was at its feet (Zafar-fidma ii, 719 ; H.S. iii, 82). (For the above 
interesting detail I am indebted to my husband. ) 

s Qizll-bdsh, Persians wearing red badges or caps to distinguish them as Persians. 

^ Yadgar-i-farrukh Mirdn-shdhi (H.S^ iii, 327). He may have been one of those 
Miran-shahls of 'Iraq from whom came Aka's and Sultanim's husbands, Ahmad and 
'Abdu'1-baq! (ff. 164, 1 75(5). 

7 This should be four (f. 169(5). The H.S. (iii, 327) also names three only when 
giving Papa Aghacha's daughters (the omission linking it with the B. N. ), but elsewhere 
(iii, 229) it gives an account of a fourth girl's marriage ; this fourth is needed to make 
up the total of 1 1 daughters. Babur's and Khwand-amir's details of Papa Aghacha's 
quartette are defective ; the following may be a more correct list : — ( i ) Begim Sultan 
(a frequent title), married to Aba-bikr Mlrmi-shahi (who died 884 AH.) and seeming 
too old to be the one [No. 3] who married Mas'ud (H.S. iii, 229) ; (2) Sultan-nizhad, 
married to Iskandar Bal-qara ; (3) Sa'adat-bakht also known as Begim Sultan, married 
to Mas'ud Mtrdn-shahi {\\.^. iii, 327); (4) Manauwar-sultan, married to a son of 
Aulugh Beg Kabuli (H.S. iii, 327). 

^ This '''after" seems to contradict the statement (f. 58) that Mas'ud was made to 
kneel as a son-in-law {kuyadllk-kd yiikundurub) at a date previous to his blinding, 
but the seeming contradiction may be explained by considering the following details ; 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 267 

Mirza she had one daughter and one son. The daughter was 
brought up by Apaq Begim of SI. Husain Mirza's haram ; from 
Herl she came to Kabul and was there given to Sayyid Mirza 
Apaq.^ (Sa'adat-bakht) Beglm Sultan after the Auzbeg killed 
her husband, set out for the kdba with her son.^ News has just 
come {circa 934 AH.) that they have been heard of as in Makka 
and that the boy is becoming a bit of a great personage.3 Papa 
Aghacha's third daughter was given to a sayyid of Andikhud, 
generally known as Sayyid Mlrza.4 

Another of the Mirza's daughters, *Ayisha-sultan Beglm was 
by a mistress, Zubaida Aghacha the grand-daughter of Husain-i- 
Shaikh Tlmiir.5 They gave her to Qasim SI. of the Shaban 
sultans ; she had by him a son, named Qasim-i-husain SI. who 
came to serve me in Hindustan, was in the Holy Battle with 
Rana Sanga, and was given Badayun.^ When Qasim Si. died, 
(his widow) 'Ayisha-sultan Beglm was taken by Buran SI. one 
of his relations,7 by whom she had a son, named 'Abdu'1-lah SI. 
now serving me and though young, not doing badly. 

(/] His wives and concubines?) 

The wife he first took was Bega Sultan Beglm, a daughter of 
SI. Sanjar of Marv. She was the mother of Badfu'z-zaman 
Mirza. She was very cross-tempered and made the Mirza endure 

he left Herl hastily (f. 58), went to Khusrau Shah and was blinded by him, — all in 
the last two months of 903 ah. (1498 ad.), after the kneeling on Zu'1-qa'da 3rd, 
(June 23rd) in the Ravens' -garden. Here what Babur says is that The Begim was 
given {btrlb) after the blinding, the inference allowed being that though Mas'ud had 
kneeled before the blinding, she had remained in her father's house till his return 
after the blinding. 

^ The first V^'^.-i-B. writes "Apaq Begim" (I.O. 215 f. 136) which would allow 
Sayyid Mirza to be a kinsman of Apaq Begim, wife of Husain Bdt-qard. 

^ This brief summary conveys the impression that the Begim went on her pilgrimage 
shortly after Mas'ud's death (913 AH. ?), but maybe wrong : — After Mas 'ud's murder, 
by one Bimash Mirza, ddrogha of Sarakhs, at Shaibaq Khan's order, she was married 
by Bimash M. (H.S. iii, 278). How long after this she went to Makka is not said ; 
it was about 934 AH. when Babur heard of her as there. 

3 This clause is in the Hai. MS. but not in the Elph. MS. (f. 131), or Kehr's 
(Ilminsky, p. 21c), or in either Persian translation. The boy may have been 17 or 18. 

4 This appears a mistake (f. 168 foot, and note on Papa's daughters), 
s f. 171^. 

« 933 AH.-1527 AD. (f. 329). 

7 Presumably this was a ylnkaltk marriage ; it differs from some of those chronicled 
and also from a levirate marriage in not being made with a childless wife. (Cf. index 
5. n. ytnkdlik. ) 


268 KABUL 

much wretchedness, until driven at last to despair, he set himself 
free by divorcing her. What was he to do? Right was with him.' 

A bad wife in a good man's house 
Makes this world already his hell.* 

God preserve every Musalman from this misfortune ! Would 
that not a single cross or ill-tempered wife were left in the world ! 

Chuli Beglm was another ; she was a daughter of the Azaq 
begs and was the mother of Sultanim Beglm. 

Shahr-banu Beglm was another ; she was SI. Abu-sa*ld Mirza's 
daughter, taken after SI. Husain Mirza took the throne (873 AH.). 
When the Mirza's other ladies got out of their litters and mounted 
horses, at the battle of Chikman, Shahr-banu Beglm, putting her 
trust in her younger brother (SI. Mahmiid M.), did not leave her 
litter, did not mount a horse ; 3 people told the Mirza of this, so 
he divorced her and took her younger sister Payanda-sultan 
Beglm. When the Aiizbegs took Khurasan (913 AH.), Payanda- 
sultan Beglm went into 'Iraq, and in 'Iraq she died in great 

Khadija Beglm was another.^ She had been a mistress of 
SI. Abii-sa'id Mirza and by him had had a daughter, Aq Beglm ; 
after his defeat (873 AH.- 1468 ad.) she betook herself to Herl 
where SI. Husain Mirza took her, made her a great favourite, 
and promoted her to the rank of Beglm. Very dominant indeed 
she became later on ; she it was wrought Muh. Mumin Mirza's 
death ; 5 she in chief it was caused SI. Husain Mirza's sons to 
rebel against him. She took herself for a sensible woman but 
was a silly chatterer, may also have been a heretic. Of her were 
born Shah-i-gharib Mirza and Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza. 

Apaq Beglm was another ; ^ she had no children ; that Papa 
Aghacha the Mirza made such a favourite of was her foster-sister. 

^ Khwand-amir says that Bega Begim was jealous, died of grief at her divorce, and 
was buried in a College, of her own erection, in 893 ah. (1488 ad. H.S. iii, 245). 

= Gulistan Cap. II, Story 31 (Platts, p. 114). 

3 i.e. did not get ready to ride off if her husband were beaten by her brother (f. ii 
and note to Habiba). 

♦ Khadija Begl Agha (H.S. ii, 230 and iii, 327); she would be promoted probably 
after Shah-i-gharib's birth. 

s He was a son of Badl'u'z-zaman. 

^ It is singular that this honoured woman's parentage is not mentioned ; if it be right 
on f. i68* [^q.v. with note) to read Sayyid Mirza of Apaq Begim, she may be a sayyida 
of Andikhiid. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 269 

Being childless, Apaq Beglm brought up as her own the 
children of Papa Aghacha. She nursed the Mirza admirably 
when he was ill ; none of his other wives could nurse as she did. 
The year I came into Hindijstan (932 ah.)^ she came into Kabul 
from Herl and I shewed her all the honour and respect I could. 
While I was besieging Chandirl (934 AH.) news came that in 
Kabul she had fulfilled God's will.^ 

One of the Mirza's mistresses was Latif-sultan Aghacha of the 
Char-shamba people 3 ; she became the mother of Abu'l-muhsin 
Mirza and Kupuk (or Klpik) Mlrza {i.e. Muhammad Muhsin). 

Another mistress was Mingll Bibl Aghacha,4 an Auzbeg and 
one of Shahr-banu Beglm's various people. She became the 
mother of Abu-turab Mirza, Muhammad-i-husain Mirza, Farldun- 
i-husain Mirza and of two daughters. 

Papa Aghacha, the foster-sister of Apaq Beglm was another 
mistress. The Mirza saw her, looked on her with favour, took 
her and, as has been mentioned, she became the mother of five 
of his sons and four of his daughters.5 

Begl Sultan Aghacha was another mistress ; she had no child. 
There were also many concubines and mistresses held in little 
respect ; those enumerated were the respected wives and 
mistresses of SI. Husain Mirza. 

Strange indeed it is that of the 14 sons born to a ruler so 
great as SI. Husain Mirza, one governing too in such a town as 
Herl, three only were born in legal marriage.^ In him, in his 
sons, and in his tribes and hordes vice and debauchery were Fol. 170. 
extremely prevalent. What shews this point precisely is that of 
the many sons born to his dynasty not a sign or trace was left 

* As Babur left Kabul on Safar 1st (Nov. 17th 1525 ad.), the Beglm must have 
arrived in Muharram 932 ah. (Oct. i8th to Nov. 17th). 

^ f- 333- As Chandiri was besieged in Rabl'u'l-akhar 934 AH. this passage shews 
that, as a minimum estimate, what remains of Babur's composed narrative {i.e. down 
to f. 2i6<5) was written after that date (Jan. 1528). 

3 Chdr-shambaldr. Mention of another inhabitant of this place with the odd name, 
Wednesday (Char-shamba), is made on f. 42^. 

-♦ Mole-marked Lady; most MSS. style her Bi but H.S. iii, 327, writes Bibi ; 
it varies also by calling her a Turk. She was a purchased slave of Shahr-banu's 
and was given to the Mirza by Shahr-banu at the time of her own marriage 
with him. 

s As noted already, f. idib enumerates three only. 

^ The three were almost certainly Badi'u'z-zaman, Haidar, son of a Timurid mother, 
and Muzaffar-i-husain, born after his mother had been legally married. 



in seven or eight years, excepting only Muhammad-i-zaman 

{g. His amzrs.) 

There was Muhammad Baranduq BarldSy descending from 
Chaku Barlds as follows, — Muhammad Baranduq, son of 'All, 
son of Baranduq, son of Jahan-shah, son of Chaku Barlds^ He 
had been a beg of Babur Mirza's presence ; later on SI. Abu-sa*Id 
Mirza favoured him, gave him Kabul conjointly with Jahanglr 
Barlds, and made him Aulugh Beg Mirza's guardian. After the 
death of SI. Abu-said Mirza, Aulugh Beg Mirza formed designs 
against the two Barlas ; they got to know this, kept tight hold 
of him, made the tribes and hordes march,3 moved as for Qunduz, 
and when up on Hindu-kush, courteously compelled Aulugh Beg 
Mirza to start back for Kabul, they themselves going on to 
SI. Husain Mirza in Khurasan, who, in his turn, shewed them 
great favour. Muhammad Baranduq was remarkably intelligent, 
a very leaderlike man indeed ! He was extravagantly fond of 
a hawk ; so much so, they say, that if a hawk of his had strayed 
or had died, he would ask, taking the names of his sons on his 
lips, what it would have mattered if such or such a son had died 
or had broken his neck, rather than this or that bird had died 
or had strayed. 

Muzaffar Barlds was another.^ He had been with the Mirza 
in the guerilla fighting and, for some cause unknown, had received 
extreme favour. In such honour was he in those guerilla days 
that the compact was for the Mirza to take four ddng (sixths) 
t7o3. of any country conquered, and for him to take two ddng. 
A strange compact indeed ! How could it be right to make 
even a faithful servant a co-partner in rule ? Not even a younger 

* Seven sons predeceased him : — Farrukh, Shah-i-gharib, Muh. Ma'sum_, Haidar, 
Ibrahlm-i-husain, Muh. Husain and Abu-turab. So too five daughters : — Aq, Bega, 
Agha, Kichlk and Fatima-sultan Begims. So too four wives : — Bega-sultan and 
Chull Begims, Zubaida and Latlf-sultan Aghachas (H.S. iii, 327). 

' Chaku, a Barlas, as was Timur, was one of Timur's noted men. 

At this point some hand not the scribe's has entered on the margin of the Hai. MS. 
the descendants of Muh. Baranduq down into Akbar's reign : — Muh. Farldun, bin 
Muh. Qui! Khan, bin Mirza' Ali, bin Muh. Baranduq Barlds. Of these Farldun and 
Muh. Quli are amirs of the Ayln-i-akbart Hst (Blochmann, pp. 341, 342 ; H.S. iii, 233). 

3 Enforced marches of Mughuls and other nomads are mentioned also on f. 154^ 
and f. 155. 

* H.S. iii, 228, 233, 235. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 271 

brother or a son obtains such a pact ; how then should a beg ? ' 
When the Mirza had possession of the throne, he repented the 
compact, but his repentance was of no avail ; that muddy-minded 
mannikin, favoured so much already, made growing assumption 
to rule. The Mirza acted without judgment ; people say 
Muzaffar B arias was poisoned in the end.^ God knows the 
truth ! 

'All-sher NawdH was another, the Mlrza's friend rather than 
his beg. They had been learners together in childhood and even 
then are said to have been close friends. It is not known for 
what offence SI. Abij-sa'id Mirza drove 'All-sher Beg from Her! ; 
he then went to Samarkand where he was protected and 
supported by Ahmad Hajl Beg during the several years of his 
stay.3 He was noted for refinement of manner ; people fancied 
this due to the pride of high fortune but it may not have been 
so, it may have been innate, since it was equally noticeable also 
in Samarkand.-* *AlI-sher Beg had no match. For as long as 
verse has been written in the TurkI tongue, no-one has written 
so much or so well as he. He wrote six books of poems 
{masnawt)j five of them answering to the Quintet {Khamsah),^ 
the sixth, entitled the Lisdnu' t-tair (Tongue of the birds), was 
in the same metre as the Mantiqu't-tair (Speech of the birds).^ 
He put together four dlwdns (collections) of odes, bearing the 
names. Curiosities of Childhood, Marvels of Youth, Wonders of 
Manhood and Advantages of AgeP There are good quatrains 
of his also. Some others of his compositions rank below those Fol. 171. 
mentioned ; amongst them is a collection of his letters, imitating 
that of Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman fdmi and aiming at gathering 
together every letter on any topic he had ever written to any 
person. He wrote also the Mizdnu' I - auzdn (Measure of 
measures) on prosody ; it is very worthless ; he has made 
mistake in it about the metres of four out of twenty-four 

^ beg kt ski, beg-person. 

= Khwand-amir says he died a natural death (H.S. iii, 235). 

3 f. 21. For a fuller account of Nawa'i, yi Asiatique xvii, 175, M. Belin's article. 
■♦ i.e. when he was poor and a beg's dependant. He went back to Herx at 
SI. Husain M.'s request in 873 ah. 
5 Nizami's (Rieu's Pers. Cat. s.n. ). 
^ Faridu'd-din- 'attar's (Rieu I.e. and Ency. Br.). 
7 Gkard^ ibu' s-sigkar, Nawddiru' sh-skahdb, BaddH^uH-wasat and Fawa^idtil-kibr. 

272 KABUL 

quatrains, while about other measures he has made mistake such 
as any-one who has given attention to prosody, will understand. 
He put a Persian dlwdn together also, FanI (transitory) being 
his pen-name for Persian verse. ^ Some couplets in it are not 
bad but for the most part it is flat and poor. In music also he 
composed good things {nimd), some excellent airs and preludes 
{nakhsh u peshrau). No such patron and protector of men of 
parts and accomplishments is known, nor has one such been 
heard of as ever appearing. It was through his instruction and 
support that Master (Ustad) Qul-i-muhammad the lutanist, 
Shaikh! the flautist, and Husain the lutanist, famous performers 
all, rose to eminence and renown. It was through his effort and 
supervision that Master Bih-zad and Shah Muzaffar became so 
distinguished in painting. Few are heard of as having helped 
to lay the good foundation for future excellence he helped to.lay. 
He had neither son nor daughter, wife or family ; he let the 
world pass by, alone and unencumbered. At first he was Keeper 
of the Seal ; in middle-life he became a beg and for a time was 
Commandant in Astarabad ; later on he forsook soldiering. He 
took nothing from the Mirza, on the contrary, he each year 
71^. offered considerable gifts. When the Mirza was returning from 
the Astarabad campaign, *Ali-sher Beg went out to give him 
meeting ; they saw one another but before 'All-sher Beg should 
have risen to leave, his condition became such that he could not 
rise. He was lifted up and carried away ; the doctors could not 
tell what was wrong ; he went to God's mercy next day,^ one of 
his own couplets suiting his case : — 

I was felled by a stroke out of their ken and mine ; 
What, in such evils, can doctors avail ? 

Ahmad the son of Tawakkal Barlds was another ; 3 for a time 
he held Qandahar. 

Wall Beg was another ; he was of Hajl Saifu'd-din Beg's 
line,'^ and had been one of the Mirza's father's (Mansur's) great 

' Every Persian poet has a takhallus (pen-name) which he introduces into the last 
couplet of each ode (Erskine). 

' The death occurred in the First Jumada 906 ah. (Dec. 1500 ad.). 

3 Nizamu'd-d!n Ahmad bin Tawakkal Barlds (H.S. iii, 229), 

* This may be that uncle of Timur who made the Haj (T. R. p. 48, quoting the 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 273 

begs.^ Short life was granted to him after the Mirza took the 
throne (973 AH.) ; he died directly afterwards. He was orthodox 
and made the Prayers, was rough {turk) and sincere. 

Husain of Shaikh Timur was another; he had been favoured and 
raised to the rank of beg ^ by Babur Mirza. 

Nuyan Beg was another. He was a Sayyid of Tirmlz on his 
father's side ; on his mother's he was related both to SI. Abu-sa'id 
Mirza and to SI. Husain Mlrza.3 SI. Abu-sa'ld Mirza had 
favoured him ; he was the beg honoured in SI. Ahmad Mirza's 
presence and he met with very great favour when he went to 
SI. Husain Mirza's. He was a bragging, easy-going, wine-bibbing, 
jolly person. Through being in his father's service,^ Hasan of 
Ya'qub used to be called also Nuyan's Hasan. 

Jahanglr Barlds was another.s For a time he shared the 
Kabul command with Muhammad Baranduq Barlds, later on Fol. 172. 
went to SI. Husain Mirza's presence and received very great 
favour. His movements and poses {harakdt u sakandt) were 
graceful and charming ; he was also a man of pleasant temper. 
As he knew the rules of hunting and hawking, in those matters 
the Mirza gave him chief charge. He was a favourite of 
Badfu'z-zaman Mirza and, bearing that Mirza's friendliness in 
mind, used to praise him. 

Mirza Ahmad of 'All Farsi Barlds was another. Though he 
wrote no verse, he knew what was poetry. He was a gay-hearted, 
elegant person, one by himself. 

'Abdu'l-khallq Beg was another. Firuz Shah, Shahrukh Mirza's 

^ Some MSS. omit the word " father" here but to read it obviates the difficulty of 
calling Wall a great beg of SI. Husain Mirza although he died when that mirza took 
the throne (973 AH. ) and although no leading place is allotted to him in Babur's list 
of Her! begs. Here as in other parts of Babur's account of Heri, the texts vary 
much whether Turkl or Persian, e.g. the Elph. MS. appears to call Wall a blockhead 
{dunkilz diir), the Hai. MS. writing n'.kuz dur{?). 

^ He had been Babur ShahrtikhV s yasdwal (Court-attendant), had fought against 
Husain for Yadgar-i-muhammad and had given a daughter to Husain (H.S. iii, 206, 
228, 230-32; D.S. in Not. et Ex. de Sa5y p. 265). 

3 f. 29^. 

*• Sic, Elph. MS. and both Pers. trss. but the Hai. MS. omits "father". To read 
it, however, suits the circumstance that Hasan of Ya'qub was not with Husain and 
in Harat but was connected with Mahmud Mirdnshahi and Tirmlz (f. 24). Nuyan is 
not a personal name but is a title ; it implies good-birth ; all uses of it I have seen are 
for members of the religious family of Tirmiz. 

5 He was the son of Ibrahim Barlds and a Badakhshi begim (T.R. p. 108). 

274 KABUL 

greatly favoured beg, was his grandfather ; ^ hence people called 
him Firuz Shah's 'Abdu'l-khallq. He held Khwarizm for a time. 

Ibrahim Dulddl was another. He had good knowledge of 
revenue matters and the conduct of public business ; his work 
was that of a second Muh. Baranduq. 

Zu'n-nun Arghun was another.^ He was a brave man, using 
his sword well in SI. Abu-sa'ld Mlrza's presence and later on 
getting his hand into the work whatever the fight. As to his 
courage there was no question at all, but he was a bit of a fool. 
After he left our {Mtrdn-skdhi) Mirzas to go to SI. Husain 
Mirza, the Mirza gave him Ghur and the Nikdirls. He did 
172b. excellent work in those parts with 70 to 80 men, with so few 
beating masses and masses of Hazaras and Nikdirls ; he had 
not his match for keeping those tribes in order. After a while 
Zamin-dawar was given to him. His son Shah-i-shuja' Arghun 
used to move about with him and even in childhood used to 
chop away with his sword. The Mirza favoured Shah-i-shuja' 
and, somewhat against Zu'n-nun Beg's wishes, joined him with 
his father in the government of Qandahar. Later on this father 
and son made dissension between that father and that son,3 and 
stirred up much commotion. After I had overcome Khusrau 
Shah and parted his retainers from him, and after I had taken 
Kabul from Zu'n-nun Arghun! ?> son Muqim, Zu'n-nun Beg and 
Khusrau Shah both went, in their helplessness, to see SI. Husain 
Mirza. Zu'n-nun Arghun grew greater after the Mlrza's death 
when they gave him the districts of the Herl Koh-daman, such 
as Aijba (Ubeh) and Chachcharan.4 He was made Lord of 
Badi'u'z-zaman Mlrza's Gate 5 and Muhammad Baranduq Barlds 
Lord of Muzaffar-i-husain Mlrza's, when the two Mirzas became 

* He will have been therefore a collateral of Daulat-shah whose relation to 
Firuz-shah is thus expressed by Nawa'i : — Mir Daulat-shdh Flruz-skah Beg-ning 
^amm-zada-sl Amir ''AlStCd-daula Isfarayim-ning aughull dur, i.e. Mir Daulat-shah 
was the son of Firuz-shah Beg's paternal uncle's son, Amir 'Ala'u'd-daula Isfaraylnl. 
Thus, Firuz-shah and Isfarayini were first cousins ; Daulat-shah and 'Abdu'l-khaliq's 
father were second cousins ; while Daulat-shah and Firuz-shah were first cousins, 
once removed (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 534; Browne's D.S. English preface p. 14 and its 
reference to the Pers. preface). 

= Tarkhan-natna, E. & D.'s History of India i, 303 ; H.S. iii, 227. 
8 f. 41 and note. 

* Both places are in the valley of the Heri-rud. 

5 Badi'u'z-zaman married a daughter of Zu'n-nun ; she died in 911 AH. (E. & D. i, 
305 ; H.S. iii, 324). 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 275 

joint-rulers in Herl. Brave though he was, he was a Httle crazed 
and shallow-pated ; if he had not been so, would he have accepted 
flattery as he did? would he have made himself so contemptible? 
Here are the details of the matter : — While he was so dominant 
and so trusted in Herl, a few shaikhs and mullas went to him 
and said, "The Spheres are holding commerce with us; you are 
to be styled Hizabru'l-ldh (Lion of God) ; you will overcome 
the Auzbeg." Fully accepting this flattery, he put his fiita 
(bathing-cloth) round his neck ^ and gave thanks. Then, after 
Shaibaq Khan, coming against the Mirzas, had beaten them one Fol. 173. 
by one near Badghls, Zu'n-nun Arghun met him face to face 
near Qara-rabat and, relying on that promise, stood up against 
him with 100 to 150 men. A mass of Auzbegs came up, over- 
came them and hustled them off ; he himself was taken and put 
to death.^ He was orthodox and no neglecter of the Prayers, 
indeed made the extra ones. He was mad for chess ; he played 
it according to his own fancy and, if others play with one hand, 
he played with both.3 Avarice and stinginess ruled in his 

Darwish-i-'all Beg was another,^ the younger full-brother of 
*AlT-sher Beg. He had the Balkh Command for a time and 
there did good beg-like things, but he was a muddle-head and 
somewhat wanting in merit. He was dismissed from the Balkh 
Command because his muddle-headedness had hampered the 
Mirza in his first campaign against Qunduz and Hisar. He came 
to my presence when I went to Qundiiz in 916 ah. (15 10 AD.), 
brutalized and stupefied, far from capable begship and out-side 
peaceful home-life. Such favour as he had had, he appears to 
have had for 'AlT-sher Beg's sake. 

Mughul Beg was another. He was Governor of Herl for 
a time, later on was given Astarabad, and from there fled to 
Ya'qub Beg in 'Iraq. He was of amorous disposition 5 and an 
incessant dicer. 

^ This indicates, both amongst Musalmans and Hindus, obedience and submission. 
Several instances occur in Macculloch's Bengali Household Stories. 

= T.R. p. 205. 

3 This is an idiom expressive of great keenness (Erskine). 

* H.S. iii, 250, kitabddr, librarian; so too Hai, MS. f. 174*5. 

5 mutaiyam (f. ^b and note). Mir Mughul Beg was put to death for treachery in 
'Iraq (H.S. iii, 227, 248). 

276 KABUL 

Sayyid Badr (Full-moon) was another, a very strong man, 

73*- graceful in his movements and singularly well-mannered. He 

danced wonderfully well, doing one dance quite unique and 

seeming to be his own invention.^ His whole service was with 

the Mirza whose comrade he was in wine and social pleasure. 

Isllm Barlds was another, a plain {turk) person who understood 
hawking well and did some things to perfection. Drawing a bow 
of 30 to 40 bdtmdns strength,^ he would make his shaft pass right 
through the target {takhta). In the gallop from the head of the 
qabaq-maiddn,^ he would loosen his bow, string it again, and 
then hit the gourd {qabaq). He would tie his string-grip izih-gir) 
to the one end of a string from i to i|- yards long, fasten the 
other end to a tree, let his shaft fly, and shoot through the string- 
grip while it revolved.4 Many such remarkable feats he did. He 
served the Mirza continuously and was at every social gathering. 

SI. Junaid Barlds was another ; s in his latter days he went to 
SI. Ahmad Mirza's presence.^ He is the father of the SI. Junaid 
Barlds on whom at the present time 7 the joint-government of 
Jaunpur depends. 

Shaikh Abu-sa'ld Khan Dar-miydn (In-between) was another. 
It is not known whether he got the name of Dar-miyan because 
he took a horse to the Mirza in the middle of a fight, or whether 
because he put himself in between the Mirza and some-one 
designing on his life.^ 

* Babur speaks as an eye-witness (f. \%^b). For a single combat of Sayyid Badr, 
H.S. iii, 233. 

" f. 157 and note to batman. 

3 A level field in which a gourd {qabaq) is set on a pole for an archer's mark to be 
hit in passing at the gallop (f. i8<J and note), 

•♦ Or possibly during the gallop the archer turned in the saddle and shot backwards. 

5 Junaid was the father of Nizamu'd-din 'All, Babur's Khalifa (Vice-gerent). 
That Khalifa was of a religious house on his mother's side may be inferred from his 
being styled both Sayyid and Khwaja neither of which titles could have come from 
his Turki father. His mother may have been a sayyida of one of the religious families 
of Marghinan (f. i8 and note), since Khalifa's son Muhibb-i-'ali writes his father's 
name " Nizamu'd-din 'Ali Marghilani" {Marghlnani) in the Preface of his Book on 
Sport (Rieii's Pers. Cat. p. 485). 

* This northward migration would take the family into touch with Babur's in 
Samarkand and Farghana. 

7 He was left in charge of Jaunpur in Rabi' I, 933 AH. (Jan. 1527 ad.) but 
exchanged for Chunar in Ramzan 935 ah. (June 1529 ad.) ; so that for the writing of 
this part of the Babtir-ndma we have the major and minor limits of Jan. 1527 and 
June 1529. 

8 H.S. iii, 227. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 277 

Bih-bud Beg was another. He had served in the pages' circle 
{chuhra jirgast) during the guerilla times and gave such Fol. 174. 
satisfaction by his service that the Mirza did him the favour of 
putting his name on the stamp {tamgha) and the coin {sikkd)} 

Shaikhlm Beg was another.^ People used to call him 
Shaikhim Suhaili because Suhaill was his pen-name. He wrote 
all sorts of verse, bringing in terrifying words and mental images. 
Here is a couplet of his : — 

In the anguish of my nights, the whirlpool of my sighs engulphs the firmament ; 
Like a dragon, the torrent of my tears swallows the quarters of the world. 

Well-known it is that when he once recited that couplet in 
Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman Jdmrs presence, the honoured Mulla 
asked him whether he was reciting verse or frightening people. 
He put a diwdn together ; masnawis of his are also in 

Muhammad-i-wall Beg was another, the son of the Wall Beg 
already mentioned. Latterly he became one of the Mlrza's 
great begs but, great beg though he was, he never neglected his 
service and used to recline {ydstdnib) day and night in the Gate. 
Through doing this, his free meals and open table were always 
set just outside the Gate. Quite certainly a man who was so 
constantly in waiting, would receive the favour he received ! It 
is an evil noticeable today that effort must be made before the 
man, dubbed Beg because he has five or six of the bald and blind 
at his back, can be got into the Gate at all ! Where this sort 
of service is, it must be to their own misfortune ! Muhammad- 
i-wali Beg's public table and free meals were good ; he kept his 
servants neat and well-dressed and with his own hands gave Fol. 174^. 
ample portion to the poor and destitute, but he was foul-mouthed 
and evil-spoken. He and also Darwish-i-'all the librarian were 
in my service when I took Samarkand in 917 AH. (Oct. 1 5 1 1 AD.) ; 
he was palsied then ; his talk lacked salt ; his former claim to 
favour was gone. His assiduous waiting appears to have been 
the cause of his promotion. 

' See Appendix H, On the counter-mark Bih-bud on coins. 

" Nizamu'd-d!n Amir Shaikh Ahmadu's-suhail! was surnamed Suhaili through 2,fdl 
(augury) taken by his spiritual guide, Kamalu'd-din Husain Gazur-gahi ; it was he 
induced Husain Kashlfi to produce his Anwdr-i-suhaili {lA^t's, of Canopus) (f. 125 
and note ; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 756 ; and for a couplet of his, H.S. iii, 242 1. 10). 

278 KABUL 

Baba 'All the Lord of the Gate was another. First, *AlI-sher 
Beg showed him favour ; next, because of his courage, the Mirza 
took him into service, made him Lord of the Gate, and promoted 
him to be a beg. One of his sons is serving me now {circa 934 AH.), 
that Yunas of *Ah who is a beg, a confidant, and of my household. 
He will often be mentioned.^ 

Badru'd-din (Full-moon of the Faith) was another. He had 
been in the service of SI. Abu-sa'ld Mlrza's Chief Justice Mirak 
'Abdu'r-rahim ; it is said he was very nimble and sure-footed, 
a man who could leap over seven horses at once. He and Baba 
'All were close companions. 

Hasan of *Ali Jaldir was another. His original name was 
liussiin /a/dir but he came to be called 'All's Hasan.^ His father 
* All /a/dir must have been favoured and made a beg by Babur 
Mirza ; no man was greater later on when Yadgar-i-muhammad 
M. took Herl. Hasan-i-'alT was SI. Husain Mlrza's Qush-begi? He 
made Tufaili (Uninvited-guest) his pen-name ; wrote good odes 
and was the Master of this art in his day. He wrote odes on 
my name when he came to my presence at the time I took 
Samarkand in 917 AH. (15 11 AD.). Impudent {bt bdk) and 
prodigal he was, a keeper of catamites, a constant dicer and 

Khwaja *Abdu'l-lah Marwdrld i^^d^xX)^ was another; he was 
at first Chief Justice but later on became one of the Mlrza's 
favourite household-begs. He was full of accomplishments ; on 
the dulcimer he had no equal, and he invented the shake on 
the dulcimer ; he wrote in several scripts, most beautifully in the 
tdliq ; he composed admirable letters, wrote good verse, with 
Bayani for his pen - name, and was a pleasant companion. 
Compared with his other accomplishments, his verse ranks low, 
but he knew what was poetry. Vicious and shameless, he became 

' Index s.n. 

^ Did the change complete an analogy between ^AXlJalMr and his (perhaps) elder 
son with 'All Khalifa and his elder son Hasan ? 

3 The Qush-begi is, in Central Asia, a high official who acts for an absent ruler 
(Shaw) ; he does not appear to be the Falconer, for whom Babur's name is Qushchi 
(f. I5n.). 

•♦ He received this sobriquet because when he returned from an embassy to the 
Persian Gulf, he brought, from Bahrein, to his Timurid master a gift of royal p>earls 
(Sam Mirza). For an account of Marwarid see Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 1094 and {re 
portrait) p. 787. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 279 

the captive of a sinful disease through his vicious excesses, out- 
lived his hands and feet, tasted the agonies of varied torture for 
several years, and departed from the world under that affliction.^ 

Sayyid Muhammad-i-aurus was another ; he was the son of 
that Aurus (Russian?) Arghun who, when SI. Abu-sa'ld Mirza 
took the throne, was his beg in chief authority. At that time 
there were excellent archer-braves ; one of the most distinguished 
was Sayyid Muhammad-i-aurus. His bow strong, his shaft long, 
he must have been a bold {yurak) shot and a good one. He was 
Commandant in Andikhud for some time. 

Mir (Qambar-i-)'all the Master of the Horse was another. He 
it was who, by sending a man to SI. Husain Mirza, brought him 
down on the defenceless Yadgar-i-muhammad Mirza. 

Sayyid Hasan Ailghldqckz was another, a son of Sayyid 
Aughldqckt diVid a younger brother of Sayyid Yusuf Beg.^ He 
was the father of a capable and accomplished son, named Mirza 
Farrukh. He had come to my presence before I took Samar- Fol. 
kand in 917 AH. (i 5 1 1 AD.). Though he had written little verse, 
he wrote fairly ; he understood the astrolabe and astronomy well, 
was excellent company, his talk good too, but he was rather 
a bad drinker {bad skrdb). He died in the fight at Ghaj-dawan.3 

Tingrl-blrdi the storekeeper {sdmdnchi) was another ; he was 
a plain {turk), bold, sword-slashing brave. As has been said, 
he charged out of the Gate of Balkh on Khusrau Shah's great 
retainer Nazar Bahadur and overcame him (903 AH.). 

There were a few Turkman braves also who were received 
with great favour when they came to the Mirza's presence. One 
of the first to come was 'All Khan Bdyandar.^ Asad Beg and 
Taham-tan (Strong-bodied) Beg were others, an elder and 
younger brother these ; Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza. took Taham-tan 
Beg's daughter and by her had Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. 
Mir 'Umar Beg was another ; later on he was in Badl'u'z-zaman 
Mirza's service ; he was a brave, plain, excellent person. His 

^ Sam Mirza specifies this affliction as dbla-i-faratig, thus making what may be one 
of the earliest Oriental references to morbus gallicus [as de Sa9y here translates the 
name], the foreign or European pox, the " French disease of Shakespeare " (H.B.). 

^ Index s.n. Yusuf. 

3 Ramzan 3rd 918 AH. -Nov. 12th 15 12. 

^ i.e. of the White-sheep Turkmans. 

28o KABUL 

son, Abu'1-fath by name, came from 'Iraq to my presence, 
a very soft, unsteady and feeble person ; such a son from such 
a father ! 

Of those who came into Khurasan after Shah Ismail took 
'Iraq and Azarbaljan {circa 906 ah- 1500 AD.), one was 'Abdu'l- 
baql Mirza of Timur Beg's line. He was a Mlran-shahT ^ whose 
ancestors will have gone long before into those parts, put thought 
[76. of sovereignty out of their heads, served those ruling there, and 
from them have received favour. That Timur 'Usman who was 
the great, trusted beg of Ya'qub Beg ( White-sheep Turkman) 
and who had once even thought of sending against Khurasan 
the mass of men he had gathered to himself, must have been 
this 'Abdu'l-baql Mirza's paternal-uncle. SI. Husain Mirza took 
'Abdu'1-baql Mirza at once into favour, making him a son-in-law 
by giving him Sultanim Beglm, the mother of Muhammad SI. 
Mirza.^ Another late-comer was Murad Beg Bdyandari. 

{h. His Chief Justices {sadUr).) 

One was Mir Sar-i-barahna (Bare-head) 3 ; he was from 
a village in Andijan and appears to have made claim to be 
a sayyid {mutasayyid). He was a very agreeable companion, 
pleasant of temper and speech. His were the judgment and 
rulings that carried weight amongst men of letters and poets of 
Khurasan. He wasted his time by composing, in imitation of 
the story of Amir Hamza,4 a work which is one long, far- 
fetched lie, opposed to sense and nature. 

Kamalu'd-din Husain Gdzur-gdhi^ was another. Though 
not a Sufi, he was mystical.^ Such mystics as he will have 

^ His paternal line was, 'Abdu'1-baq!, son of 'Usman, son of Sayyidi Ahmad, son 
of Miran-shah. His mother's people were begs of the White-sheep (H.S. iii, 290). 

= Sultanim had married Wais (f. 157) not later than 895 or 896 ah. (H.S. iii, 253) ; 
she married 'Abdu'1-baqi in 908 ah. (1502-3 ad.). 

3 Sayyid Shamsu'd-din Muhammad, Mir Sayyid Sar-i-barahna owed his sobriquet 
of Bare-head to love-sick wanderings of his youth (H.S. iii, 328). The H.S. it is 
clear, recognizes him as a sayyid. 

* Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 760 ; it is immensely long and " filled with tales that shock 
all probability " (Erskine). 

5 f. 94 and note. SI. Husain M. made him curator of Ansari's shrine, an officer 
represented, presumably, by Col. Yate's " Mir of Gazur-gah ", and he became Chief 
Justice in 904 ah. (1498-99 ad.). See H.S. iii, 330 and 340 j JASB 1887, art. On 
the city of Harat (C. E. Yate) p. 85. 

* tnutasauwif, perhaps meaning not a professed Sufi. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 281 

gathered in 'All-sher Beg's presence and there have gone into 
their raptures and ecstacies. Kamalu'd-din will have been 
better-born than most of them ; his promotion will have been 
due to his good birth, since he had no other merit to speak of.^ 
A production of his exists, under the name Majdlisu' l-ushshdq 
(Assemblies of lovers), the authorship of which he ascribes (in 
its preface) to SI. Husain Mirza.^ It is mostly a lie and a taste- 
less lie. He has written such irreverent things in it that some foI. 176^. 
of them cast doubt upon his orthodoxy ; for example, he 
represents the Prophets, — Peace be on them, — and Saints as 
subject to earthly passion, and gives to each a minion and 
a mistress. Another and singularly absurd thing is that, although 
in his preface he says, " This is SI. Husain Mlrza's own written 
word and literary, composition," he, never-the-less, enters, in the 
body of the book, " All by the sub-signed author ", at the head 
of odes and verses well-known to be his own. It was his flattery 
gave Zu'n-nun Arghun the title Lion of God. 

{i. His waztrs.) 

One was Majdu'd-din Muhammad, son of Khwaja Pir Ahmad 
of Khwaf, the one man {yak-qalam) of Shahrukh Mlrza's 
Finance-office.3 In SI. Husain Mlrza's Finance-ofiice there was 
not at first proper order or method ; waste and extravagance 
resulted ; the peasant did not prosper, and the soldier was not 
satisfied. Once while Majdu'd-din Muhammad was still par- 
wdnchi^ and styled Mirak (Little Mir), it became a matter of 
importance to the Mirza to have some money ; when he asked 
the Finance-officials for it, they said none had been collected and 
that there was none. Majdu'd-din Muhammad must have heard 
this and have smiled, for the Mirza asked him why he smiled ; 
privacy was made and he told Mirza what was in his mind. 

^ He was of high birth on both sides, of religious houses of Tabas and Nishapur 
(D.S. pp. 161, 163). 

^ In agreement with its preface, Dr. Rieu entered the book as written by SI. Husain 
Mirza ; in his Addenda, however, he quotes Babur as the authority for its being by 
Gazur-gahi ; Khwand-amlr's authority can be added to Babur's (H.S. 340 ; Pers. Cat. 
pp. 351, 1085). 

3 Dtwdn. The Wazir is a sort of Minister of Finance ; the Diwan is the office of 
revenue receipts and issues (Erskine). 

^ a secretary who writes out royal orders (H.S. iii, 244). 

282 KABUL 

Said he, "If the honoured Mirza will pledge himself to strengthen 
177. my hands by not opposing my orders, it shall so be before long 
that the country shall prosper, the peasant be content, the soldier 
well-off, and the Treasury full." The Mirza for his part gave 
the pledge desired, put Majdu'd-din Muhammad in authority 
throughout Khurasan, and entrusted all public business to him. 
He in his turn by using all possible diligence and effort, before 
long had made soldier and peasant grateful and content, filled 
the Treasury to abundance, and made the districts habitable 
and cultivated. He did all this however in face of opposition 
from the begs and men high in place, all being led by 'All-sher 
Beg, all out of temper with what Majdu'd-din Muhammad had 
effected. By their effort and evil suggestion he was arrested 
and dismissed.^ In succession to him Nizamu'1-mulk of Khwaf 
was made Dlwan but in a short time they got him arrested also, 
and him they got put to death.^ They then brought Khwaja 
Afzal out of 'Iraq and made him Dlwan ; he had just been 
made a beg when I came to Kabul (910 AH.), and he also 
impressed the Seal in Dlwan. 

Khwaja 'Ata 3 was another ; although, unlike those already 
mentioned, he was not in high office or Finance-minister {dlwan), 
nothing was settled without his concurrence the whole Khura- 
sanat over. He was a pious, praying, upright {inutadaiyin) 
person ; he must have been diligent in business also. 

^ Count von Noer's words about a cognate reform of later date suit this man's work, 
it also was "a bar to the defraudment of the Crown, a stumbling-block in the path of 
avaricious chiefs" {Emperor Akbar trs. i, ii). The opposition made by 'All-sher to 
reform so clearly to Husain's gain and to Husain's begs' loss, stirs the question, 
*' What was the source of his own income ? " Up to 873 ah. he was for some years 
the dependant of Ahmad Hajl Beg ; he took nothing from the Mirza, but gave to 
him ; he must have spent much in benefactions. The question may have presented 
itself to M. Belin for he observes, " 'All-sher qui sans doute, a son retour de I'exil, 
recouvra 1' heritage de ses peres, et depuis occupa de hautes positions dans le gouverne- 
ment de son pays, avait acquis une grande fortune" {J. Asiatique xvii, 227). While 
not contradicting M. Belin's view that vested property such as can be described as 
" paternal inheritance ", may have passed from father to son, even in those days of 
fugitive prosperity and changing appointments, one cannot but infer, from Nawa'i's 
opposition to Majdu'd-din, that he, like the rest, took a partial view of the "rights" 
of the cultivator. 

^ This was in 903 ah. after some 20 years of service (H.S. iii, 231 ; Eth^ I.O. 
Cat. p. 252). 

3 Amir Jamalu'd-din *Ata'u'l-lah, known also as Jamalu'd-din Husain, wrote a 
History oj Muhammad (H.S. iii, 345 ; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. I47 & (a correction) 
p. 108 1 ). 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 283 

(y. Others of the Court?) 

Those enumerated were SI. Husain Mirza's retainers and 
followers.^ His was a wonderful Age ; in it Khurasan, and Fol. 177(5 
Herl above all, was full of learned and matchless men. What- 
ever the work a man took up, he aimed and aspired at bringing 
that work to perfection. One such man was Maulana 'Abdu'r- 
rahman Jdmi, who was unrivalled in his day for esoteric and 
exoteric knowledge. Famous indeed are his poems ! The 
Mulla's dignity it is out of my power to describe; it has occurred 
to me merely to mention his honoured name and one atom of 
his excellence, as a benediction and good omen for this part of 
my humble book. 

Shaikhu'l-islam Saifu'd-din Ahmad was another. He was of 
the line of that Mulla Sa*du'd-dln (Mas'ud) Taftazdm^ whose 
descendants from his time downwards have given the Shaikhu'l- 
islam to Khurasan. He was a very learned man, admirably 
versed in the Arabian sciences 3 and the Traditions, most God- 
fearing and orthodox. Himself a ShafiX^ he was tolerant of all 
the sects. People say he never once in 70 years omitted the 
Congregational Prayer. He was martyred when Shah Isma'll 
took Herl (916 AH.) ; there now remains no man of his 
honoured line.5 

Maulana Shaikh Husain was another ; he is mentioned here, 
although his first appearance and his promotion were under 
SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza, because he was living still under SI. Husain Fol. 178. 
Mirza. Being well-versed in the sciences of philosophy, logic 
and rhetoric, he was able to find much meaning in a few words 
and to bring it out opportunely in conversation. Being very 
intimate and influential with SI. Abu-said Mirza, he took part 
in all momentous affairs of the Mirza's dominions ; there was 

' Amongst noticeable omissions from Babur's list of Herl celebrities are Mir 
Khwand Shah (" Mirkhond"), his grandson Khwand-amir, Husain Kashift 2sA 
Muinu'd-din al Zamjl, author of a History of Hardt which was finished in 
897 AH. 

^ Sa'du'd-din Mas'ud, son of 'Umar, was a native of Taft in Yazd, whence his 
cognomen (Bahar-i-'ajam) ; he died in 792 AH.-1390 ad. (H.S. iii, 59, 343 ; T.R. 
p. 236 ; Rieu's Pers. Cat. pp. 352, 453). 

3 These are those connected with grammar and rhetoric (Erskine). 

■♦ This is one of the four principal sects of Muhammadanism (Erskine). 

5 T.R. p. 235, for Shah Isma'il's murders in Heri. 


284 KABUL 

no better muhtasib ^ ; this will have been why he was so much 
trusted. Because he had been an intimate of that Mirza, the 
incomparable man was treated with insult in SI. Husain 
Mirza's time. 

Mulla-zada Mulla 'Usman was another. He was a native of 
Chlrkh, in the Luhugur tumdn of the tunidn of Kabul ^ and was 
called the Born Mulla {Mtdld-zada) because in Aulugh Beg 
Mirza's time he used to give lessons when 14 years old. He went 
to Herl on his way from Samarkand to make the circuit of the 
ka'ba, was there stopped, and made to remain by SI. Husain 
Mirza. He was very learned, the most so of his time. People 
say he was nearing the rank of Ijtihad 3 but he did not reach it. 
It is said of him that he once asked, " How should a person 
forget a thing heard ? " A strong memory he must have had ! 

Mir Jamalu'd-din the Traditionalist 4 was another. He had no 
equal in Khurasan for knowledge of the Muhammadan Traditions. 
He was advanced in years and is still alive (934 to 937 AH.). 

Mir Murtaz was another. He was well-versed in the sciences 
qZb. of philosophy and metaphysics ; he was called murtdz (ascetic) 
because he fasted a great deal. He was madly fond of chess, 
so much so that if he had met two players, he would hold one 
by the skirt while he played his game out with the other, as 
much as to say, " Don't go ! " 

Mir Mas*ud of Sherwan was another.5 

Mir 'Abdu'l-ghafur of Lar was another. Disciple and pupil 
both of Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman Jdmi, he had read aloud most 
of the Mulla's poems {masnawt) in his presence, and wrote 
a plain exposition of the Nafahdt^ He had good acquaintance 

* Superintendent of Police, who examines weights, measures and provisions,, also 
prevents gambling, drinking and so on. 
» f. 137. 

3 The rank of Mujtahid, which is not bestowed by any individual or class of men 
but which is the result of slow and imperceptible opinion, finally prevailing and 
universally acknowledged, is one of the greatest peculiarities of the religion of Persia. 
The Mujtahid is supposed to be elevated above human fears and human enjoyments, 
and to have a certain degree of infallibility and inspiration. He is consulted with 
reverence and awe. There is not always a Mujtahid necessarily existing. See 
Kaempfer, Amoenitates Exoticae (Erskine). 

4 muhaddas, one versed in the traditional sayings and actions of Muhammad, 
s H.S. iii, 340. 

^ B.M. Or. 218 (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 350). The Commentary was made in order 
to explain the Nafahdt to Jaml's son. 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 285 

with the exoteric sciences, and in the esoteric ones also was very 
successful. He was a curiously casual and unceremonious 
person ; no person styled MuUa by any-one soever was debarred 
from submitting a (Qoran) chapter to him for exposition ; more- 
over whatever the place in which he heard there was a darwish, 
he had no rest till he had reached that darwish's presence. He 
was ill when I was in Khurasan (912 ah.) ; I went to enquire 
for him where he lay in the Mulla's College/ after I had made 
the circuit of the Mulla's tomb. He died a few days later, of 
that same illness. 

Mir 'Ata'u'1-lah of Mashhad was another.^ He knew the 
Arabian sciences well and also wrote a Persian treatise on rhyme. 
That treatise is well-done but it has the defect that he brings 
into it, as his examples, couplets of his own and, assuming them Fol. 
to be correct, prefixes to each, " As must be observed in the 
following couplet by your slave " {banda). Several rivals of his 
find deserved comment in this treatise. He wrote another on 
the curiosities of verse, entitled BaddVu' s-sandi \ a very well- 
written treatise. He may have swerved from the Faith. 

QazI Ikhtiyar was another. He was an excellent QazI and 
wrote a treatise in Persian on Jurisprudence, an admirable 
treatise ; he also, in order to give elucidation {iqtibds), made 
a collection of homonymous verses from the Qoran. He came 
with Muhammad-i-yusuf to see me at the time I met the Mirzas 
on the Murgh-ab (912 AH.). Talk turning on the Baburl script,3 
he asked me about it, letter by letter ; I wrote it out, letter by 
letter ; he went through it, letter by letter, and having learned 
its plan, wrote something in it there and then. 

Mir Muhammad-i-yusuf was another ; he was a pupil of the 
Shaikhu'l-islam 4 and afterwards was advanced to his place. 
In some assemblies he, in others, QazT Ikhtiyar took the 
higher place. Towards the end of his life he was so infatuated 

^ He was buried by the Mulla's side. 

^ Amir Burhanu'd-din 'Ata'u'1-lah bin Mahmudu'I-husaini was born in Nishapur 
but known as Mashhadi because he retired to that holy spot after becoming blind. 

3 f. 144(5 and note. QazI Ikhtiyaru'd-din Hasan (H.S. iii, 347) appears to be the 
Khwaja Ikhtiyar of the Ayin-i-akbarl, and, if so, will have taken professional interest 
in the script, since Abu'1-fazl describes him as a distinguished calligrapher in SI. 
Husain M.'s presence (Blochmann, p. 1 01). 

^ Saifu'd-din (Sword of the Faith) Ahmad, presumably. 

286 KABUL 

with soldiering and military command, that except of those two 
tasks, what could be learned from his conversation ? what known 
from his pen ? Though he failed in both, those two ambitions 
ended by giving to the winds his goods and his life, his house 
and his home. He may have been a Shi'a. 

{k. The Poets?} 

1793. The all-surpassing head of the poet-band was Maulana 
'Abdu'r-rahman/f^z^/^i". Others were Shaikhim Suhaill and Hasan 
oVAXl Jaldir^ whose names have been mentioned already as in 
the circle of the Mlrza's begs and household. 

Asafi was another,^ he taking Asafi for his pen-name because 
he was a wazir's son. His verse does not want for grace or 
sentiment, but has no merit through passion and ecstacy. He 
himself made the claim, " I have never packed up {bulmddt) my 
odes to make the oasis [wddt) of a collection." 3 This was 
affectation, his younger brothers and his intimates having 
collected his odes. He wrote little else but odes. He waited 
on me when I went into Khurasan (9 1 2 AH.). 

Bana'i was another ; he was a native of Herl and took such 
a pen-name (Bana'i) on account of his father Ustad Muhammad 
Sabz-band.^ His odes have grace and ecstacy. One poem 
{masnawi) of his on the topic of fruits, is in the mutaqdrib 
measure ; 5 it is random and not worked up. Another short 
poem is in the khafif measure, so also is a longer one finished 
towards the end of his life. He will have known nothing of 
music in his young days and 'All-sher Beg seems to have taunted 
him about it, so one winter when the Mirza, taking *AlI-sher Beg 

* A sister of his, Apaq Bega, the wife of 'Ali-sher's brother Darwish-i-'all kitabdar, 
is included as a poet in the Biography of Ladies (Sprenger's Cat. p. 1 1 ). Amongst 
the 20 women named one is a wife of Shaibaq Khan, another a daughter of Hilali. 

^ He was the son of Khw. Ni'amatu'1-lah, one of SI. Abu-sa'ld M.'s wazirs. 
When dying aet. 70 (923 AH,), he made this chronogram on his own death, "With 
70 steps he measured the road to eternity." The name Asaf, so frequent amongst 
wazirs, is that of Solomon's wazir. 

3 Other interpretations are open ; wddi, taken as river, might refer to the going on 
from one poem to another, the stream of verse ; or it might be taken as desert, with 
disparagement of collections. 

^ Maulana Jamalu'd-din BandH was the son of a sabz-band, an architect, a good 

5 Steingass's Dictionary allows convenient reference for examples of metres. 


911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 287 

with him, went to winter in Merv, Bana'i stayed behind in Herl 
and so applied himself to study music that before the heats he 
had composed several works. These he played and sang, airs 
with variations, when the Mirza came back to Her! in the heats. Fol. 180. 
All amazed, 'All-sher Beg praised him. His musical compositions 
are perfect ; one was an air known as Nuh-rang (Nine modula- 
tions), and having both the theme {tukdnasJi) and the variation 
{yild) on the note called rdst{}). Bana'i was *Ali-sher Beg's 
rival ; it will have been on this account he was so much ill-treated. 

When at last he could bear it no longer, he went into Azarbaljan 

and 'Iraq to the presence of Ya'qub Beg ; he did not remain how- 
ever in those parts after Ya'qub Beg's death (896 AH.- 1 491 AD.) 
but went back to Herl, just the same with his jokes and retorts. 
Here is one of them : — *AlI-sher at a chess-party in stretching 
his leg touched Bana'i on the hinder-parts and said jestingly, 
" It is the sad nuisance of Herl that a man can't stretch his leg 
without its touching a poet's backside." " Nor draw it up again," 
retorted Bana'i.^ In the end the upshot of his jesting was that 
he had to leave Herl again ; he went then to Samarkand.^ 
A great many good new things used to be made for 'All-sher 
Beg, so whenever any-one produced a novelty, he called it 'All- 
sher's in order to give it credit and vogue.3 Some things were 
called after him in compliment e.g. because when he had ear-ache, 
he wrapped his head up in one of the blue triangular kerchiefs 
women tie over their heads in winter, that kerchief was called 
'Ali-sher's comforter. Then again, Bana'i when he had decided 
to leave Herl, ordered a quite new kind of pad for his ass and Fol. i8o3. 
dubbed it 'Ah-sher's. 

^ Other jokes made by Bana!i at the expense of Nawa'i are recorded in the various 

= Babur saw Bana'i in Samarkand at the end of 901 ah. (1496 ad. f. 38). 

Here Dr. Leyden's translation ends ; one other fragment which he translated will 
be found under the year 925 ah. (Erskine). This statement allows attention to be 
drawn to the inequality of the shares of the work done for the Memoirs of 1826 by 
Leyden and by Erskine. It is just to Mr. Erskine, but a justice he did not claim, 
to point out that Dr. Leyden's share is slight both in amount and in quality ; his 
essential contribution was the initial stimulus he gave to the great labours of his 

3 So of Lope de Vega (b. 1562 ; d. 1635 ad.), " It became a common proverb to 
praise a good thing by calling it a Lope., so that jewels, diamonds, pictures, etc. were 
raised into esteem by calling them his" (Montalvan in Ticknor's Spanish Literature 
ii, 270). 

288 KABUL 

Maulana Saifi of Bukhara was another ; ^ he was a Mulla 
complete ^ who in proof of his mulla-ship used to give a list of 
the books he had read. He put two diwdns together, one being 
for the use of tradesmen i^harfa-kar), and he also wrote many 
fables. That he wrote no ■}nasnawi is shewn by the following 
quatrain : — 

Though the masnawi be the orthodox verse, 

/ know the ode has Divine command ; 
Five couplets that charm the heart 

/ know to outmatch the Two Quintets. 3 

A Persian prosody he wrote is at once brief and prolix, brief in 
the sense of omitting things that should be included, and prolix in 
the sense that plain and simple matters are detailed down to the 
diacritical points, down even to their Arabic points.^ He is said 
to have been a great drinker, a bad drinker, and a mightily strong- 
fisted man. 

*Abdu'l-lah the masnawi-^ntox was another.s He was from 
Jam and was the Mulla's sister's son. Hatifl was his pen-name. 
He wrote poems (^masnawt) in emulation of the Two Quintets,^ 
and called them Haft-manzar (Seven-faces) in imitation of the 
Haft-paikar (Seven-faces). In emulation of the Sikandar-ndma 
he composed the Timur-ndma. His most renowned masnawi is 
Laila and Majnun, but its reputation is greater than its charm. 

Mir Husain the Enigmatist 7 was another. He seems to have 
had no equal in making riddles, to have given his whole time to 
it, and to have been a curiously humble, disconsolate {nd-murdd) 
i8i. and harmless {bi-bad) person. 

Mir Muhammad Badakhshi of Ishklmlsh was another. As 
Ishklmlsh is not in Badakhshan, it is odd he should have made it 

* Maulana Saifi, known as 'Aruzl from his mastery in prosody (Rieu's Pers. Cat. 
p. 525). 

^ Here pedantry will be implied in the muUahood. 
3 Khamsatin {infra f. l8o3 and note). 

* This appears to mean that not only the sparse diacritical pointing common in 
writing Persian was dealt with but also the fuller Arabic. 

s He is best known by his pen-name Hatifi. The B. M. and I. O. have several of 
his books. 

^ Khamsattn. Hatifi regarded himself as the successor of NigamI and Khusrau ; 
this, taken with Babur's use of the word Khamsatin on f. 7 and here, and Saifi's 
just above, leads to the opinion that the Khamsatin of the Babur-nama are always 
those of Nizami and Khusrau, the Two Quintets (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 653). 

' Maulana Mir Kamalu'd-din Husain of Nishapur (Rieu I.e. index s.n. ; Ethd's 
I.O. Cat. pp. 433 and 1134). 


911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 289 

his pen-name. His verse does not rank with that of the poets 
previously mentioned/ and though he wrote a treatise on riddles, 
his riddles are not first-rate. He was a very pleasant companion ; 
he waited on me in Samarkand (917 AH.). 

Yusuf the wonderful {badT) ^ was another. He was from the 
Farghana country ; his odes are said not to be bad. 

Ahl was another, a good ode- writer, latterly in Ibn-i-husain 
Mirza's service, and sdhib-i-diwdn? 

Muhammad Sdlih was another.4 His odes are tasty but better- 
flavoured than correct. There is Turk! verse of his also, not 
badly written. He went to Shaibaq Khan later on and found 
complete favour. He wrote a Turki poem {inasnawi), named 
from Shaibaq Khan, in the rami masaddas majniin measure, that is 
to say the metre of the Subhat.^ It is feeble and flat ; Muhammad 
Sdlih's reader soon ceases to believe in him.^ Here is one of his 
good couplets : — 

A fat man (Tambal) has gained the land of Farghana, 
Making Farghana the house of the fat-man (Tambal-khana). 

Farghana is known also as Tarnbal-khana.7 I do not know 
whether the above couplet is found in the masnawt mentioned. 

' One of his couplets on good and bad fortune is striking ; " The fortune of men is 
like a sand-glass ; one hour up, the next down." See D'Herbelot in his article 

= H.S. iii, 336; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 10S9. 

3 Ahl (sighing) was with Shah-i-gharib before Ibn-i-husain and to him dedicated 
his diwdn. The words sdhib-i-diwan seem likely to be used here with double 
meaning i.e. to express authorship and finance office. Though Babur has made 
frequent mention of authorship of a diwan and of office in the Diwdn, he has not used 
these words hitherto in either sense ; there may be a play of words here. 

4 Muhammad Sdlih Mirza Khwdrizini, author of the Shaibdni-ndma which 
manifestly is the poem {masnawl) mentioned below. This has been published with 
a German translation by Professor Vambery and has been edited with Russian notes 
by Mr. Platon Melioransky (Rieu's Turkish Cat. p. 74; H.S. iii, 301). 

s Jaml's Subhatu! l-abrdr (Rosary of the righteous). 

^ The reference may be to things said by Muh. Sdlih the untruth of which was 
known to Babur through his own part in the events. A crying instance of mis- 
representation is Salih's assertion, in rhetorical phrase, that Babur took booty in 
jewels from Khusrau Shah ; other instances concern the affairs of The Khans and of 
Babur in Transoxiana (f. 1243 and index s.nn. Ahmad and Mahmud Chaghatdi etc. ; 
T. R. index s. nn. ). 

7 The name Fat-land (Tambal-khana) has its parallel in Fat-village (Simiz-kint) 
a name of Samarkand ; in both cases the nick-name is accounted for by the fertility 
of irrigated lands. We have not been able to find the above-quoted couplet in the 
Shaibdni-ndma (Vambery) ; needless to say, the pun is on the nick-name [tambal, fat] 
of SI. Ahmad Tambal. 



Muhammad Sdlih was a very wicked, tyrannical and heartless 

Maulana Shah Husain Kdmi^ was another. There are not- 
bad verses of his ; he wrote odes, and also seems to have put 
a dlwdn together. 

Hilah (New-moon) was another ; he is still alive.3 Correct and 
graceful though his odes are, they make little impression. There 
is a diwdn of his ; 4 and there is also the poem {masnawt) in the 
iZib. khafif measure, entitled Shdh and Darwlsh of which, fair though 
many couplets are, the basis and purport are hollow and bad. 
Ancient poets when writing of love and the lover, have represented 
the lover as a man and the beloved as a woman ; but Hilall has 
made the lover a darwlsh, the beloved a king, with the result 
that the couplets containing the king's acts and words set him 
forth as shameless and abominable. It is an extreme effrontery 
in Hilall that for a poem's sake he should describe a young man 
and that young man a king, as resembling the shameless and 
immoral.5 It is heard-said that Hilall had a very retentive 
memory, and that he had by heart 30 or 40,000 couplets, and the 
greater part of the Two Quintets, — all most useful for the minutiae 
of prosody and the art of verse. 

Ahli ^ was another ; he was of the common people Qdmt), 
wrote verse not bad, even produced a diwdn. 

^ Muh. Salih does not show well in his book ; he is sometimes coarse, gloats over 
spoil whether in human captives or goods, and, his good-birth not-forbidding, is 
a servile flatterer. Babur's word "heartless" is just; it must have had sharp 
prompting from Salih's rejoicing in the downfall of The Khans, Babur's uncles. 

= the Longer (H.S. iii, 349). 

3 Maulana Badru'd-din (Full-moon of the Faith) whose pen-name was Hilall, was 
of Astarabad. It may be noted that two dates of his death are found, 936 and 
939 AH. the first given by de Sagy, the second by Rieu, and that the second seems to 
be correct ^Not. et Extr. p. 285 ; Pers. Cat. p. 656 ; Hammer's Geschichte p. 368). 

4 B.M. Add. 7783. 

s Opinions differ as to the character of this work : — Babur's is uncompromising ; 
von Hammer (p. 369) describes it as ''^ ein romantisches Gedicht, welches eine 
sentimentale Mdnnerliebe behandelt" ', Sprenger (p. 427), as a mystical masnawt 
(poem); Rieu finds no spiritual symbolism in it and condemns it (Pers. Cat. p. 656 
and, quoting the above passage of Babur, p. 1090) ; Ethd, who has translated it, takes 
it to be mystical and symbolic (LO. Cat. p. 783). 

^ Of four writers using the pen-name Ahll (Of-the-people), viz. those of Turan, 
Shlraz, Tarshiz (in Khurasan), and 'Iraq, the one noticed here seems to be he of 
Tarshiz. Ahli of Tarshiz was the son of a locally-known pious father and became 
a Superintendent of the Mint ; Babur's ''ami may refer to Ahli's first patrons, tanners 
and shoe-makers by writing for whom he earned his living (Sprenger, p. 319)- 
Erskine read ^ummi, meaning that Ahli could neither read nor write ; de Courteille 
that he was un homme du cotnmun. 


911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 TO MAY 24th 1506 AD. 291 

(/. Artists.) 

Of fine pen-men there were many ; the one standing-out in 
nakhsh tdliq was SI. 'Ah of Mashhad ^ who copied many books for 
the Mirza and for 'Ah-sher Beg, writing daily 30 couplets for 
the first, 20 for the second. 

Of the painters, one was Bih-zad.^ His work was very dainty 
but he did not draw beardless faces well ; he used greatly to 
lengthen the double chin {ghab-gkab) ; bearded faces he drew 

Shah Muzaffar was another ; he painted dainty portraits, 
representing the hair very daintily.3 Short life was granted 
him ; he left the world when on his upward way to fame. 

Of musicians, as has been said, no-one played the dulcimer 
so well as Khwaja *Abdu'l-lah Marwdrid. 

Qul-i-muhammad the lutanist i^audt) was another ; he also 
played the guitar {ghichak) beautifully and added three strings 
to it. For many and good preludes {peshrau) he had not his 
equal amongst composers or performers, but this is only true of 
his preludes. 

ShaikhT the flautist {ndyt) was another ; it is said he played 
also the lute and the guitar, and that he had played the flute 
from his 12th or 13th year. He once produced a wonderful air 
on the flute, at one of Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's assemblies ; Qul-i- 
muhammad could not reproduce it on the guitar, so declared 
this a worthless instrument ; Shaikhl Ndyi at once took the 
guitar from Qul-i-muhammad's hands and played the air on it, 
well and in perfect tune. They say he was so expert in music 
that having once heard an air, he was able to say, "This or that 
is the tune of so-and-so's or so-and-so's flute." 4 He composed 
few works ; one or two airs are heard of 

Shah Qull the guitar-player was another; he was of 'Iraq, came 
into Khurasan, practised playing, and succeeded. He composed 
many airs, preludes and works {nakhsh, peshrau u aishldr). 

' He was an occasional poet (H.S. iii, 350 and iv, 118 ; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 531 ; 
Ethe's I.O. Cat. p. 428). 

^ Ustad Kamalu'd-din Bih-zad (well-born; H.S. iii, 350). Work of his is 
reproduced in Dr. Martin's Painting and Painters of Persia of 19 13 ad. 

3 This sentence is not in the Elph. MS. 

•* Perhaps he could reproduce tunes heard and say where heard. 

292 KABUL 

Husain the lutanist was another ; he composed and played 
with taste ; he would twist the strings of his lute into one and 
play on that. His fault was affectation about playing. He 
made a fuss once when Shaibaq Khan ordered him to play, and 
not only played badly but on a worthless instrument he had 
brought in place of his own. The Khan saw through him at 
once and ordered him to be well beaten on the neck, there and 
then. This was the one good action Shaibaq Khan did in the 
world ; it was well-done truly ! a worse chastisement is the due 
of such affected mannikins ! 

Ghulam-i-shadi (Slave of Festivity), the son of Shadi the 
reciter, was another of the musicians. Though he performed, 
he did it less well than those of the circle just described. There 
are excellent themes {silt) and beautiful airs {nakhsJt) of his ; 
no-one in his day composed such airs and themes. In the end 
Shaibaq Khan sent him to the Qazan Khan, Muhammad Amin ; 
no further news has been heard of him. 

Mir Azu was another composer, not a performer; he produced 
few works but those few were in good taste. 

Bana'i was also a musical composer ; there are excellent airs 
and themes of his. 

An unrivalled man was the wrestler Muhammad Bu-sa'ld ; 
he was foremost amongst the wrestlers, wrote verse too, com- 
posed themes and airs, one excellent air of his being in chdr-gdh 
(four-time), — and he was pleasant company. It is extraordinary 
that such accomplishments as his should be combined with 

{a. Burial of SI. Husain Mirzd.) 

At the time SI. Husain Mirza took his departure from the 
world, there were present of the Mirzas only Badi'u'z-zaman 
Mirza and Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza. The latter had been his 
father's favourite son ; his leading beg was Muhammad Baranduq 
Barlds ; his mother Khadija Beglm had been the Mirza's most 

* M. Belin quotes quatrains exchanged by 'Ali-sher and this man (/. Asiatique 
xvii, 199). 

911 AH.— JUNE 4th 1505 to MAY 24th 1506 AD. 293 

influential wife ; and to him the Mirza's people had gathered. Fol. 183. 
For these reasons Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza had anxieties and 
thought of not coming/ but Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza and Mu- 
hammad Baranduq Beg themselves rode out, dispelled his fears 
and brought him in. 

SI. Husain Mirza was carried into Herl and there buried in 
his own College with royal rites and ceremonies. 

{b. A dual succession^ 

At this crisis Zu'n-nun Beg was also present. He, Muh. 
Baranduq Beg, the late Mirza's begs and those of the two (young) 
Mirzas having assembled, decided to make the two Mirzas 
joint-rulers in Herl. Zu'n-nun Beg was to have control in 
Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's Gate, Muh. Baranduq Beg, in Muzaffar- 
i-husain Mirza's. Shaikh 'All Taghal was to be ddrogha in Herl 
for the first, Yusuf-i-'all for the second. Theirs was a strange 
plan ! Partnership in rule is a thing unheard of ; against it 
stand Shaikh Sa'di's words in the Gulistan : — " Ten darwishes 
sleep under a blanket {gilzm) ; two kings find no room in 
a clime " {aqlhn)? 

* i.e. from his own camp to Baba Ilahl. 

^^ f. 121 has a fuller quotation. On the dual succession, see T.R. p. 196, 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 to MAY 13th 1507 AD.^ 

{a. Bdbur starts to join SI. Husain Mtrzd.) 

In the month of Muharram we set out by way of Ghur-bund 
and Shibr-tu to oppose the Auzbeg. 

As Jahanglr Mirza had gone out of the country in some sort 
of displeasure, we said, " There might come much mischief and 
trouble if he drew the clans {ahndq) to himself ; " and " What 
trouble might come of it ! " and, " First let's get the clans in 
hand ! " So said, we hurried forward, riding light and leaving 
the baggage {ailruq) at Ushtur-shahr in charge of Wall the 
treasurer and Daulat-qadam of the scouts. That day we reached 
Fort Zahaq ; from there we crossed the pass of the Little-dome 
(Gumbazak-kutal), trampled through Salghan, went over the 
Dandan-shikan pass and dismounted in the meadow of Kahmard. 
From Kahmard we sent Sayyid Afzal the Seer-of-dreams 
{Khwdb-bm) and SI. Muhammad Dulddi to SI. Husain Mirza 
with a letter giving the particulars of our start from Kabul.^ 

Jahanglr Mirza must have lagged on the road, for when he 
got opposite Bamian and went with 20 or 30 persons to visit it, 
he saw near it the tents of our people left with the baggage. 
Thinking we were there, he and his party hurried back to their 
camp and, without an eye to anything, without regard for their 
own people marching in the rear, made off for Yaka-aulang.3 

{b. Action of Shaibdq Kkdn.) 

When Shaibaq Khan had laid siege to Balkh, in which was 
SI. Qul-i-nachaq,4 he sent two or three sultans with 3 or 4000 
men to overrun Badakhshan. At the time Mubarak Shah and 

• Elph. MS. f. 144 ; W.-i-B. l.O. 215 f. ia,U and 217 f. \2Sb ; Mems. p. I99- 

' News of Husain's death in 911 ah. (f. i63<5) did not reach Babur till 912 ah. 
(f. 1843). 

3 Lone-meadow (f. I95<J). Jahangir will have come over the 'Iraq-pass, Babur's 
tiaggage-convoy, by Shibr-tii. Cf. T.R. p. 199 for Babur and Jahangir at this time. 

* Servant-of- the- mace ; but perhaps, Qilinj-chaq, swords-man. 



912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 to MAY 13th 1507 AD. 295 

Zubair had again joined Nasir Mirza, spite of former resentments 
and bickerings, and they all were lying at Shakdan, below Kishm Foi. 184. 
and east of the Kishm-water. Moving through the night, one 
body of Auzbegs crossed that water at the top of the morning 
and advanced on the Mirza ; he at once drew off to rising-ground, 
mustered his force, sounded trumpets, met and overcame them. 
Behind the Auzbegs was the Kishm-water in flood, many were 
drowned in it, a mass of them died by arrow and sword, more 
were made prisoner. Another body of Auzbegs, sent against 
Mubarak Shah and Zubair where they lay, higher up the water 
and nearer Kishm, made them retire to the rising-ground. Of this 
the Mirza heard ; when he had beaten off his own assailants, he 
moved against theirs. So did the Kohistan begs, gathered with 
horse and foot, still higher up the river. Unable to make stand 
against this attack, the AQzbegs fled, but of this body also a mass 
died by sword, arrow, and water. In all some 1000 to 1500 may 
have died. This was Nasir Mirza's one good success ; a man of 
his brought us news about it while we were in the dale of Kahmard. 

(c. Bdbur moves on into Khurasan?) 

While we were in Kahmard, our army fetched corn from 
Ghurl and Dahana. There too we had letters from Sayyid Fol. 184^. 
Afzal and SI. Muhammad Dulddi whom we had sent into 
Khurasan ; their news was of SI. Husain Mirza's death. 

This news notwithstanding, we set forward for Khurasan ; 
though there were other grounds for doing this, what decided 
us was anxious thought for the reputation of this (Timurid) 
dynasty. We went up the trough {alchi) of the Ajar- valley, on 
over Tup and Mandaghan, crossed the Balkh-water and came 
out on Saf-hill. Hearing there that Auzbegs were overrunning 
San and Char-yak,^ we sent a force under Qasim Beg against 
them ; he got up with them, beat them well, cut many heads 
off, and returned. 

We lay a few days in the meadow of Saf-hill, waiting for 
news of Jahanglr Mirza and the clans {ahndq) to whom persons 

^ One of four, a fourth. Char-yak may be a component of the name of the well- 
known place, n. of Kabul, " Charikar" ; but also the Char in it may be Hindustan! 
and refer to the permits-to-pass after tolls paid, given to caravans halted there for 
taxation. Raverty writes it Charlakar. 

296 KABUL 

had been sent. We hunted once, those hills being very full of 
wild sheep and goats {kiyik\ All the clans came in and waited 
on me within a few days ; it was to me they came ; they had 
not gone to Jahanglr Mirza though he had sent men often 
enough to them, once sending even 'Imadu'd-din Mas'ud. He 
himself was forced to come at last ; he saw me at the foot of 
the valley when I came down off Saf-hill. Being anxious about 
Khurasan, we neither paid him attention nor took thought for 
the clans, but went right on through Gurzwan, Almar, Qaisar, 
Chlchlk-tu, and Fakhru'd-dln's-death {aulurn) into the Bam- 
valley, one of the dependencies of Badghls. 

The world being full of divisions,^ things were being taken 
from country and people with the long arm ; we ourselves began 
to take something, by laying an impost on the Turks and clans 
of those parts, in two or three months taking perhaps 300 tilmdns 
of kipki.^ 

{d. Coalition of the Khurasan Mtrzds.) 

A few days before our arrival (in Bam-valley ?) some of the 
Khurasan light troops and of Zu'n-nun Beg's men had well 
beaten Auzbeg raiders in Pand-dih (Panj-dih ?) and Maruchaq, 
killing a mass of men.3 

Badi'u'z - zaman Mirza and Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza with 
Muhammad Baranduq Barlds, Zu'n-nun Arghun and his son 
Shah Beg resolved to move on Shaibaq Khan, then besieging 
SI. Qul-i-nachaq (?) in Balkh. Accordingly they summoned all 
SI. Husain Mirza's sons, and got out of Herl to effect their 
purpose. At Chihil-dukhtaran Abu'l-muhsin M. joined them 
from Marv ; Ibn-i-husain M. followed, coming up from Tun and 
Qaln. Kupuk (Kipik) M. was in Mashhad ; often though they 
sent to him, he behaved unmanly, spoke senseless words, and did 
not come. Between him and Mu?.affar Mirza, there was jealousy ; 
when Muzaffar M. was made (joint-)ruler, he said, " How should 
/ go to his presence ? " Through this disgusting jealousy he did 

^ Amongst the disruptions of the time was that of the Khanate of Qibchaq (Erskine). 

" The nearest approach to kipki we have found in Dictionaries is kupaki, which 
comes close to the Russian copeck. Erskine notes that the casbeki is an oval copper 
coin (Tavernier, p. I2i) ; and that a tiiman is a myriad (10,000). Cf. Manucci 
(Irvine), i, 78 and iv, 417 note ; Chardin iv, 278. 

3 Muharram 912 ah. -June 1506 ad. (H.S. iii, 353). 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 297 

not come now, even at this crisis when all his brethren, older and 
younger, were assembling in concord, resolute against such a foe Fol. 185*. 
as Shaibaq Khan. Kupuk M. laid his own absence to rivalry, 
but everybody else laid it to his cowardice. One word ! In this 
world acts such as his outlive the man ; if a man have any share 
of intelligence, why try to be ill-spoken of after death ? if he 
be ambitious, why not try so to act that, he gone, men will praise 
him ? In the honourable mention of their names, wise men find 
a second life ! 

Envoys from the Mirzas came to me also, Muh. Baranduq 
Barlds himself following them. As for me, what was to hinder 
my going ? It was for that very purpose I had travelled one or 
two \i\yc\Ax^A yighdch (500-600 miles)! I at once started with 
Muh. Baranduq Beg for Murgh-ab ^ where the Mirzas were lying. 

{e. Bdbur meets the Mirzas?) 

The meeting with the Mirzas was on Monday the 8th of the 
latter Jumada (Oct. 26th 1506 ah.). Abu'l-muhsin Mirza came 
out a mile to meet me ; we approached one another ; on my side, 
I dismounted, on his side, he ; we advanced, saw one another 
and remounted. Near the camp Muzaffar Mirza and Ibn-i-husain 
Mirza met us ; they, being younger than Abu'l-muhsin Mirza 
ought to have come out further than he to meet me.^ Their 
dilatoriness may not have been due to pride, but to heaviness Fol. 186. 
after wine ; their negligence may have been no slight on me, 
but due to their own social pleasures. On this Muzaffar Mirza 
laid stress ; 3 we two saw one another without dismounting, so 
did Ibn-i-husain Mirza and I. We rode on together and, in an 
amazing crowd and press, dismounted at Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's 
Gate. Such was the throng that some were lifted off the ground 
for three or four steps together, while others, wishing for some 
reason to get out, were carried, willy-nilly, four or five steps the 
other way. 

'^ I take Murgh-ab here to be the fortified place at the crossing of the river by the 
main n.e. road; Babur when in Dara-i-bam was on a tributary of the Murgh-ab. 
Khwand-amir records that the information of his approach was hailed in the Mirzas' 
camp as good news (H.S. iii, 354). 

* Babur gives the Mirzas precedence by age, ignoring Muzaffar's position as 

3 mubdlgha qtldl ; perhaps he laid stress on their excuse ; perhaps did more than 
was ceremonially incumbent on him. 

298 KABUL 

We reached Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's Audience-tent. It had 
been agreed that I, on entering, should bend the knee {yilkunghdi) 
once, that the Mirza should rise and advance to the edge of the 
estrade,^ and that we should see one another there. I went in, 
bent the knee once, and was going right forward ; the Mirza 
rose rather languidly and advanced rather slowly ; Qasim Beg, 
as he was my well-wisher and held my reputation as his own, 
gave my girdle a tug ; I understood, moved more slowly, and 
so the meeting was on the appointed spot. 

Four divans {tuskuk) had been placed in the tent. Always 
in the Mirza's tents one side was like a gate- way ^ and at the 
edge of this gate-way he always sat. A divan was set there now 
i86^. on which he and Muzaffar Mirza sat together. Abu'l-muhsin, 
Mirza and I sat on another, set in the right-hand place of 
honour {tur). On another, to Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's left, sat 
Ibn-i-husain Mirza with Qasim SI. Auzbeg, a son-in-law of the 
late Mirza and father of Qasim-i-husain Sultan. To my right 
and below my divan was one on which sat Jahanglr Mirza and 
*Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza. To the left of Qasim SI. and Ibn-i-husain 
Mirza, but a good deal lower, were Muh. Baranduq Beg, Zu'n- 
nun Beg and Qasim Beg. 

Although this was not a social gathering, cooked viands were 
brought in, drinkables 3 were set with the food, and near them 
gold and silver cups. Our forefathers through a long space of 
time, had respected the Chlnglz-tura (ordinance), doing nothing 
opposed to it, whether in assembly or Court, in sittings-down 

^ ^irq, to which estrade answers in its sense of a carpet on which stands a raised seat. 

= Perhaps it was a recess, resembling a gate-way (W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 151 and 217 
f. I27<5). The impression conveyed by Babur's words here to the artist who in B.M. 
Or- 37i4» has depicted the scene, is that there was a vestibule opening into the tent by 
a door and that the Mirza sat near that door. It must be said however that the 
illustration does not closely follow the text, in some known details. 

3 shtra, fruit-syrups, sherbets. Babur's word for wine is chaghlr {q.v. index) and 
this reception being public, wine could hardly have been offered in Sunn! Heri. 
Babur's strictures can apply to the vessels of precious metal he mentions, these being 
forbidden to Musalmans ; from his reference to the Tiira it would appear to repeat 
the same injunctions. Babur broke up such vessels before the battle of Kanwaha 
(f- 315)- Shah-i-jahan did the same ; when sent by his father Jahanglr to reconquer 
the Deccan (1030 ah. -162 1 ad.) he asked permission to follow the example of his 
ancestor Babur, renounced wine, poured his stock into the Chambal, broke up his 
cups and gave the fragments to the poor {' Amal-i-salih, ; Hughes' Diet, of Islam 
quoting the Hidayah and Mishkat, s. nn. Drinkables, Drinking-vessels, and Gold ; 
Lane's Modern Egyptians p. 125 n.). 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 299 ; T 

or risings-up. Though it has not Divine authority so that 
a man obeys it of necessity, still good rules of conduct must be 
obeyed by whom-soever they are left ; just in the same way 
that, if a forefather have done ill, his ill must be changed 
for good. 

After the meal I rode from the Mirza's camp some 2 miles to Fol. 187. 
our own dismounting-place. 

if. Bdbur claims due respect?) 

At my second visit Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza shewed me less 
respect than at my first. I therefore had it said to Muh. 
Baranduq Beg and to Zu'n-nun Beg that, small though my age 
was {act. 24), my place of honour was large ; that I had seated 
myself twice on the throne of our forefathers in Samarkand by 
blow straight-dealt ; and that to be laggard in shewing me 
respect was unreasonable, since it was for this (Timurid) dynasty's 
sake I had thus fought and striven with that alien foe. This 
said, and as it was reasonable, they admitted their mistake at 
once and shewed the respect claimed. 

i^g. Bdbur' s temperance^ 

There was a wine-party {chdghir-majlisi) once when I went 
after the Mid-day Prayer to Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's presence. 
At that time I drank no wine. The party was altogether 
elegant ; every sort of relish to wine (^gazak) was set out on the 
napery, with brochettes of fowl and goose, and all sorts of 
viands. The Mirza's entertainments were much renowned ; 
truly was this one free from the pang of thirst {bigkall), reposeful 
and tranquil. I was at two or three of his wine-parties while 
we were on the bank of the Murgh-ab; once it was known I did 
not drink, no pressure to do so was put on me. 

I went to one wine-party of Muzaffar Mirza's. Husain of 
'All Jaldlr and Mir Badr were both there, they being in his 
service. When Mir Badr had had enough {kaifiyai), he danced, Fol. 187*. 
and danced well what seemed to be his own invention. 

iji. Comments on the Mzrzds.) 

Three months it took the Mirzas to get out of Herl, 
agree amongst themselves, collect troops, and reach Murgh-ab. 

300 KADUL 

Meantime SI. Qul-i-nachaq (?), reduced to extremity, had 
surrendered Balkh to the Auzbeg but that Auzbeg, hearing of 
our alliance against him, had hurried back to Samarkand. The 
Mlrz§s were good enough as company and in social matters, 
in conversation and parties, but they were strangers to war, 
strategy, equipment, bold fight and encounter. 

{t\ Winter plans.) 

While we were on the Murgh-ab, news came that Haq-nazir 
Chnpd (var. Hian) was over-running the neighbourhood of 
Chichik-tu with 4 or 500 men. All the Mirzas there present, 
do what they would, could not manage to send a light troop 
against those raiders! It is 10 yVrhach (50-55 m.) from 
Murgh-ab to Chichik-tu. I asked the work ; they, with a thought 
for their own reputation, would not give it to me. 

The year being almost at an end when Shaibaq Khan retired, 
the Mirzas decided to winter where it was convenient and to 
reassemble next summer in order to repel their foe. 

They pressed me to winter in Khurasan, but this not one of 
my well-wishers saw it good for me to do because, while Kabul 
and Ghaznl were full of a turbulent and ill-conducted medley of 
people and hordes, Turks, Mughuls, clans and nomads {aimdq u 
ahshani)^ Afghans and Hazara, the roads between us and that 
not yet desirably subjected country of Kabul were, one, the 
mountain-road, a month's journey even without delay through 
snow or other cause,- the other, the low-country road, a journey 
of 40 or 50 days. 

Consequently we excused ourselves to the Mirzas, but they 
would accept no excuse and, for all our pleas, only urged 
the more. In the end liadi'u'z-zaman Mirza, Abu'l-muhsin 
Mirza and Muzaffar Mirza themselves rode to my tent and 
urged me to stay the winter. It was impossible to refuse men 
of such ruling position, come in person to press us to stay on. 
Besides this, the whole habitable world has not such a town as 
Heri had become under SI. Husain Mirza, whose orders and 
efforts had increased its splendour and beauty as ten to one, 
rather, as twenty to one. As I greatly wished to stay, I con- 
sented to do so. 

912 AH. —MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AU. 301 

Abu'l-muhsin M. went to Marv, his own district ; Ibn-i-husain 
M. went to his, Tun and Qain ; Badl'u'z-zaman M. and 
Muzaffar M. set off for Herl ; I followed them a few days later, 
taking the road by Chihil-dukhtaran and Tash-rabat.^ 

(y. Bdbur visits the Begims in Heri.) 

All the Begims, i.e. my paternal-aunt Payanda-sultan Beglm, 
Khadija Beglm, Apaq Beglm, and my other paternal-aunt Begims, 
daughters of SI. Abu-sa'ld Mlrza,^ were gathered together, at the 
time I went to see them, in SI. Husain Mirza's College at his Fol. 188^ 
M ausoleum. Having bent the knee with {yUkunUb bild) Payanda- 
sultan Beglm first of all, I had an interview with her ; next, not 
bending the knee,3 I had an interview with Apaq Beglm ; next, 
having bent the knee with Khadija Beglm, I had an interview 
with her. After sitting there for some time during recitation of 
the Qoran,4 we went to the South College where Khadija Beglm's 
tents had been set up and where food was placed before us. 
After partaking of this, we went to Payanda-sultan Beglm's 
tents and there spent the night. 

The New-year's Garden was given us first for a camping- 
ground ; there our camp was arranged ; and there I spent the 
night of the day following my visit to the Begims, but as I did 
not find it a convenient place, *AlI-sher Beg's residence was 

' This may be the Rabat-i-sanghi of some maps, on a near road between the 
'* Forty-daughters" and Harat ; or Babur may have gone out of his direct way to 
visit Rabat-i-sang-bast, a renowned halting place at the Carfax of the Herl-Tus and 
Nishapur-Mashhad roads, built by one hx%\7iW Jazdla who lies buried near, and rebuilt 
with great magnificence by 'Ali-sher Nawcti (Daulat-shah, Browne, p. 176). 

= The wording here is confusing to those lacking family details. The paternal-aunt 
begims can be Payanda-sultan (named), Khadlja-sultan, Apaq-sultan, and Fakhr-jahan 
Begims, all daughters of Abii-sa'id. The Apaq Beglm named above (also on f. i68i 
q.v. ) does not now seem to me to be Abu-sa'id's daughter (Gul-badan, trs. Bio. App. ). 

3 yukunmCil. Unless all copies I have seen reproduce a primary clerical mistake 
of Babur's, the change of salutation indicated by there being no kneeling with Apaq 
Beglm, points to a nuance of etiquette. Of the vQxh yukunmak it may be noted that 
it both describes the ceremonious attitude of intercourse, i.e. kneeling and sitting back 
on both heels (Shaw), and also the kneeling on meeting. From Babur's phrase 
Begun btla yukuniib [having kneeled with], it appears that each of those meeting 
made the genuflection ; I have not found the phrase used of other meetings ; it is not 
the one used when a junior or a man of less degree meets a senior or superior in rank 
{e.g. Khusrau and Babur f. 123, or Babur and Badl'u'z-zaman f. 186). 

^ Musalmans employ a set of readers who succeed one another in reading (reciting) 
the Qoran at the tombs of their men of eminence. This reading is sometimes continued 
day and night. The readers are paid by the rent of lands or other funds assigned for 
the purpose (Erskine). 

302 KABUL 

assigned to me, where I was as long as I stayed in Heri, every 
few days shewing myself in Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's presence in 
the World-adorning Garden. 

{k. The Mirzds entertain Bdbur in Heri.) 

A few days after Muzafifar Mlrza had settled down in the 
White-garden, he invited me to his quarters ; Khadija Beglm 
was also there, and with me went Jahanglr Mirza. When we 
had eaten a meal in the Beglm's presence,^ Muzafifar Mlrza took 
me to where there was a wine-party, in the Tarab-khana (Joy- 
house) built by Babur Mlrza, a sweet little abode, a smallish, 
two-storeyed house in the middle of a smallish garden. Great 
pains have been taken with its upper storey ; this has a retreat 
{hujrd) in each of its four corners, the space between each two 
retreats being like a shdh-nishin ^ ; in between these retreats and 
[89. shdh-nishins is one large room on all sides of which are pictures 
which, although Babur Mlrza built the house, were commanded 
by Abu-sa'id Mlrza and depict his own wars and encounters. 

Two divans had been set in the north shdh-nishin, facing each 
other, and with their sides turned to the north. On one Muzafifar 
Mlrza and I sat, on the other SI. Mas'ud Mlrza 3 and Jahanglr 
Mirza. We being guests, Muzafifar Mlrza gave me place above 
himself The social cups were filled, the cup-bearers ordered to 
carry them to the guests ; the guests drank down the mere wine 
as if it were water-of-life ; when it mounted to their heads, the 
party waxed warm. 

They thought to make me also drink and to draw me into 
their own circle. Though up till then I had not committed the 
sin of wine-drinking 4 and known the cheering sensation of 
comfortable drunkenness, I was inclined to drink wine and my 
heart was drawn to cross that stream {wddd). I had had no 
inclination for wine in my childhood ; I knew nothing of its 
cheer and pleasure. If, as sometimes, my father pressed wine 

^ A suspicion that Khadija put poison in Jahanglr's wine may refer to this occasion 
(T.R. p. 199). 

^ These are Jharokka-i-darsdn, windows or balconies from which a ruler shews 
himself to the people. 

3 Mas'ud was then blind. 

* Babur first drank wine not earlier than 917 ah. (f. 49 and note), therefore when 
nearing 30. 

912 AH. —MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 303 

on me, I excused myself; I did not commit the sin. After he Fol. 1893. 
died, Khwaja Qazl's right guidance kept me guiltless ; as at that 
time I abstained from forbidden viands, what room was there 
for the sin of wine? Later on when, with the young man's 
lusts and at the prompting of sensual passion, desire for wine 
arose, there was no-one to press it on me, no-one indeed aware 
of my leaning towards it ; so that, inclined for it though my 
heart was, it was difficult of myself to do such a thing, one 
thitherto undone. It crossed my mind now, when the Mirzas 
were so pressing and when too we were in a town so refined as 
Herl, " Where should I drink if not here ? here where all the 
chattels and utensils of luxury and comfort are gathered 
and in use." So saying to myself, I resolved to drink wine ; 
I determined to cross that stream ; but it occurred to me that as 
I had not taken wine in Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's house or from 
his hand, who was to me as an elder brother, things might find 
way into his mind if I took wine in his younger brother's house 
and from his hand. Having so said to myself, I mentioned my 
doubt and difficulty. Said they, " Both the excuse and the 
obstacle are reasonable," pressed me no more to drink then but 
settled that when I was in company with both Mirzas, I should 
drink under the insistance of both. 

Amongst the musicians present at this party were Hafiz HajT, Fol. 190. 
Jalalu'd-din Mahmud the flautist, and Ghulam shadt's younger 
brother, Ghulam bacha the Jews'-harpist. Hafiz Haji sang well, 
as Herl people sing, quietly, delicately, and in tune. With 
Jahangir Mirza was a Samarkandl singer Mir Jan whose 
singing was always loud, harsh and out-of-tune. The Mirza, 
having had enough, ordered him to sing ; he did so, loudly, 
harshly and without taste. Khurasanis have quite refined 
manners ; if, under this singing, one did stop his ears, the face 
of another put question, not one could stop the singer, out of 
consideration for the Mirza. 

After the Evening Prayer we left the Tarab-khana for a new 
house in Muzaffar Mirza's winter-quarters. There Yusuf-i-'all 
danced in the drunken time, and being, as he was, a master in music, 
danced well. The party waxed very warm there. Muzaffar Mirza 
gave me a sword-belt, a lambskin surtout, and a grey tipuchdq 

304 KABUL 

(horse). Janak recited in Turkl. Two slaves of the Mirza's, 
known as Big-moon and Little-moon, did offensive, drunken 
tricks in the drunken time. The party was warm till night when 
those assembled scattered, I, however, staying the night in that 

Qasim Beg getting to hear that I had been pressed to drink 
wine, sent some-one to Zu'n-nOn Beg with advice for him and 
for Muzaffar Mirza, given in very plain words ; the result was 
that the Mirzas entirely ceased to press wine upon me. 

Badfu'z-zaman Mirza, hearing that Muzaffar M.had entertained 
me, asked me to a party arranged in the MaqauwI-khana of the 
World-adorning Garden. He asked also some of my close 
circle ^ and some of our braves. Those about me could never 
drink (openly) on my own account ; if they ever did drink, 
they did it perhaps once in 40 days, with doorstrap fast and 
under a hundred fears. Such as these were now invited ; here 
too they drank with a hundred precautions, sometimes calling 
off my attention, sometimes making a screen of their hands, 
notwithstanding that I had given them permission to follow 
common custom, because this party was given by one standing 
to me as a father or elder brother. People brought in weeping- 
willows . . . ^ 

At this party they set a roast goose before me but as I was 
no carver or disjointer of birds, I left it alone. " Do you not 
like it ? " inquired the Mirza. Said I, " I am a poor carver." 
On this he at once disjointed the bird and set it again before 
me. In such matters he had no match. At the end of the 
party he gave me an enamelled waist-dagger, a chdr-qdb,^ and 
a tipuchdq. 

(/. Bdbur sees the sights of Hert.) 

Every day of the time I was in Herl I rode out to see a new 
sight; my guide in these excursions was Yusuf-i-'all Kukuldash; 
wherever we dismounted, he set food before me. Except SI. 

^ alchktldr, French, intirieur. 

" The obscure passage following here is discussed in Appendix I, On the weeping- 
willows ofi. 190^. 

3 Here this may well be a gold- embroidered garment. 

m t Husai 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 305 

Husain Mirza's Almshouse, not one famous spot, maybe, was 
left unseen in those 40 days. 

I saw the Gazur-gah,^ 'All-sher's Baghcha (Little-garden), 
the Paper-mortars,^ Takht-astana (Royal-residence), Pul-i-gah, 
Kahad-stan,3 Nazar-gah-garden, Ni'matabad (Pleasure-place), 
Gazur-gah Avenue, SI. Ahmad Mirza's Ha.zirat,^ Takht-i-safar,5 
Takht-i-nawa'I, Takht-i-barkar, Takht-i-Hajl Beg, Takht-i-Baha'- 
u'd-dln 'Umar, Takht-i-Shaikh Zainu'd-din, Maulana 'Abdu'r- 
rahman JdmV?, honoured shrine and tomb,^ Namaz-gah-i- 
mukhtar,7 the Fish-pond,^ Saq-i-sulaiman,9 Bulurl (Crystal) 
which originally may have been Abu'l-walTd,^° Imam Fakhr,^^ 
Avenue-garden, Mirza's Colleges and tomb, Guhar-shad Beglm's 
College, tomb,^^ and Congregational Mosque, the Ravens'-garden, 

' This, the tomb of Khwaja 'Abdu'1-lah Ansari (d. 481 AH.) stands some 2m. 
north of Herl. Babur mentions one of its numerous attendants of his day, Kamalu'd- 
din Husain Gdzur-gdht. Mohan Lall describes it as he saw it in 183 1 ; says the 
original name of the locaUty was Kar-zar-gah, place-of-battle ; and, as perhaps his 
most interesting detail, mentions that Jalalu'd-din RumV'?, Masnawi was recited every 
morning near the tomb and that people fainted during the invocation ( Travels in the 
Fanj-db etc. p. 252). Colonel Yate has described the tomb as he saw it some 50 years 
later (JASB 1887) ; and explains the name Gazur-gah (lit. bleaching-place) by the 
following words of an inscription there found ; " His tomb (Ansarl's) is a washing- 
place [gdzur-gdk) wherein the cloud of the Divine forgiveness washes white the black 
records of men" (p. ^^ and p. 102). 

^ judz-i-kaghazldr (f. 47<J and note). 

3 The HabibtH s-siydr and Hai. MS. write this name with medial " round hd " ; this 
allows it to be Kahad-stan, a running-place, race-course. Khwand-amir and Daulat- 
shah call it a meadow {auldtig) ; the latter speaks of a feast as held there ; it was 
Shaibani's head-quarters when he took Harat. 

4 var. Khatira ; either an enclosure {quruq ?) or a fine and lofty building. 

s This may have been a usual halting-place on a journey {safar) north. It was 
built by Husain Bdt-qard, overlooked hills and fields covered with arghwdn (f. 137^) 
and seems once to have been a_Paradise (Mohan Lall, p. 256). 

^ Jam'i's tomb was in the 'Id-gah of Her! (H.S. ii, 337), which appears to be the 
Musalla (Praying-place) demolished by Amir 'Abdu'r-rahman in the 19th century. 
Col. Yate was shewn a tomb in the Musalla said to be Jaml's and agreeing in the 
age, 81, given on it, with Jaml's at death, but he found a c7-ux in the inscription 
(pp. 99, 106). 

7 This may be the Musalla (Yate, p. 98). 

^ This place is located by the H.S. at Sfarsakh from Her! (de Meynard at 25 kilo- 
metres). It appears to be rather an abyss or fissure than a pond, a crack from the 
sides of which water trickles into a small bason in which dwells a mysterious fish, the 
beholding of which allows the attainment of desires. The story recalls Wordsworth's 
undying fish of Bow-scale Tarn. (Cf. H.S. Bomb. ed. ii, Khatmat p. 20 and de 
Meynard, Journal Asiatique xvi, 480 and note. ) 

9 This is on maps to the north of Herl. 

*° d. 232 AH. (847 AD. ). See Yate, p. 93. 

^^ Imam Fakhru'd-dln Razl (de Mtynaxd., Journal Asiatique xvi, 481). 

" d. 861 AH. -1 45 7 AD. Guhar-shad was the wife of Timur's son Shahrukh. See 
Mohan Lall, p. 257 and Yate, p. 98. 

3o6 KABUL 

New-garden, Zubaida-garden/ SI. Abu-sa*id Mirza's White-house 
:9i^. outside the 'Iraq-gate, Puran,^ the Archer's-seat, Chargh (hawk)- 
meadow. Amir Wahid,3 Malan-bridge,4 Khwaja-taq,5 White- 
garden, Tarab-khana,Bagh-i-jahan-ara, Kushk,^ MaqauwT-khana, 
Lily-house, Twelve-towers, the great tank to the north of Jahan- 
ara and the four dwellings on its four sides, the five Fort-gates, 
viz. the Malik, 'Iraq, Firuzabad,Khiish7 and Qibchaq Gates, Char- 
su, Shaikhu'l-islam's College, Maliks' Congregational Mosque, 
Town-garden, Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's College on the bank of 
the Anjil-canal, 'All-sher Beg's dwellings where we resided and 
which people call Unslya (Ease), his tomb and mosque which 
they call Qudslya (Holy), his College and Almshouse which 
they call Khalaslya and Akhlaslya (Freedom and Sincerity), 
his Hot-bath and Hospital which they call Safa'Iya and 
Shafa'Iya. All these I visited in that space of time. 

ijn. Bdbur engages Mdsilma- sultan in marriage^ 

It must have been before those throneless times ^ that Hablba- 
sultan Beglm, the mother of SI. Ahmad Mirza's youngest 
daughter Ma'suma-sultan Beglm, brought her daughter into Herl. 
One day when I was visiting my Aka, Ma'suma-sultan Beglm 
came there with her mother and at once felt arise in her a great 
inclination towards me. Private messengers having been sent, 
my Aka and my Yinka, as I used to call Payanda-sultan Beglm 
[92. and Hablba-sultan Beglm, settled between them that the latter 
should bring her daughter after me to Kabul.9 

' This Marigold-garden may be named after Harunu'r-rashid's wife Zubaida. 

^ This will be the place n. of Her! from which Maulana Jalalu'd-dln Purani 
(d. 862 AH.) took his cognomen, as also Shaikh Jamalu'd-din Abu-sa'id Picrdn (f. 206) 
who was visited there by SI. Husain Mirza, ill-treated by Shaiban! (f. 206), left Her! 
for Qandahar, and there died, through the fall of a roof, in 921 ah. (H.S. iii, 345 ; 
KhazlnatiCl-asfiya ii, 321). 

3 His tomb is dated 35 or 37 AH. (656 or 658 ad. ; Yate, p. 94). 

^ Malan was a name of the Heri-rud {Journal Asiatique xvi, 476, 5 1 ^ > Mohan 
Lall, p. 279; Ferrier, p. 261; etc.). 

s Yate, p. 94. 

^ The position of this building between the Khush and Qibchaq Gates (de Meynard, 
I.e. p. 475) is the probable explanation of the variant, noted just below, of Kushk 
for Khush as the name of the Gate. The Tankh-i-rashldt (p. 429), mentions this 
kiosk in its list of the noted ones of the world. 

7 var. Kushk (de Meynard, I.e. p. 472). 

^ The reference here is, presumably, to Babur's own losses of Samarkand and Andijan. 

9 Aka or Aga is used of elder relations ; ^ ylnka or ylngd is the wife of an uncle 
or elder brother ; here it represents the widow of Babur's uncle Ahmad Allran-shdhl. 
From it is formed the word ylnkdlik, levirate. 


912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 307 

(n. Bdbur leaves Khurasan?) 

Very pressingly had Muh. BarandOq Beg and Zu'n-nun Arghiin 
said, " Winter here ! " but they had given me no winter-quarters 
nor had they made any winter-arrangements for me. Winter 
came on ; snow fell on the mountains between us and Kabul ; 
anxiety grew about Kabul ; no winter-quarters were offered, no 
arrangements made ! As we could not speak out, of necessity 
we left Herl ! 

On the pretext of finding winter-quarters, we got out of the 
town on the 7th day of the month of Sha'ban (Dec. 24th 1 506 AD.), 
and went to near Badghls. Such were our slowness and our 
tarryings that the Ramzan-moon was seen a few marches only 
beyond the Langar of Mir Ghiyas.^ Of our braves who were 
absent on various affairs, some joined us, some followed us into 
Kabul 20 days or a month later, some stayed in Herl and took 
service with the Mirzas. One of these last was Sayyidim 'All 
the gate-ward, who became Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's retainer. To 
no servant of Khusrau Shah had I shewn so much favour as to 
him ; he had been given Ghaznl when Jahanglr Mirza abandoned 
it, and in it when he came away with the army, had left his 
younger brother Dost-i-anju (?) Shaikh. There were in truth 
no better men amongst Khusrau Shah's retainers than this man 
Sayyidim *AlI the gate-ward and Muhibb-i-*all the armourer. 
Sayyidim was of excellent nature and manners, a bold swordsman, 
a singularly competent and methodical man. His house was 
never without company and assembly ; he was greatly generous, 
had wit and charm, a variety of talk and story, and was a sweet- 
natured, good-humoured, ingenious, fun-loving person. His 
fault was that he practised vice and pederasty. He may have 
swerved from the Faith ; may also have been a hypocrite in his 
dealings ; some of what seemed double-dealing people attributed 
to his jokes, but, still, there must have been a something ! ^ 
When Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza had let Shaibaq Khan take Heri 
and had gone to Shah Beg {Arghiin), he had Sayyidim 'All 
thrown into the Harmand because of his double-dealing words 

* The almshouse or convent was founded here in Timur's reign (de Meynard, 
I.e. p. 500). 

^ i.e. No smoke without fire. 

3o8 KABUL 

spoken between the Mirza and Shah Beg. Muhibb-i-*ali's story 
will come into the narrative of events hereafter to be written. 

{o. A perilous mountain-journey^ 

From the Langar of Mir Ghiyas we had ourselves guided past 
the border-villages of Gharjistan to Chach-charan.^ From the 
almshouse to Gharjistan was an unbroken sheet of snow ; it was 
deeper further on ; near Chach-charan itself it was above the 
horses' knees. Chach-charan depended on Zu'n-nun ArghUn ; 
his retainer Mir Jan-alrdl was in it now ; from him we took, on 
payment, the whole of Zu'n-nun Beg's store of provisions. 
A march or two further on, the snow was very deep, being above 

193. the stirrup, indeed in many places the horses' feet did not touch 
the ground. 

We had consulted at the Langar of Mir Ghiyas which road to 
take for return to Kabul ; most of us agreed in saying, " It is 
winter, the mountain-road is difficult and dangerous ; the 
Qandahar road, though a little longer, is safe and easy." Qasim 
Beg said, " That road is long ; you will go by this one." As he 
made much dispute, we took the mountain-road. 

Our guide was a Pashal named Pir Sultan (Old sultan ?). 
Whether it was through old age, whether from want of heart, 
whether because of the deep snow, he lost the road and could 
not guide us. As we were on this route under the insistance of 
Qasim Beg, he and his sons, for his name's sake, dismounted, 
trampled the snow down, found the road again and took the 
lead. One day the snow was so deep and the way so uncertain 
that we could not go on ; there being no help for it, back we 
turned, dismounted where there was fuel, picked out 60 or 70 
good men and sent them down the valley in our tracks to fetch 
any one soever of the Hazara, wintering in the valley-bottom, 
who might shew us the road. That place could not be left till 
our men returned three or four days later. They brought no 

193^. guide ; once more we sent Sultan Pashdi^'^dLA and, putting our 

' This name may be due to the splashing of water. A Langar which may be that 
of Mir Ghiyas, is shewn in maps in the Bam valley ; from it into the Herl-rud valley 
Babur's route may well have been the track from that Langar which, passing the 
villages on the southern border of Gharjistan, goes to Ahangaran. 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 309 

trust in God, again took the road by which we had come back 
from where it was lost. Much misery and hardship were 
endured in those few days, more than at any time of my Hfe. 
In that stress I composed the following opening couplet : — 

Is there one cruel turn of Fortune's wheel unseen of me ? 
Is there a pang, a grief my wounded heart has missed ? 

We went on for nearly a week, trampling down the snow and 
not getting forward more than two or three miles a day. I was 
one of the snow-stampers, with 10 or 15 of my household, Qasim 
Beg, his sons Tingrl-blrdl and Qarnbar-i-'all and two or three of 
their retainers. These mentioned used to go forward for 7 or 8 
yards, stamping the snow down and at each step sinking to the 
waist or the breast. After a few steps the leading man would 
stand still, exhausted by the labour, and another would go 
forward. By the time 10, 15, 20, men on foot had stamped the 
snow down, it became so that a horse might be led over it. 
A horse would be led, would sink to the stirrups, could do no 
more than i o or 12 steps, and would be drawn aside to let another 
go on. After we, 10, 15, 20, men had stamped down the Snow 
and had led horses forward in this fashion, very serviceable Fol. 
braves and men of renowned name would enter the beaten track, 
hanging their heads. It was not a time to urge or compel ! the 
man with will and hardihood for such tasks does them by his 
own request ! Stamping the snow down in this way, we got 
out of that afflicting place (anjukdn yir) in three or four days to 
a cave known as the Khawal-i-qQtl (Blessed-cave), below the 

That night the snow fell in such an amazing blizzard of cutting 
wind that every man feared for his life. The storm had become 
extremely violent by the time we reached the khawdl, as people 
in those parts call a mountain-cave {ghar) or hollow {khdwdk). 
We dismounted at its mouth. Deep snow ! a one-man road ! 
and even on that stamped-down and trampled road, pitfalls for 
horses ! the days at their shortest ! The first arrivals reached 
the cave by daylight ; others kept coming in from the Evening 
Prayer till the Bed-time one ; later than that people dismounted 
wherever they happened to be ; dawn shot with many still in 
the saddle. 

310 KABUL 

The cave seeming to be rather small, I took a shovel and 
shovelled out a place near its mouth, the size of a sitting-mat 

Fol. 194^. {takiya-namad), digging it out breast-high but even then not 
reaching the ground. This made me a little shelter from the 
wind when I sat right down in it. I did not go into the cave 
though people kept saying, " Come inside," because this was in 
my mind, " Some of my men in snow and storm, I in the 
comfort of a warm house ! the whole horde {aulils) outside in 
misery and pain, I inside sleeping at ease ! That would be far 
from a man's act, quite another matter than comradeship ! 
Whatever hardship and wretchedness there is, I will face ; what 
strong men stand, I will stand ; for, as the Persian proverb says, 
to die with friends is a nuptial." Till the Bed-time Prayer 
I sat through that blizzard of snow and wind in the dug-out, 
the snow-fall being such that my head, back, and ears were 
overlaid four hands thick. The cold of that night affected my 
ears. At the Bed-time Prayer some-one, looking more carefully 
at the cave, shouted out, *Tt is a very roomy cave with place for 
every-body." On hearing this I shook off my roofing of snow 
and, asking the braves near to come also, went inside. There 
was room for 50 or 60 ! People brought out their rations, cold 
meat, parched grain, whatever they had. From such cold and 
tumult to a place so warm, cosy and quiet ! ^ 

Next day the snow and wind having ceased, we made an 
early start and we got to the pass by again stamping down 

Fol. 195. a road in the snow. The proper road seems to make a detour 
up the flank of the mountain and to go over higher up, by what 
is understood to be called the Zirrln-pass. Instead of taking 
that road, we went straight up the valley-bottom {qul).^ It was 
night before we reached the further side of the (Bakkak-)pass ; 
we spent the night there in the mouth of the valley, a night of 

' This escape ought to have been included in the list of Babur's transportations 
from risk to safety given in my note to f. 96. 

^ The right and wrong roads are shewn by the Indian Survey and French Military 
maps. The right road turns off from the wrong one, at Daulat-yar, to the right, and 
mounts diagonally along the south rampart of the Herl-rud valley, to the Zirrln-pass, 
which lies above the Bakkak-pass and carries the regular road for Yaka-aulang. 
It must be said, however, that we are not told whether Yaka-aulang was Qasim Beg's 
objective ; the direct road for Kabul from the Herl-rud valley is not over the Zirrin- 
pass but goes from Daulat-yar by " Aq-zarat", and the southern flank of Koh-i-baba 
(babar) to the Unai-pass (Holdich's Gates of India p. 262). 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 311 

mighty cold, got through with great distress and suffering. 
Many a man had his hands and feet frost-bitten ; that night's 
cold took both Klpa's feet, both Slunduk Turkman's hands, 
both Ahl's feet. Early next morning we moved down the 
valley ; putting our trust in God, we went straight down, by bad 
slopes and sudden falls, knowing and seeing it could not be the 
right way. It was the Evening Prayer when we got out of 
that valley. No long-memoried old man knew that any-one 
had been heard of as crossing that pass with the snow so deep, 
or indeed that it had ever entered the heart of man to cross it 
at that time of year. Though for a few days we had suffered 
greatly through the depth of the snow, yet its depth, in the end, 
enabled us to reach our destination. For why? How otherwise 
should we have traversed those pathless slopes and sudden falls? Fol. 195^, 

All ill, all good in the count, is gain if looked at aright ! 

The Yaka-aulang people at once heard of our arrival and our 
dismounting ; followed, warm houses, fat sheep, grass and horse- 
corn, water without stint, ample wood and dried dung for fires ! 
To escape from such snow and cold to such a village, to such 
warm dwellings, was comfort those will understand who have 
had our trials, relief known to those who have felt our hardships. 
We tarried one day in Yaka-aulang, happy-of-heart and easy- 
of-mind ; marched 2 yighdch (10-12 m.) next day and dis- 
mounted. The day following was the Ramzan Feast ^ ; we 
went on through Bamlan, crossed by Shibr-tu and dismounted 
before reaching Jangllk. 

(/. Second raid on the Turkman Hazdras.) 

The Turkman Hazaras with their wives and little children 
must have made their winter-quarters just upon our road ^ ; they 
had no word about us ; when we got in amongst their cattle- 
pens and tents {aldchuq) two or three groups of these went to 
ruin and plunder, the people themselves drawing off with their 
little children and abandoning houses and goods. News was Fol. 196. 
brought from ahead that, at a place where there were narrows, 

^ circa Feb. 14th 1507, Babur's 24th birthday. 

^ The Hazaras appear to have been wintering outside their own valley, on the 
Ghur-bund road, in wait for travellers \cf. T.R. p. 197]. They have been perennial 
highwaymen on the only pass to the north not closed entirely in winter. 

312 KABUL 

a body of Hazaras was shooting arrows, holding up part of the 
army, and letting no-one pass. We, hurrying on, arrived to 
find no narrows at all ; a few Hazaras were shooting from 
a naze, standing in a body on the hill ^ like very good soldiers.^ 

They saw the blackness of the foe ; 

Stood idle-handed and amazed ; 
I arriving, went swift that way, 

Pressed on with shout, " Move on ! move on !" 
I wanted to hurry my men on, 

To make them stand up to the foe. 
With a " Plurry up !" to my men, 

I went on to the front. 
Not a man gave ear to my words. 

I had no armour nor horse-mail nor arms, 
I had but my arrows and quiver. 

I went, the rest, maybe all of them, stood, 
Stood still as if slain by the foe ! 

Your servant you take that you may have use 
Of his arms, of his life, the whole time ; 

Not that the servant stand still 
While the beg makes advance to the front ; 

Not that the servant take rest 
While his beg is making the rounds. 

From no such a servant will come 
Speed, or use in your Gate, or zest for your food. 

At last I charged forward myself, 
Fol. 196^. Herding the foe up the hill ; 

Seeing ine go, my men also moved. 
Leaving their terrors behind. 

With me they swift spread over the slope, 
Moving on without heed to the shaft ; 

Sometimes on foot, mounted sometimes. 
Boldly we ever moved on. 

Still from the hill poured the shafts. 
Our strength seen, the foe took to flight. 

We got out on the hill ; we drove the Hazaras, 
Drove them like deer by valley and ridge ; 

We shot those wretches like deer ; 
We shared out the booty in goods and in sheep ; 

The Turkman Hazaras' kinsfolk we took ; 
We made captive their people of sorts (^ard) ; 

We laid hands on their men of renown ; 
Their wives and their children we took. 

^ The Ghur-bund valley is open in this part ; the Hazaras may have been posted 
on the naze near the narrows leading into the Janglik and their own side valleys. 

=^ Although the verses following here in the text are with the Turki Codices, doubt 
cannot but be felt as to their authenticity. They do not fit verbally to the sentence 
they follow ; they are a unique departure from Babur's plain prose narrative and 
nothing in the small Hazara affair shews cause for such departure ; they differ from 
his usual topics in their bombast and comment on his men {cf. f. 194 for comment on 
shirking begs). They appear in the 2nd Persian translation (217 f, 134) in Turki 
followed by a prose Persian rendering {khaldsa). They are not with the 1st Pers. trs. 
(215 f. 159), the text of which runs on with a plain prose account suiting the size of 
the affair, as follows : — " The braves, seeing their (the Hazaras) good soldiering, had 
stopped surprised ; wishing to hurry them I went swiftly past them, shouting ' Move on ! 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 313 

I myself collected a few of the Hazaras' sheep, gave them 
into Yarak Taghai's charge, and went to the front. By ridge 
and valley, driving horses and sheep before us, we went to 
Tlmiir Beg's Langar and there dismounted. Fourteen or fifteen 
Hazara thieves had fallen into our hands ; I had thought of 
having them put to death when we next dismounted, with 
various torture, as a warning to all highwaymen and robbers, 
but Qasim Beg came across them on the road and, with mis- Fol. 
timed compassion, set them free. 

To do good to the bad is one and the same 

As the doing of ill to the good ; 
On brackish soil no spikenard grows, 

Waste no seed of toil upon it. ' 

Out of compassion the rest of the prisoners were released also. 

(y. Disloyalty in Kabul.) 

News came while we were raiding the Turkman Hazaras, 
that Muhammad Husain Mirza DUghldt and SI. Sanjar Barlds 
had drawn over to themselves the Mughuls left in Kabul, 
declared Mirza Khan (Wais) supreme {pddshdh), laid siege to 
the fort and spread a report that Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and 
Muzaffar Mirza had sent me, a prisoner, to Fort Ikhtiyaru'd-din, 
now known as Ala-qOrghan. 

In command of the Kabul-fort there had been left Mulla 
Baba of Pashaghar, Khalifa, Muhibb-i-'all the armourer, Ahmad- 
i-yusuf and Ahmad-i-qasim. They did well, made the fort fast, 
strengthened it, and kept watch. 

{k. Bdbur's advance to Kdbul.) 

From Timur Beg's Langar we sent Qasim Beg's servant, Muh. 
of Andijan, a TUqbdi, to the Kabul begs, with written details 
of our arrival and of the following arrangements : — " When we 

move on ! ' They paid me no attention. When, in order to help, I myself attacked, 
dismounting and going up the hill, they shewed courage and emulation in following. 
Getting to the top of the pass, we drove that band off, killing many, capturing others, 
making their families prisoner and plundering their goods." This is followed by 
" I myself collected " etc. as in the TurkI text after the verse. It will be seen that 
the above extract is not a translation of the verse ; no translator or even summariser 
would be likely to omit so much of his original. It is just a suitably plain account of 
a trivial matter. 

^ Gulistdn Cap. I. Story 4. 

314 KABUL 

are out of the Ghur-bund narrows/ we will fall on them suddenly ; 
let our signal to you be the fire we will light directly we have 
passed Minar-hill ; do you in reply light one in the citadel, on 
the old Kushk (kiosk)," now the Treasury, " so that we may be 
sure you know of our coming. We will come up from our side ; 
you come out from yours ; neglect nothing your hands can find 
to do ! " This having been put into writing, Muhammad 
Andijdni wdiS sent off. 

Riding next dawn from the Langar, we dismounted over against 
Ushtur-shahr. Early next morning we passed the Ghur-bund 
narrows, dismounted at Bridge-head, there watered and rested our 
horses, and at the Mid-day Prayer set forward again. Till we 
reached the tutqdwal^ there was no snow, beyond that, the 
further we went the deeper the snow. The cold between Zamma- 
yakhshl and Minar was such as we had rarely felt in our lives. 

We sent on Ahmad the messenger {ydsdwat) and Qara Ahmad 
yurilncht^ to say to the begs, " Here we are at the time promised ; 
be ready ! be bold ! " After crossing Minar-hill 4 and dismounting 
on its skirt, helpless with cold, we lit fires to warm ourselves. 
It was not time to light the signal-fire ; we just lit these because 
we were helpless in that mighty cold. Near shoot of dawn we 
rode on from Minar-hill ; between it and Kabul the snow was up 
to the horses' knees and had hardened, so off the road to move 
was difficult. Riding single-file the whole way, we got to Kabul 
in good time undiscovered.5 Before we were at Bibl Mah-rui 
(Lady Moon-face), the blaze of fire on the citadel let us know 
that the begs were looking out. 

(/. Attack made on the rebels^ 

On reaching Sayyid Qasim's bridge, Sherim Taghal and the 
men of the right were sent towards Mulla Baba's bridge, while 

' Babur seems to have left the Ghur-bund valley, perhaps pursuing the Hazaras 
towards Jangllk, and to have come " by ridge and valley " back into it for Ushtur- 
shahr. I have not located Timur Beg's Langar. As has been noted already 
{^q.v. index) the Ghur-bund narrows are at the lower end of the valley ; they have 
been surmised to be the fissured rampart of an ancient lake. 

= Here this may represent a guard- or toll-house (Index s.n.). 

3 As yuriin is a patch, the bearer of the sobriquet might be Black Ahmad the 

* Second Afghan War, Map of Kabul and its environs. 

5 I understand that the arrival undiscovered was a result of riding in single-file and 
thus shewing no black mass. 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 315 

we of the left and centre took the Baba Lull road. Where Khalifa's 
garden now is, there was then a smallish garden made by Aulugh 
Beg Mirza for a Langar (almshouse) ; none of its trees or shrubs 
were left but its enclosing wall was there. In this garden Mirza 
Khan was seated, Muh. Husain Mirza being in Aulugh Beg Mirza's 
great Bagh-i-bihisht. I had gone as far along the lane of Mulla 
Baba's garden as the burial-ground when four men met us who 
had hurried forward into Mirza Khan's quarters, been beaten, 
and forced to turn back. One of the four was Sayyid Qasim 
Lord of the Gate, another was Qasim Beg's son Qarnbar-i-'all, 
another was Sher-qull the scout, another was SI. Ahmad Mughul 
one of Sher-qull's band. These four, without a " God forbid ! " 
{taJidsht) had gone right into Mirza Khan's quarters ; thereupon 
he, hearing an uproar, had mounted and got away. Abu'l-hasan 
the armourer's younger brother even, Muh. Husain by name, 
had taken service with Mirza Khan ; he had slashed at Sher-qull, Fol. 198^. 
one of those four, thrown him down, and was just striking his 
head off, when Sher-qull freed himself Those four, tasters of 
the sword, tasters of the arrow, wounded one and all, came 
pelting back on us to the place mentioned. 

Our horsemen, jammed in the narrow lane, were standing 
still, unable to move forward or back. Said I to the braves 
near, " Get off and force a road ". Off got Nasir's Dost, Khwaja 
Muhammad 'All the librarian, Baba Sher-zad (Tiger- whelp), 
Shah Mahmud and others, pushed forward and at once cleared 
the way. The enemy took to flight. 

We had looked for the begs to come out from the Fort but 
they could not come in time for the work ; they only dropped 
in, by ones and twos, after we had made the enemy scurry off. 
Ahmad -i-yusuf had come from them before I went into the 
Char-bagh where Mirza Khan had been ; he went in with me, 
but we both turned back when we saw the Mirza had gone off. 
Coming in at the garden-gate was Dost of Sar-i-pul, a foot-soldier 
I had promoted for his boldness to be Kotwal and had left in 
Kabul ; he made straight for me, sword in hand. I had my 
cuirass on but had not fastened the ghartcha ^ nor had I put on Fol. 199. 

' or gharblcha, which Mr. Erskine explains to be the four plates of mail, made to 
cover the back, front and sides ; thejTda would thus be the wadded under-coat to which 
they are attached. 


3i6 KABUL 

my helm. Whether he did not recognize me because of change 
wrought by cold and snow, or whether because of the flurry of 
the fight, though I shouted " Hal Dost ! hai Dost! " and though 
Ahmad-i-yusuf also shouted, he, without a " God forbid ! " 
brought down his sword on my unprotected arm. Only by 
God's grace can it have been that not a hairbreadth of harm 
was done to me. 

If a sword shook tlie Earth from her place, 
Not a vein would it cut till God wills. 

It was through the virtue of a prayer I had repeated that the 
Great God averted this danger and turned this evil aside. That 
prayer was as follows : — 

'* O my God ! Thou art my Creator ; except Thee there is no God. On 
Thee do I repose my trust ; Thou art the Lord of the mighty throne. What 
God wills comes to pass ; and what he does not will comes not to pass ; and 
there is no power or strength but through the high and exalted God ; and, of 
a truth, in all things God is almighty ; and verily He comprehends all things 
by his knowledge, and has taken account of ever)rthing. O my Creator ! as 
I sincerely trust in Thee, do Thou seize by the forelock all evil proceeding 
from within myself, and all evil coming from without, and all evil proceeding 
from every man who can be the occasion of evil, and all such evil as can proceed 
from any living thing, and remove them far from me ; since, of a truth, Thou 
art the Lord of the exalted throne ! " ' 

On leaving that garden we went to Muh. Husain Mirza's 
quarters in the Bagh-i-bihisht, but he had fled and gone off to 
hide himself Seven or eight men stood in a breach of the 
garden-wall ; I spurred at them ; they could not stand ; they 
fled ; I got up with them and cut at one with my sword ; he 
rolled over in such a way that I fancied his head was off, passed 
on and went away ; it seems he was Mirza Khan's foster-brother, 
Tulik KukQldash and that my sword fell on his shoulder. 

At the gate of Muh. Husain Mirza's quarters, a Mughul 
I recognized for one of my own servants, drew his bow and aimed 
at my face from a place on the roof as near me as a gate-ward 
stands to a Gate. People on all sides shouted, " Hai ! hai ! it is 
the Padshah." He changed his aim, shot off his arrow and ran 
away. The affair was beyond the shooting of arrows ! His 
Mirza, his leaders, had run away or been taken ; why was he 
shooting ? 

' This prayer is composed of extracts from the Qoran {M^ms. i, 454 note) ; it is 
reproduced as it stands in Mr. Erskine's wording (p. 216). 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 to MAY 13th 1507 AD. 317 

There they brought SI. Sanjar Barlds^ led in by a rope round 
his neck ; he even, to whom I had given the Ningnahar tumdn, 
had had his part in the mutiny ! Greatly agitated, he kept 
crying out, "Hai ! what fault is in me?" Said I, "Can there 
be one clearer than that you are higher than the purpose and 
counsels of this crew ? " ^ But as he was the sister's son of my 
Khan dddd's mother, Shah Beglm, I gave the order, " Do not 
lead him with such dishonour ; it is not death." 

On leaving that place, I sent Ahmad-i-qasim Kohbur, one 
of the begs of the Fort, with a few braves, in pursuit of I'oi. 200, 
Mirza Khan. 

{in. Bdbur's dealings with disloyal women?) 

When I left the Bagh-i-bihisht, I went to visit Shah Begim 
and (Mihr-nigar) Khanim who had settled themselves in tents 
by the side of the garden. 

As townspeople and black-bludgeoners had raised a riot, and 
were putting hands out to pillage property and to catch persons 
in corners and outside places, I sent men, to beat the rabble off, 
and had it herded right away.^ 

Shah Beglm and Khanim were seated in one tent. I dis- 
mounted at the usual distance, approached with my former 
deference and courtesy, and had an interview with them. They 
were extremely agitated, upset, and ashamed ; could neither 
excuse themselves reasonably 3 nor make the enquiries of affection. 
I had not expected this (disloyalty) of them ; it was not as 
though that party, evil as was the position it had taken up, 
consisted of persons who would not give ear to the words of 
Shah Beglm and Khanim ; Mirza Khan was the beglm's grand- 
son, in her presence night and day ; if she had not fallen in with 
the affair, she could have kept him with her. 

' Babur's reference may well be to Sanjar's birth as well as to his being the holder 
of Ningnahar. Sanjar's father had been thought worthy to mate with one of the six 
Badakhshi begims whose line traced back to Alexander (T.R. p. 107) ; and his father 
was a Barlas, seemingly of high family. 

^ It may be inferred that what was done was for the protection of the two women. 

3 Not a bad case could have been made out for now putting a Timurid in Babur's 
place in Kabul ; viz. that he was believed captive in Herl and that Mirza Khan was 
an effective locum tenens against the Arghuns. Haidar sets down what in his eyes 
pleaded excuse for his father Muh. Husain (T.R. p. 198). 

3i8 KABUL 

Twice over when fickle Fortune and discordant Fate had parted 
me from throne and country, retainer and following, I, and my 
mother with me, had taken refuge with them and had had no 
kindness soever from them. At that time my younger brother 
{i.e. cousin) Mirza Khan and his mother Sultan-nigar Khanim 
held valuable cultivated districts ; yet my mother and I, — to 
leave all question of a district aside, — were not made possessors 
of a single village or a few yoke of plough-oxen.^ Was my 
mother not Yunas Khan's daughter ? was I not his grandson ? 

In my days of plenty I have given from my hand what matched 
the blood-relationship and the position of whatsoever member 
of that (Chaghatal) dynasty chanced down upon me. For 
example, when the honoured Shah Beglm came to me, I gave 
her Pamghan, one of the best places in Kabul, and failed in no 
sort of filial duty and service towards her. Again, when SI. Sa'id 
Khan, Khan in Kashghar, came [914 AH.] with five or six naked 
followers on foot, I looked upon him as an honoured guest and 
gave him Mandrawar of the Lamghan timidns. Beyond this 
also, when Shah Ismail had killed Shaibaq Khan in Marv and 
I crossed over to Qunduz (916 AH. — 15 11 AD.), the Andijanis, 
some driving their (Auzbeg) ddroghas out, some making their 
places fast, turned their eyes to me and sent me a man ; at that 
time I trusted those old family servants to that same SI. Sa'ld 
Khan, gave him a force, made him Khan and sped him forth. 
Again, down to the present time {circa 934 AH.) I have not 
looked upon any member of that family who has come to me, 
in any other light than as a blood-relation. For example, there 
are now in my service Chin-tlmur Sultan ; Alsan-tlmiir Sultan, 
Tukhta-bugha Sultan, and Baba Sultan ; ^ on one and all of 
these I have looked with more favour than on blood-relations 
of my own. 

I do not write this in order to make complaint ; I have 
written the plain truth. I do not set these matters down in 
order to make known my own deserts ; I have set down exactly 
what has happened. In this History I have held firmly to it 
that the truth should be reached in every matter, and that every 

' qiish., not even a little plough-land being given {chand qulba dihya, 215 f. 162). 
^ They were sons of SI. Ahmad Khan Chaghatdi. 

912 AH.— MAY 24th 1506 TO MAY 13th 1507 AD. 319 

act should be recorded precisely as it occurred. From this it 
follows of necessity that I have set down of good and bad 
whatever is known, concerning father and elder brother, kinsman 
and stranger ; of them all I have set down carefully the known 
virtues and defects. Let the reader accept my excuse ; let the 
reader pass on from the place of severity ! 

{n. Letters of victory.) 

Rising from that place and going to the Char-bagh where 
Mirza Khan had been, we sent letters of victory to all the 
countries, clans, and retainers. This done, I rode to the 

{0. Arrest of rebel leaders^ 

Muhammad Husain Mirza in his terror having run away into 
Khanlm's bedding-room and got himself fastened up in a bundle 
of bedding, we appointed Mirim Diwdn with other begs of the 
fort, to take control in those dwellings, capture, and bring him 
in. MirIm Diwdn said some plain rough words at Khanlm's 
gate, by some means or other found the Mirza, and brought 
him before me in the citadel. I rose at once to receive the 
Mirza with my usual deference, not even shewing too harsh 
a face. If I had had that Muh. Husain M. cut in pieces, there 
was the ground for it that he had had part in base and shameful 
action, started and spurred on mutiny and treason. Death he 
deserved with one after another of varied pain and torture, but 
because there had come to be various connexion between us, his 
very sons and daughters being by my own mother's sister Khub- 
nigar Khanim, I kept this just claim in mind, let him go free, 
and permitted him to set out towards Khurasan. The cowardly 
ingrate then forgot altogether the good I did him by the gift of 
his life ; he blamed and slandered me to Shaibaq Khan. Little 
time passed, however, before the Khan gave him his deserts by 

Leave thou to Fate the man who does thee wrong, 
For Fate is an avenging servitor. ' 

f. 160. 

320 KABUL 

Ahmad-i-qasim Kohburd^n^ the party of braves sent in pursuit 
of Mirza Khan, overtook him in the low hills of Qargha-yllaq, 
not able even to run away, without heart or force to stir a finger ! 
They took him, and brought him to where I sat in the north- 
east porch of the old Court-house. Said I to him, " Come ! let's 
have a look at one another " {kuriishdling\ but twice before he 
could bend the knee and come forward, he fell down through 
agitation. When we had looked at one another, I placed him 
by my side to give him heart, and I drank first of the sherbet 
brought in, in order to remove his fears.^ 

As those who had joined him, soldiers, peasants, Mughuls and 
Chaghatals,^ were in suspense, we simply ordered him to remain 
for a few days in his elder sister's house ; but a few days later 
he was allowed to set out for Khurasan 3 because those mentioned 
above were somewhat uncertain and it did not seem well for 
him to stay in Kabul. 

(/>. Excursion to Koh-ddman.) 

After letting those two go, we made an excursion to Baran, 
Chash-tupa, and the skirt of Gul-i-bahar.4 More beautiful in 

" Haidar's opinion of Babur at this crisis is of the more account that his own father 
was one of the rebels let go to the mercy of the "avenging servitor". When he 
writes of Babur, as being, at a time so provoking, gay, generous, affectionate, simple 
and gentle, he sets before us insight and temper in tune with Kipling's " If . . ." 

^ Babur's distinction, made here and elsewhere, between Chaghatai and Mughul 
touches the old topic of the right or wrong of the term " Mughul dynasty". What 
he, as also Haidar, allows said is that if Babur were to describe his mother in tribal 
terms, he would say she was half-Chaghatal, half-Mughul ; and that if he so described 
himself, he would say he was half-Timurid-Turk, half-Chaghatai. He might have 
called the dynasty he founded in India Turk!, might have called it Timuriya ; he would 
never have called it Mughul, after his maternal grandmother. 

Haidar, with imperfect classification, divides Chinglz Khan's " Mughul horde " 
into Mughuls and Chaghatais and of this Chaghatai offtake says that none remained 
in 953 AH. (1547 AD.) except the rulers, i.e. sons of SI. Ahmad Khan (T.R. 148). 
Manifestly there was a body of Chaghatais with Babur and there appear to have been 
many near his day in the Her! region, — 'Ali-sher Nawd'i the best known. 

Babur supplies directions for naming his dynasty when, as several times, he claims 
to rule in Hindustan where the "Turk" had ruled (f. 233.^, f. 224/J, f. 225), To call 
his dynasty Mughul seems to blot out the centuries, something as we should do by 
calling the English Teutons. If there is to be such blotting-out, Abu'l-ghazi would 
allow us, by his tables of Turk descent, to go further, to the primal source of all the 
tribes concerned, to Turk, son of Japhet. This traditional descent is another argument 
against "Mughul dynasty." 

3 They went to Qandahar and there suffered great privation. 

* Baran seems likely to be the Baian of some maps. Gul-i-bahar is higher up on 
the Panjhir road. Chash-tupa will have been near-by ; its name might mean Hill of 
the heap of winnowed-corn. 

912 AH.—MAY 24th 1506 to MAY 13th 1507 AD. 321 

Spring than any part even of Kabul are the open-lands of Baran, 
the plain of Chash-tupa, and the skirt of Gul-i-bahar. Many 
sorts of tulip bloom there ; when I had them counted once, it 
came out at 34 different kinds as [has been said]/ This couplet 
has been written in praise of these places, — 

Kabul in Spring is an Eden of verdure and blossom ; 
Matchless in Kabul the Spring of Gul-i-bahar and Baran. 

On this excursion I finished the ode, — 

My heart, like the bud of the red, red rose, 

Lies fold within fold aflame ; 
Would the breath of even a myriad Springs 

Blow my heart's bud to a rose ? 

In truth, few places are quite equal to these for spring-excursions, 
for hawking {qush sdlmdq) or bird-shooting {jqush dtvidq), as has 
been briefly mentioned in the praise and description of the 
Kabul and Ghaznl country. 

{q. Ndsir Mtrzd expelled from Badakhskdn.) 

This year the begs of Badakhshan i.e. Muhammad the 
armourer, Mubarak Shah, Zubair and Jahanglr, grew angry and 
mutinous because of the misconduct of Nasir Mirza and some 
of those he cherished. Coming to an agreement together, they 
drew out an army of horse and foot, arrayed it on the level lands 
by the Kukcha-water, and moved towards Yaftal and Ragh, to 
near Khamchan, by way of the lower hills. The Mirza and his 
inexperienced begs, in their thoughtless and unobservant fashion, 
came out to fight them just in those lower hills. The battle-field 
was uneven ground ; the Badakhshis had a dense mass of men 
on foot who stood firm under repeated charges by the Mirza's 
horse, and returned such attack that the horsemen fled, unable 
to keep their ground. Having beaten the Mirza, the Badakhshis 
plundered his dependants and connexions. 

Beaten and stripped bare, he and his close circle took the road 
through Ishklmlsh and Narin to Klla-gahl, from there followed 
the QlzIl-sQ up, got out on the Ab-dara road, crossed at Shibr-tu, 
and so came to Kabul, he with 70 or 80 followers, worn-out, 
naked and famished. 

' f. 136. 

322 KABUL 

That was a marvellous sign of the Divine might ! Two or 
three years earlier the Mirza had left the Kabul country like a 
Fol. 203. foe, driving tribes and hordes like sheep before him, reached 
Badakhshan and made fast its forts and valley-strongholds. 
With what fancy in his mind had he marched out ? ^ Now he 
was back, hanging the head of shame for those earlier misdeeds, 
humbled and distraught about that breach with me ! 

My face shewed him no sort of displeasure ; I made kind 
enquiry about himself, and brought him out of his confusion. 

' Answer ; Visions of his father's swaj'. 

913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 to MAY 2nd 1508 AD.^ 

{a. Raid on the Ghiljl Afghans?) 

We had ridden out of Kabul with the intention of over-running 
the Ghiljl ; ^ when we dismounted at Sar-i-dih news was brought 
that a nmss of Mahmands (Afghans) was lying in Masht and 
Sih-kana one yzghdch {circa 5 m.) away from us.3 Our begs and 
braves agreed in saying, " The Mahmands must be over-run ", 
but I said, " Would it be right to turn aside and raid our own 
peasants instead of doing what we set out to do? It cannot be." 

Riding at night from Sar-i-dih, we crossed the plain of Kattawaz 
in the dark, a quite black night, one level stretch of land, no 
mountain or rising-ground in sight, no known road or track, not 
a man able to lead us ! In the end I took the lead. I had been 
in those parts several times before ; drawing inferences from 
those times, I took the Pole-star on my right shoulder-blade ** 
and, with some anxiety, moved on. God brought it right ! We 
went straight to the Qlaq-tu and the Aulaba-tu torrent, that is 
to say, straight for Khwaja Ismail Siritz where the Ghiljis were 
lying, the road to which crosses the torrent named. Dismounting 
near the torrent, we let ourselves and our horses sleep a little, Fol. 
took breath, and bestirred ourselves at shoot of dawn. The Sun 
was up before we got out of those low hills and valley-bottoms 
to the plain on which the Ghiljl lay with a good yighdch s of 

' Elph. MS. f. i6r ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 164 and 217 f. 139/5; Mems. p. 220. 
^ The narrative indicates the location of the tribe, the modern Ghilzai or Ghilzl. 

3 Sih-kana lies s.e. of Shorkach, and near Kharbln. Sar-i-dih is about 25 or 30 
miles s. of Ghaznl (Erskine). A name suiting the pastoral wealth of the tribe viz. 
Mesh-khail, Sheep-tribe, is shewn on maps somewhat s. from Kharbln. Cf. Steingass 
s.n. Masht. 

4 ydghrun, whence ydghrunchi, a diviner by help of the shoulder-blades of sheep. 
The defacer of the Elphinstone Codex has changed ydghrun to ydti, side, thus making 
Babur turn his side and not his half-back to the north, altering his direction, and 
missing what looks like a jesting reference to his own divination of the road. The 
Pole Star was seen, presumably, before the night became quite black. 

5 From the subsequent details of distance done, this must have been one of those 
good yighdch of perhaps 5-6 miles, that are estimated by the ease of travel on level 
lands (Index s.v. yighdch). 


324 KABUL 

road between them and us ; once out on the plain we could 
see their blackness, either their own or from the smoke of 
their fires. 

Whether bitten by their own whim/ or whether wanting to 
hurry, the whole army streamed off at the gallop {chdpqun 
quldildi') ; off galloped I after them and, by shooting an arrow 
now at a man, now at a horse, checked them after a kuroh or 
two (3 m. ?). It is very difficult indeed to check 5 or 6000 braves 
galloping loose-rein ! God brought it right! They were checked! 
When we had gone about one shar't (2 m.) further, always with 
the Afghan blackness in sight, the raid ^ was allowed. Masses 
of sheep fell to us, more than in any other raid. 

After we had dismounted and made the spoils turn back,3 one 
body of Afghans after another came down into the plain, provoking 
a fight. Some of the begs and of the household went against 
one body and killed every man ; Nasir Mirza did the same with 
another, and a pillar of Afghan heads was set up. An arrow 
pierced the foot of that foot-soldier Dost the Kotwal who has 
been mentioned already ; 4 when we reached Kabul, he died. 

Marching from Khwaja Ismail, we dismounted once more at 

Aulaba-tu. Some of the begs and of my own household were 

ordered to go forward and carefully separate off the Fifth 

{Khums) of the enemy's spoils. By way of favour, we did not 

204. take the Fifth from Oasim Beg and some others.5 From what 

' I am uncertain about the form of the word translated by " whim ". The Elph. 
and Hai. Codices read khud d-.lnia (altered in the first to jf-Jma); Ilminsky (p. 257) 
reads k/itid /:rna{deC. ii, 2 and note); Erskine has been misled by the Persian 
translation (215 f. 164^ and 217 f. 139(5). Whether khud-dilma should be read, with 
the sense of " out of their own hearts" (spontaneously), or whether khud-yalma, own 
pace (Turk!, yal>?ia, pace) the contrast made by Babur appears to be between an 
unpremeditated gallop and one premeditated for haste. Persian dalama, tarantula, 
also suggests itself. 

= chdpqun, which is the word translated by gallop throughout the previous passage. 
The TurkI verb chapmaq is one of those words-of-all-work for which it is difficult to 
find a single English equivalent. The verb qulmdq is another ; in its two occurrences 
here the first may be a metaphor from the pouring of molten metal; the second 
expresses that permission to gallop off for the raid without which to raid was forbidden. 
The root-notion of quimdq seems to be letting-go, that of chapmaq, rapid motion. 

3 i.e. on the raiders' own road for Kabul. •♦ f. 198^. 

s The Fifth taken was manifestly at the ruler's disposition. In at least two places 
when dependants send gifts to Babur the word \tassaduq'\ used might be rendered 
as "gifts for the poor". Does this mean that the pads hah in receiving this stands in 
the place of the Imam of the Qoran injunction which orders one-fifth of spoil to be 
given to the Imam for the poor, orphans, and travellers, — four-fifths being reserved for 
the troops? (Qoran, Sale's ed. 1825, i, 212 and Hidayat, Book ix). 

913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 TO MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 325 

was written down/ the Fifth came out at 16,000, that is to say, 
this 16,000 was the fifth of 80,000 sheep ; no question however 
but that with those lost and those not asked for, ?ilak (100,000) 
of sheep had been taken. 

{h. A hunting-circle^ 

Next day when we had ridden from that camp, a hunting-circle 
was formed on the plain of Kattawaz where deer {kiyik) ^ and 
wild-ass are always plentiful and always fat. Masses went into 
the ring ; masses were killed. During the hunt I galloped after 
a wild-ass, on getting near shot one arrow, shot another, but did 
not bring it down, it only running more slowly for the two 
wounds. Spurring forwards and getting into position 3 quite 
close to it, I chopped at the nape of its neck behind the ears, and 
cut through the wind-pipe ; it stopped, turned over and died. 
My sword cut well ! The wild-ass was surprisingly fat. Its 
rib may have been a little under one yard in length. Sherim 
TaghaT and other observers of kiyik in Mughialistan said with 
surprise, " Even in Mughulistan we have seen few kiyik so fat ! " 
I shot another wild-ass ; most of the wild-asses and deer brought 
down in that hunt were fat, but not one of them was so fat as 
the one I first killed. 

Turning back from that raid, we went to Kabul and there 

(r. Shaibdq Khan moves against Khu^dsdn.) 

Shaibaq Khan had got an army to horse at the end of last 
year, meaning to go from Samarkand against Khurasan, his 
march out being somewhat hastened by the coming to him of 
a servant of that vile traitor to his salt, Shah Mansur the Pay- 
master, then in Andikhud. When the Khan was approaching 
Andikhud, that vile wretch said, " I have sent a man to the 
Auzbeg," relied on this, adorned himself, stuck up an aigrette on 
his head, and went out, bearing gift and tribute. On this the 
leaderless^ Aijzbegs poured down on him from all sides, and 

' This may be the sum of the separate items of sheep entered in account-books by 
the commissaries. 

- Here this comprehensive word will stand for deer, these being plentiful in the region, 

3 Three Turk! MSS. write sighmib, but the Elph. MS. has had this changed to 
yitib, having reached. 

4 bdsh-siz, lit. without head, doubtless a pun on Aiiz-beg (own beg, leaderless). 
B. M. Or. 3714 shows an artist's conception of this tart-part. 

326 KABUL 

turned upside down {tart-part) the blockhead, his offering and 
his people of all sorts. 

{d. Irresolution of the Khurasan Mtrzds.) 

Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza, Muzaffar Mirza, Muh. Baranduq Barlds 
and Zu'n-nun Arghiln were all lying with their army in Baba 
Khaki/ not decided to fight, not settled to make (Herl) fort 
fast, there they sat, confounded, vague, uncertain what to do. 
Muhammad Baranduq Barlds was a knowledgeable man ; he 
kept saying, " You let Muzaffar Mirza and me make the fort 
fast ; let Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza and Zu'n-nOn Beg go into the 
mountains near Herl and gather in SI. 'All Arghiln from Sistan 
and Zamln-dawar, Shah Beg and Muqim from Qandahar with 
all their armies, and let them collect also what there is of Nikdiri 
and Hazara force ; this done, let them make a swift and telling 
move. The enemy would find it difficult to go into the 
mountains, and could not come against the (Herl) fort because 
he would be afraid of the army outside." He said well, his 
plan was practical. 

Brave though Zu'n-nun Arghiln was, he was mean, a lover-of- 
goods, far from businesslike or judicious, rather shallow-pated, 
and a bit of a fool. As has been mentioned,^ when that elder 
and that younger brother became joint-rulers in Herl, he had 
chief authority in Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's presence. He was not 
willing now for Muh. Baranduq Beg to remain inside Herl town ; 
being the lover-of-goods he was, he wanted to be there himself. 
But he could not make this seem one and the same thing ! 3 Is 
there a better sign of his shallow-pate and craze than that he 
degraded himself and became contemptible by accepting the 
lies and flattery of rogues and sycophants? Here are the 
particulars 4 : — While he was so dominant and trusted in Herl, 
certain Shaikhs and Mullas went to him and said, " The Spheres 
are holding commerce with us ; you are styled Hizabrul-ldh 
(Lion of God); you will overcome the Auzbeg." Believing 

' Baba Khaki is a fine valley, some 13 ylghdch e. of Herl (f. 13) where the Herl 
sultans reside in the heats (/. Asiatiqtie xvi, 501, de Meynard's article ; H.S. iii, 356). 

=^ f. \^2b. 

3 aukhshata almddi. This is one of many passages which Ilminsky indicates he 
has made good by help of the Memoirs (p. 261 ; Mintoires ii, 6). 

* They are given also on f. 172. 

913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 to MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 327 

these words, he put his bathing-cloth round his neck and gave 
thanks. It was through this he did not accept Muhammad 
Baranduq Beg's sensible counsel, did not strengthen the works 
{aish) of the fort, get ready fighting equipment, set scout or 
rearward to warn of the foe's approach, or plan out such method 
of array that, should the foe appear, his men would fight with 
ready heart. 

{e. Shaibdq Khan takes Heri^ 

Shaibaq Khan passed through Murgh-ab to near Slr-kal ^ in 
the month of Muharram (913 AH. May-June 1507 ad.). When 
the Mirzas heard of it, they were altogether upset, could not 
act, collect troops, array those they had. Dreamers, they 
moved through a dream ! ^ Zii'n-niin Arghun, made glorious 
by that flattery, went out to Qara-rabat, with 100 to 150 men, 
to face 40,000 to 50,000 Auzbegs : a mass of these coming up, 
hustled his off, took him, killed him and cut off his head.3 

In Fort Ikhtiyaru'd-din, it is known as Ala-qurghan,4 were 
the Mirzas' mothers, elder and younger sisters, wives and 
treasure. The Mirzas reached the town at night, let their 
horses rest till midnight, slept, and at dawn flung forth again. 
They could not think about strengthening the fort ; in the 
respite and crack of time there was, they just ran away,5 leaving 
mother, sister, wife and little child to Aijzbeg captivity. 

What there was of Si. Husain Mirza's haram, Payanda-sultan 
Beglm and Khadija Beglm at the head of it, was inside 
Ala-qurghan ; there too were the haranis of Badl'u'z-zaman 

^ This may be Sirakhs or Sirakhsh (Erskine). 

^ Tushliq tushdln yurdl blrurldr. At least two meanings can be given to these 
words. Circumstances seem to exclude the one in which the Memoirs (p. 222) and 
M^moires (ii, 7) have taken them here, viz. "each man went off to shift for himself", 
and "chacun s'en alia de son c&te et s'enfuit comme il put", because Zu'n-nun did 
not go off, and the Mirzas broke up after his defeat. I therefore suggest another 
reading, one prompted by the Mirzas' vague fancies and dreams of what they might 
do, but did not. 

3 The encounter was between " Belaq-i-maral and Rabat-i-'ali-sher, near Badghis" 
(Raverty's Notes p. 580). For particulars of the taking of Heri see H.S. iii, 353. 

4 One may be the book-name, the second the name in common use, and due to the 
colour of the buildings. But Babur may be making an ironical jest, and nickname the 
fort by a word referring to the defilement {aid) of Auzbeg possession. (Cf. H.S. iii, 359. ) 

5 Mr. Erskine notes that Badi'u'z-zaman took refuge with Shah Isma'il Safawi 
who gave him Tabriz. W^hen the Turkish Emperor Salim took Tabriz in 920 ah. 
(15 14 AD,), he was taken prisoner and carried to Constantinople, where he died in 
923 AH. (1517 AD.). 

328 KABUL 

Mirza^ and Muzaffar Mirza with their Httle children, treasure, and 
households {biyutdt). What was desirable for making the fort 
fast had not been done ; even braves to reinforce it had not 
arrived. 'Ashiq-i-muhammad Arghun, the younger brother of 
Mazld Beg, had fled from the army on foot and gone into it ; 
in it was also Amir *Umar Beg's son 'All Khan (^Turhnmt) ; 
Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah the taster was there ; Mirza Beg Kdi- 
khusraiii was there ; and Mlrak Gur (or Kiir) the Dlwan was there. 
When Shaibaq Khan arrived two or three days later ; the 
Shaikhu'l-islam and notables went out to him with the keys of 
the outer-fort. That same *Ashiq-i-muhammad held Ala- 
qurghan for i6 or 17 days; then a mine, run from the horse- 
market outside, was fired and brought a tower down ; the garrison 
lost heart, could hold out no longer, so let the fort be taken. 

(/. Shaibaq Khan in Heri?) 

Shaibaq Khan, after taking Herl,^ behaved badly not only to 
the wives and children of its rulers but to every person soever. 
For the sake of this five-days' fleeting world, he earned himself 
a bad name. His first improper act and deed in Herl was that, 
for the sake of this rotten world {chirk dunya), he caused 
Khadija Beglm various miseries, through letting the vile wretch 
Pay-master Shah Mansur get hold of her to loot. Then he let 
' Abdu'l-wahhab Mughicl take to loot a person so saintly and so 
revered as Shaikh Puran, and each one of Shaikh Puran's children 
be taken by a separate person. He let the band of poets be 
seized by Mulla Bana'I, a matter about which this verse is well- 
known in Khurasan : — 

Except 'Abdu'1-lah the stupid fool {kir-khar). 

Not a poet to-day sees the colour of gold ; 
From the poets' band Bana'i would get gold, 

All he will get is klr-khar.^ 

* In the fort were his wife Kabul! Beglm, d. of Aiilugh Beg M. Kdbtdi and 
Ruqaiya Agha, known as the Nightingale. A young daughter of the Mirza, named 
the Rose-bud (Chiichak), had died just before the siege. After the surrender of the 
fort, Kabull Beglm was married by Mirza Kukuldash (perhaps 'Ashiq-i-muhammad 
Arghiin) ; Ruqaiya by Tlmur SI. Aiizbeg {Yi.^. iii, 359). 

^ The Khutba was first read for Shaibaq Khan in Herl on Friday Muharram 1 5th 
913 AH. (May 27th 1507 AD.). 

3 There is a Persian phrase used when a man engages in an unprofitable undertaking 
Kir-i-khar geri/i, i.e. Asini nervum deprehendet (Erskine). The 11. S. does not 

913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 TO MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 329 

Directly he had possession of Heri, Shaibaq Khan married and 
took Muzaffar Mirza's wife, Khan-zada Khanim, without regard 
to the running-out of the legal term.^ His own illiteracy not 
forbidding, he instructed in the exposition of the Qoran, QazT 
Ikhtiyar and Muhammad Mir Yusuf, two of the celebrated and 
highly-skilled mullas of Herl ; he took a pen and corrected the 
hand-writing of Mulla SI. 'All of Mashhad and the drawing of 
Bih-zad ; and every few days, when he had composed some 
tasteless couplet, he would have it read from the pulpit, hung in 
the Char-su [Square], and for it accept the offerings of the 
towns-people ! ^ Spite of his early-rising, his not neglecting 
the Five Prayers, and his fair knowledge of the art of reciting the 
Qoran, there issued from him many an act and deed as absurd, 
as impudent, and as heathenish as those just named. 

{g-. Death of two Mtrzds.) 

Ten or fifteen days after he had possession of HerT, Shaibaq 
Khan came from Kahd-stan 3 to Pul-i-salar. From that place 
he sent Tlmur SI. and 'Ubaid SI. with the army there present, 
against Abu'l-muhsin Mirza and Kupuk (Kipik) Mirza then 
seated carelessly in Mashhad. The two Mirzas had thought at 
one time of making Qalat ^ fast ; at another, this after they had 
had news of the approach of the Aiazbeg, they were for moving 
on Shaibaq Khan himself, by forced marches and along a different 

mention Bana'i as fleecing the poets but has much to say about one Maulana 'Abdu'r- 
rahlm a Turkistan! favoured by Shaibani, whose victim Khwand-amir was, amongst 
many others. Not infrequently where Babur and Khwand-amir state the same fact, 
they accompany it by varied details, as here (H.S. iii, 358, 360). 

' ''adat. Muhammadan Law fixes a term after widowhood or divorce within which 
re-marriage is unlawful. Light is thrown upon this re-marriage by H.S. iii, 359. 
The passage, a somewhat rhetorical one, gives the following details: — "On coming 
into Heri on Muharram nth, Shaibani at once set about gathering in the property 
of the Timurids. He had the wives and daughters of the former rulers brought before 
him. The great lady Khan-zada Begim (f. 1633) who was daughter of Ahmad Khan, 
niece of SI. Husain Mirza, and wife of Muzaffar Mirza, shewed herself pleased in his 
presence. Desiring to marry him, she said Muzaffar M. had divorced her two years 
before. Trustworthy persons gave evidence to the same effect, so she was united to 
Shaibani in accordance with the glorious Law. Mihr-angez Begim, Muzaffar M.'s 
daughter, was married to 'Ubaidu'Uah SI. {Auzbeg) ; the rest of the chaste ladies 
having been sent back into the city, Shaibani resumed his search for property." 
Manifestly Babur did not believe in the divorce Khwand-amir thus records. 

^ A sarcasm this on the acceptance of literary honour from the illiterate. 

3 f. 191 and note ; Pul-i-salar may be an irrigation-dam. 

■♦ Qalat-i-nadiri, the birth-place of Nadir Shah, n. of Mashhad and standing on 
very strong ground (Erskine). 



road/ — which might have turned out an amazingly good idea ! 
But while they sit still there in Mashhad with nothing decided, 
the Sultans arrive by forced marches. The Mirzas for their part 
array and go out ; Abu'l-muhsin Mirza is quickly overcome and 
routed ; Kupuk Mirza charges his brother's assailants with 
somewhat few men ; him too they carry off; both brothers are 
dismounted and seated in one place ; after an embrace {quchush), 
they kiss farewell ; Abu'l-muhsin shews some want of courage ; 
in Kupuk Mirza it all makes no change at all. The heads of 
both are sent to Shaibaq Khan in Pul-i-salar. 

{h. Bdbur inarches for Qandakdr.) 

In those days Shah Beg and his younger brother Muhammad 
Muqim, being afraid of Shaibaq Khan, sent one envoy after 
another to me with dutiful letters Qarz-ddsht), giving sign of 
amity and good-wishes. MuqIm, in a letter of his own, explicitly 
invited me. For us to look on at the Auzbeg over-running the 
whole country, was not seemly ; and as by letters and envoys, 
Shah Beg and MuqIm had given me invitation, there remained 
little doubt they would wait upon me.^ When all begs and 
counsellors had been consulted, the matter was left at this : — We 
were to get an army to horse, join the Arghun begs and decide 
in accord and agreement with them, whether to move into 
Khurasan or elsewhere as might seem good. 

(/. In Ghazni and Qaldt-i-ghilsdi.) 

Hablba-sultan Beglm, my aunt {ymkd) as I used to call her, 
met us in Ghaznl, having come from Heri, according to arrange- 
ment, in order to bring her daughter Mas'uma-sultan Beglm. 
With the honoured Beglm came Khusrau Kukuldash, SI. Quli 
Chundq (One-eared) and Gadal Baldl who had returned to me 

' This is likely to be the road passing through the Carfax of Rabat-i-sangbast, 
described by Daulat-shah (Browne, p. 176). 

^ This will mean that the Arghuns would acknowledge his suzerainty ; Haidar 
Mirza however says that Shah Beg had higher views (T.R. p. 202). There had been 
earlier negociations between Zu'n-nun with Badl'u'z-zaman and Babur which may 
have led to the abandonment of Babur's expedition in 911 ad. (f. 158 ; H.S. iii, 323 ; 
Raverty's account {Notes p. 581-2) of Babur's dealings with the Arghun chiefs needs 

913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 TO MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 331 

after flight from Herl, first to Ibn-i-husain Mirza then to Abu'l- 
muhsin Mirza/ with neither of whom they could remain. 

In Qalat the army came upon a mass of Hindustan traders, 
come there to traffic and, as it seemed, unable to go on. The 
general opinion about them was that people who, at a time of 
such hostilities, are coming into an enemy's country ^ must be 
plundered. With this however I did not agree ; said I, " What 
is the traders' offence ? If we, looking to God's pleasure, leave 
such scrapings of gain aside, the Most High God will apportion 
our reward. It is now just as it was a short time back when we 
rode out to raid the Ghiljl ; many of you then were of one mind 
to raid the Mahmand Afghans, their sheep and goods, their 
wives and families, just because they were within five miles of 
you ! Then as now I did not agree with you. On the very 
next day the Most High God apportioned you more sheep 
belonging to Afghan enemies, than had ever before fallen to the 
share of the army." Something by way oi peshkash (offering) 
was taken from each trader when we dismounted on the other 
side of Qalat. 

(y. Further march south?) 

Beyond Qalat two Mirzas joined us, fleeing from Qandahar. 
One was Mirza Khan (Wais) who had been allowed to go into 
Khurasan after his defeat at Kabul. The other was 'Abdu'r- 
razzaq Mirza who had stayed on in Khurasan when I left. 
With them came and waited on me the mother of Jahanglr 
Mirza's son Pir-i-muhammad, a grandson of Pahar Mlrza.3 

{k. Behaviour of the Arghun chiefs?) 

When we sent persons and letters to Shah Beg and Muqim, 
saying, " Here we are at your word ; a stranger-foe like the 

" They will have gone first to Tun or Qain, thence to Mashhad, and seem likely 
to have joined the Begim after cross-cutting to avoid Herl. 

^ yo^gJi-i wildyati-gha kilddurghdn. There may have been an accumulation of 
caravans on their way to Herat, checked in Qalat by news of the Auzbeg conquest. 

3 Jahangir's son, thus brought by his mother, will have been an infant ; his father 
had gone back last year with Babur by the mountain road and had been left, sick and 
travelling in a litter, with the baggage when Babur hurried on to Kabul at the news 
of the mutiny against him (f. 197) ; he must have died shortly afterwards, seemingly 
between the departure of the two rebels from Kabul (f. 201^-202) and the march out 
for Qandahar. Doubtless his widow now brought her child to claim his uncle Babur's 


332 KABUL 

Auzbeg has taken Khurasan ; come ! let us settle, in concert 
and amity, what will be for the general good," they returned 
a rude and ill-mannered answer, going back from the dutiful 
letters they had written and from the invitations they had given. 
One of their incivilities was that Shah Beg stamped his letter to 
me in the middle of its reverse, where begs seal if writing to begs, 
where indeed a great beg seals if writing to one of the lower 
circle.' But for such ill-manners and his rude answers, his affair 
would never have gone so far as it did, for, as they say, — 

A strife-stirring word will accomplish the downfall of an ancient line. 

By these their headstrong acts they gave to the winds house, 
family, and the hoards of 30 to 40 years. 

One day while we were near Shahr-i-safa ^ a false alarm being 
given in the very heart of the camp, the whole army was made 
to arm and mount. At the time I was occupied with a bath 
and purification ; the begs were much flurried ; I mounted when 
I was ready ; as the alarm was false, it died away after a time. 

March by march we moved on to Guzar.3 There we tried 
again to discuss with the ArghGns but, paying no attention to 
us, they maintained the same obstinate and perverse attitude. 
Certain well-wishers who knew the local land and water, repre- 
sented to me, that the head of the torrents irudldr) which come 
down to Qandahar, being towards Baba Hasan Abdal and 
Khalishak,'^ a move ought to be made in that direction, in order 

^ Persians pay great attention in their correspondence not only to the style but to 
the kind of paper on which a letter is written, the place of signature, the place of the 
seal, and the situation of the address. Chardin gives some curious information on 
the subject (Erskine). Babur marks the distinction of rank he drew between the 
Arghun chiefs and himself when he calls their letter to him, ''arz-dasht, his to them 
khatL His claim to suzerainty over those chiefs is shewn by Haidar Mirza to be 
based on his accession to Timurid headship through the downfall of the Bal-qaras, 
who had been the acknowledged suzerains of the Arghuns now repudiating Babur's 
claim. Cf. Y.x^! s History of India [, cap. 3. 

^ on the main road, some 40 miles east of Qandahar. 

3 var. Kiir or Kawar. If the word mean ford, this might well be the one across 
the Tarnak carrying the road to Qara (maps). Here Babur seems to have left the 
main road along the Tarnak, by which the British approach was made in 1880 AU., 
for one crossing west into the valley of the Argand-ab. 

* Baba Hasan Abdal is the Baba W^al! of maps. The same saint has given his 
name here, and also to his shrine east of Atak where he is known as Baba W^all of 
Qandahar. The torrents mentioned are irrigation off-takes from the Argand-ab, 
which river flows between Baba Wall and Khalishak. Shah Beg's force was south 
of the torrents (cf. Murghan-koh on S.A.W. map). 

913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 TO MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 333 

to cut off {yiqmdq) all those torrents.^ Leaving the matter 
there, we next day made our men put on their mail, arrayed in 
right and left, and marched for Qandahar. 

(/. Battle of Qandahar?) 

Shah Beg and Muqim had seated themselves under an awning 
which was set in front of the naze of the Qandahar-hill where 
I am now having a rock-residence cut out.^ Muqim's men 
pushed forward amongst the trees to rather near us. Tufan 
Arghiin had fled to us when we were near Shahr-i-safa ; he now 
betook himself alone close up to the Arghun array to where 
one named 'Ashaqu'1-lah was advancing rather fast leading 7 or 
8 men. Alone, Tufan Arghun faced him, slashed swords with him, 
unhorsed him, cut off his head and brought it to me as we were 
passing Sang-i-lakhshak;3 an omen we accepted! Not thinking 
it well to fight where we were, amongst suburbs and trees, we 
went on along the skirt of the hill. Just as we had settled on 
ground for the camp, in a meadow on the Qandahar side of the Fol. 209. 
torrent,4 opposite Khalishak, and were dismounting, Sher Qui! 
the scout hurried up and represented that the enemy was 
arrayed to fight and on the move towards us. 

As on our march from Qalat the army had suffered much 
from hunger and thirst, most of the soldiers on getting near 
Khalishak scattered up and down for sheep and cattle, grain 

' The narrative and plans o{ Second Afghan War (Murray 1908) illustrate Babur's 
movements and show most of the places he names. The end of the 280 mile march, 
from Kabul to v^^ithin sight of Qandahar, will have stirred in the General of 1507 
what it stirred in the General of 1880. Lord Roberts speaking in May 191 3 in 
Glasgow on the rapid progress of the movement for National Service thus spoke : — 
' ' A memory comes over me which turns misgiving into hope and apprehension into 
confidence. It is the memory of the morning when, accompanied by two of Scotland's 
most famous regiments, the Seaforths and the Gordons, at the end of a long and 
arduous march, / saw in the distance the walls and minarets of Qandahar, and knew 
that the end of a great resolve and a great task was near.'''' 

^ niln tdsh Hmdrat qazdurghdn tUmshiighl-ning alidd ; 215 f, i68<5, 'imardtz kah 
az sang yak para farmUda bUdim ; 217 f. I43<5, Jay kah tnan Hmdrati sdkhta?n ; 
Mems. p. 226, where I have built a palace ; Mifns. ii, 15, Vendroit meine oiifai bdti 
un palais. All the above translations lose the sense of gdzdUfghdn, am causing to 
dig out, to quarry stone. Perhaps for coolness' sake the dwelling was cut out in the 
living rock. That the place is south-west of the main arigs, near Murghan-koh or on 
it, Babur's narrative allows. Cf. Appendix J. 

3 sic, Hai. MS. There are two Lakhshas, Little Lakhsha, a mile west of Qandahar, 
and Great Lakhsha, about a mile s. w. of Old Qandahar, 5 or 6 m. from the modern 
one (Erskine). 

* This will be the main irrigation channel taken off from the Argand-ab (Maps). 

334 KABUL 

and eatables. Without looking to collect them, we galloped 
off. Our force may have been 2000 in all, but perhaps not 
over 1000 were in the battle because those mentioned as scat- 
tering up and down could not rejoin in time to fight. 

Though our men were few I had them organized and posted 
on a first-rate plan and method ; I had never arrayed them 
before by such a good one. For my immediate command 
{khdsatdbifi) I had selected braves from whose hands comes 
work ^ and had inscribed them by tens and fifties, each ten and 
each fifty under a leader who knew the post in the right or left 
of the centre for his ten or his fifty, knew the work of each in 
the battle, and was there on the observant watch ; so that, after 
mounting, the right and left, right and left hands, right and 
left sides, charged right and left without the trouble of arraying 
them or the need of a tawdchi?- 

{Author's note on his terminology. ) Although bardnghar, aUng gfd, aUng 
ydn and aUng (right wing, right hand, right side and right) all have the same 
meaning, I have applied them in different senses in order to vary terms and 
mark distinctions. As, in the battle-array, the ( Ar. ) tnaimana and maisara 
i.e. what people call (Turk!) bardnghar a.n6. Jawdnghdr (r. and 1. wings) are 
not included in the (Ar. ) qalb, i.e. what people call (T. ) ghUl (centre), so it is 
in arraying the centre itself. Taking the array of the centre only, its ( Ar. ) 
yamtn and yasdr (r. and 1. ) are called (by me) aUng qiil and sUl qUl (r. and 1. 
hands). Again, — the (Ar. ) khdsa tdbln (royal troop) in the centre has its 
yamln and yasdr which are called (by me) aUng ydn and sUl ydn (r. and 1. 
sides, T. ydn). Again, — in the khdsa tdbln there is the (T.) bill {ning) tikini 
(close circle) ; its yamin and yasdr are called sUng and sUl. In the Turk! 
tongue they call one single thing a buly^ but that is not the biii meant here ; 
what is meant here is close {ydqln). 

The right wing {bardnghdr) was Mirza Khan (Wais), Sherim 
Taghal, Yarak Taghal with his elder and younger brethren, 
Chilma Mughilly Ayub Beg, Muhammad Beg, Ibrahim Beg, 
'All Sayyid Mughitl with his Mughuls, SI. Qull chuhra, 
Khuda-bakhsh and Abu'l-hasan with his elder and younger 

The left {jawdnghdr) was 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza, Qasim Beg, 
Tlngri-blrdl, Qambar-i-*ali, Ahmad Ailchi-bughd, Ghurl Barlds, 
Sayyid Husain Akbar, and Mir Shah Qilchin. 

^ tamdm ailtkldln — aish-kilUr yikitldr, an idiomatic phrase used of *Ali-dost 
(f 14/^ and n.), not easy to express by a single English adjective. 

=* The tawdcht was a sort of adjutant who attended to the order of the troops and 
carried orders from the general (Erskine). The difficult passage following gives the 
Turk! terms Babur selected to represent Arabic military ones. 

3 Ar. ahad {Aytn-i-akbarl, Blochmann, index s.n.). The word bul recurs in the 
text on f. izio. 

913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 TO MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 335 

The advance {airdwal) was Nasir Mirza, Sayyid Qasim Lord 
of the Gate, Muhibb-i-*ah the armourer, Papa Aughuh (Papa's 
son ?), Allah-wairan Turkman, Sher Quh Mughul the scout 
with his elder and younger brethren, and Muhammad *Ah. 

In the centre {ghul), on my right hand, were Qasim Kukuldash, 
Khusrau Kukuldash, SI. Muhammad Didddi, Shah Mahmud 
the secretary, Qul-i-bayazid the taster, and Kamal the sherbet- Fol. 
server ; on my left were Khwaja Muhammad 'All, Nasir's Dost, 
Nasir's Mlrlm, Baba Sher-zad, Khan-qull, Wall the treasurer, 
Qutluq-qadam the scout, Maqsiid the water-bearer {su-cht), and 
Baba Shaikh. Those in the centre were all of my household ; 
there were no great begs ; not one of those enumerated had 
reached the rank of beg. Those inscribed in this bui^ were 
Sher Beg, Hatim the Armoury-master, Kupuk, Qull Baba, 
Abu'l-hasan the armourer ; — of the Mughuls, Aurus (Russian) 
*AlI Sayyid,^ Darwlsh-i-*all Sayyid, Khush-kildl, Chilma, Dost- 
klldi, Chilma Tdghchi, Damachi, Mindl ; — of the Turkmans, 
Mansur, Rustam-i-'all with his elder and younger brother, and 
Shah Nazir and Siunduk. 

The enemy was in two divisions, one under Shah Shuja* 
Arghun, known as Shah Beg and hereafter to be written of 
simply as Shah Beg, the other under his younger brother 

Some estimated the dark mass of Arghuns 3 at 6 or 7000 
men ; no question whatever but that Shah Beg's own men in 
mail were 4 or 5000. He faced our right, Muqim with a force 
smaller may-be than his brother's, faced our left. Muqim made 
a mightily strong attack on our left, that is on Qasim Beg from 
whom two or three persons came before fighting began, to ask 
for reinforcement ; we however could not detach a man because 
in front of us also the enemy was very strong. We made our 
onset without any delay ; the enemy fell suddenly on our van, Fol. 
turned it back and rammed it on our centre. When we, after 
a discharge of arrows, advanced, they, who also had been 

' i.e. the bm tikmi off. 209(5, the khasa tdbln, close circle. 

2 As Mughuls seem unlikely to be descendants of Muhammad, perhaps the title 
Sayyid in some Mughul names here, may be a translation of a Mughul one meaning 

3 Arghun-ning qardst, a frequent phrase. 

336 KABUL 

shooting for a time, seemed likely to make a stand {tukhtaghdn- 
dtk). Some-one, shouting to his men, came forward towards 
me, dismounted and was for adjusting his arrow, but he could do 
nothing because we moved on without stay. He remounted 
and rode off; it may have been Shah Beg himself During the 
fight Pirl Beg Turkman and 4 or 5 of his brethren turned their 
faces from the foe and, turban in hand,^ came over to us. 

{Author's note on Plri Beg. ) This Pirl Beg was one of those Turkmans 
who came [into Herl] with the Turkman Begs led by 'Abdu'l-baql Mirza and 
Murad Beg, after Shah Isma'il vanquished the Bayandar sultans and seized 
the 'Iraq countries.^ 

Our right was the first to overcome the foe ; it made him 
hurry off. Its extreme point had gone pricking {sdnjtltb) 3 as 
far as where I have now laid out a garden. Our left extended 
as far as the great tree-tangled 4 irrigation-channels, a good way 
below Baba Hasan Abdal. Muqim was opposite it, its numbers 
very small compared with his. God brought it right ! Between it 
and Muqim were three or four of the tree-tangled water-channels 
going on to Qandahar ; s it held the crossing-place and allowed 
no passage ; small body though it was, it made splendid stand 
and kept its ground. HalwachI Tarkhan ^ slashed away in the 
water with Tlngrl-blrdl and Qambar-i-*all. Qarnbar-i-*all was 
wounded ; an arrow stuck in Qasim Beg's forehead ; another 
struck Ghurl Barlds above the eyebrow and came out above his 

We meantime, after putting our adversary to flight, had 
crossed those same channels towards the naze of Murghan-koh 
(Birds'-hill). Some-one on a grey tipilchdq was going back- 
wards and forwards irresolutely along the hill-skirt, while we 

' in sign of submission. 

"^ f. 176. It was in 908 ah. [1502 ad.]. 

3 This word seems to be from sdnjmaq, to prick or stab ; and here to have the 
military sense oi prick, viz. riding forth. The Second Pers. trs. (217 f. i^(i,b) translates 
it by ghauta khiirda raft, went tasting a plunge under water (215 f. 170; Muh. 
ShlrdzVs lith. ed. p. 133). Erskine (p. 228), as his Persian source dictates, makes 
the men sink into the soft ground ; de Courteille varies much (ii, 21). 

^ Ar. akhmail, so translated under the known presence of trees ; it may also imply 
soft ground (Lane p. 813 col. b) but soft ground does not suit the purpose of arlqs 
(channels), the carrying on of water to the town. 

s The S.A.W^. map is useful here. 

•^ That he had a following may be inferred. 

7 Hai. MS. qachar ; Ilminsky, p. 268 ; and both Pers. trss. rnkhsdr or rukhsdra 
(f. 2$ and note to qachar). 


913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 TO MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 337 

were getting across ; I likened him to Shah Beg ; seemingly it 
was he. 

Our men having beaten their opponents, all went off to 
pursue and unhorse them. Remained with me eleven to count, 
'Abdu'1-lah the librarian being one. Muqim was still keeping 
his ground and fighting. Without a glance at the fewness of 
our men, we had the nagarets sounded and, putting our trust in 
God, moved with face set for MuqIm. 

(Turki) For few or for many God is full strength ; 

No man has might in His Court. 

(Arabic) How often, God willing it, a small force has vanquished a large one ! 

Learning from the nagarets that we were approaching, Muqim 
forgot his fixed plan and took the road of flight. God brought 
it right ! 

After putting our foe to flight, we moved for Qandahar and 
dismounted in Farrukh-zad Beg's Char-bagh, of which at this 
time not a trace remains ! 

(;;/. Bdbur enters Qandahar}) Fol. 211/7. 

Shah Beg and MuqIm could not get into Qandahar when 
they took to flight ; Shah Beg went towards Shal and Mastung 
(Quetta), Muqim towards Zamln-dawar. They left no-one able 
to make the fort fast. Ahmad 'All Tarkhan was in it together 
with other elder and younger brethren of Qull Beg Arghun 
whose attachment and good-feeling for me were known. After 
parley they asked protection for the families of their elder and 
younger brethren ; their request was granted and all mentioned 
were encompassed with favour. They then opened the Mashur- 
gate of the town ; with leaderless men in mind, no other was 
opened. At that gate were posted Sherim Taghai and Yarim Beg. 
I went in with a few of the household, charged the leaderless 
men and had two or three put to death by way of example.^ 

{n. The spoils of Qandahar^ 

I got to Muqim's treasury first, that being in the outer-fort ; 
*Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza must have been quicker than I, for he was 

^ So in the TurkI MSS. and the first Pers. trs. (215 f. 170^). The second Pers. 
trs. (217 f. 145(5) has a gloss of dtqu ti tika ; this consequently Erskine follows (p. 229) 
and adds a note explaining the punishment. Ilminsky has the gloss also (p. 269), 
thus indicating Persian and English influence. 

338 KABUL 

just dismounting there when I arrived ; I gave him a few things 
from it. I put Dost-i-nasir Beg, Qul-i-bayazld the taster and, 
of pay-masters, Muhammad bakhshi in charge of it, then passed 
on into the citadel and posted Khwaja Muhammad *Ah, Shah 
Mahmud and, of the pay-masters, Taghal Shah bakhshi in 
charge of Shah Beg's treasury. 

Nasir's Mlrim and Maqsud the sherbet-server were sent to 
keep the house of Zu'n-nun's Diwdn Mir Jan for Nasir Mirza ; 
for Mirza Khan was kept Shaikh Abu-sa'ld TarkhdnV s ; for 
'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza 's.^ 

Such masses of white money had never been seen in those 
countries ; no-one indeed was to be heard of who had seen so 
much. That night, when we ourselves stayed in the citadel, 
Shah Beg's slave Sarnbhal was captured and brought in. 
Though he was then Shah Beg's intimate, he had not yet 
received his later favour.^ I had him given into some-one's 
charge but as good watch was not kept, he was allowed to 
escape. Next day I went back to my camp in Farrukh-zad 
Beg's Char-bagh. 

I gave the Qandahar country to Nasir Mirza. After the 
treasure had been got into order, loaded up and started off, he 
took the loads of white tankas off a string of camels {i.e. y beasts) 
at the citadel-treasury, and kept them. I did not demand them 
back ; I just gave them to him. 

On leaving Qandahar, we dismounted in the Qush-khana 
meadow. After setting the army forward, I had gone for an 
excursion, so I got into camp rather late. It was another camp! 
not to be recognized ! Excellent tipiichdqs, strings and strings 
of he-camels, she-camels, and mules, bearing saddle-bags {khur- 
zm) of silken stuffs and cloth, — tents of scarlet (cloth) and 
velvet, all sorts of awnings, every kind of work-shop, ass-load 
after ass-load of chests ! The goods of the elder and younger 
(Arghun) brethren had been kept in separate treasuries ; out of 
each had come chest upon chest, bale upon bale of stuffs and 

' No MS. gives the missing name. 

= The later favour mentioned was due to Sambhal's laborious release of his master 
from Auzbeg captivity in 917 ah. (151 i ad.) of which Erskine quotes a full account 
from the Tarlkh-i-sind (History of India i, 345). 

913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 TO MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 339 

clothes-in-wear {artmdq artmdq), sack upon sack of white tankas. 
In autdgh and chddar (lattice- tent and pole-tent) was much 
spoil for every man soever ; many sheep also had been taken 
but sheep were less cared about ! 

I made over to Qasim Beg Muqim's retainers in Qalat, under Fol. 212^ 
Quj Arghun and Taju'd-dln Mahmud, with their goods and 
effects. Qasim Beg was a knowing person ; he saw it unad- 
visable for us to stay long near Qandahar, so, by talking and 
talking, worrying and worrying, he got us to march off. As has 
been said, I had bestowed Qandahar on Nasir Mirza ; he was 
given leave to go there ; we started for Kabul. 

There had been no chance of portioning out the spoils while 
we were near Qandahar ; it was done at Qara-bagh where we 
delayed two or three days. To count the coins being difiBcult, 
they were apportioned by weighing them in scales. Begs of all 
ranks, retainers and household {tdbin) loaded up ass-load after 
ass-load of sacks full of white tankas, and took them away for 
their own subsistence and the pay of their soldiers. 

We went back to Kabul with masses of goods and treasure, 
great honour and reputation. 

{0. Bdbur's marriage with Ma^sUma-sultdn.) 

After this return to Kabul I concluded alliance i^aqdqildhn) 
with SI. Ahmad Mirza's daughter Ma'suma-sultan Beglm whom 
I had asked in marriage at Khurasan, and had had brought 
from there. 

(/. Shaibdq Khdn before Qandakdr.) 

A few days later a servant of Nasir Mirza brought the news 
that Shaibaq Khan had come and laid siege to Qandahar. 
That Muqim had fled to Zamln-dawar has been said already ; 
from there he went on and saw Shaibaq Khan. From Shah 
Beg also one person after another had gone to Shaibaq Khan. 
At the instigation and petition of these two, the Khan came Fol. 213. 
swiftly down on Qandahar by the mountain road,^ thinking to 
find me there. This was the very thing that experienced person 

* Presumably he went by Sabzar, Daulatabad, and Washir. 

340 KABUL 

Qasim Beg had in his mind when he worried us into marching 

off from near Qandahar. 

(Persian) What a mirror shews to the young man, 
A baked brick shews to the old one ! 

Shaibaq Khan arriving, besieged Nasir Mirza in Qandahar. 

{q. Alarm in Kabul ^ 

When this news came, the begs were summoned for counsel. 
The matters for discussion were these : — Strangers and ancient 
foes, such as are Shaibaq Khan and the Auzbegs, are in posses- 
sion of all the countries once held by Timur Beg's descendants ; 
even where Turks and Chaghatals ^ survive in corners and 
border-lands, they have all joined the Auzbeg, willingly or with 
aversion ; one remains, I myself, in Kabul, the foe mightily 
strong, I very weak, with no means of making terms, no strength 
to oppose ; that, in the presence of such power and potency, we 
had to think of some place for ourselves and, at this crisis and 
in the crack of time there was, to put a wider space between us 
and the strong foeman ; that choice lay between Badakhshan 
and Hindustan and that decision must now be made. 

Qasim Beg and Sherim Taghal were agreed for Badakhshan ; 

{^Author's note on Badakhshan.) Those holding their heads up in 
Badakhshan at this crisis were, of Badakhshis, Mubarak Shah and Zubair, 
Jahangir Turkman and Muhammad the armourer. They had driven Nasir 
Mirza out but had not joined the Auzbeg. 

I and several household -begs preferred going towards Hindustan 
and were for making a start to Lamghan.^ 

( r. Movements of some Mirsds.) 

After taking Qandahar, I had bestowed Qalat and the Turnuk 
(Tarnak) country on 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza and had left him in 
Qalat, but with the Auzbeg besieging Qandahar, he could not 
stay in Qalat, so left it and came to Kabul. He arriving just 
as we were marching out, was there left in charge.3 

There being in Badakhshan no ruler or ruler's son, Mirza Khan 
inclined to go in that direction, both because of his relationship 

* f. 202 and note to Chaghatal. 

" This will be for the Ningnahar tiiman of Lamghan. 

3 He was thus dangerously raised in his father's place of rule. 


913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 TO MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 341 

to Shah Begim^ and with her approval. He was allowed to go and 
the honoured Beglm herself started off with him. My honoured 
maternal-aunt Mihr-nigar Khanim also wished to go to Badakh- 
shan, notwithstanding that it was more seemly for her to be with 
me, a blood-relation ; but whatever objection was made, she was 
not to be dissuaded ; she also betook ^ herself to Badakhshan. 

(s. Bdbur's second start for Hindustan?) 

Under our plan of going to Hindustan, we marched out of 
Kabul in the month of the first Jumada (September 1507 AD.), 
taking the road through Little Kabul and going down by 
Surkh-rabat to Quruq-sai. 

The Afghans belonging between Kabul and Lamghan (Ning- 
nahar) are thieves and abettors of thieves even in quiet times ; 
for just such a happening as this they had prayed in vain. 
Said they, " He has abandoned Kabul ", and multiplied their 
misdeeds by ten, changing their very merits for faults. To such Fol. 
lengths did things go that on the morning we marched from 
Jagdallk, the Afghans located between it and Lamghan, such as 
the Khizr-khail, Shimu-khail, Khirilchi and Khuglanl, thought 
of blocking the pass, arrayed on the mountain to the north, and 
advancing with sound of tambour and flourish of sword, began 
to shew themselves off. On our mounting I ordered our men 
to move along the mountain-side, each man from where he had 
dismounted ; 3 off they set at the gallop up every ridge and 
every valley of the saddle.4 The Afghans stood awhile, but 
could not let even one arrow fly,5 and betook themselves to 
flight. While I was on the mountain during the pursuit, I shot 
one in the hand as he was running back below me. That 
arrow-stricken man and a few others were brought in ; some 
were put to death by impalement, as an example. 

' ff. \oh, lib. Haidar M. writes, "Shah Begim laid claim to Badakhshan, saying, 
"It has been our hereditary kingdom for 3000 years; though I, being a woman, 
cannot myself attain sovereignty, yet my grandson Mirza Khan can hold it" (T.R. 
p. 203). 

^ tlbradildr. The agitation of mind connoted, with movement, by this verb may 
well have been, here, doubt of Babur's power to protect. 

3 tushliiq tushdln taghgha yurukalldr. Cf. 20^b for the same phrase, with 
supposedly different meaning. 

^ qangshar lit. ridge of the nose. 

5 bir auq ham quld-dbnddilar (f. 203^ note to cMpqiin). 

342 KABUL 

We dismounted over against the Adlnapur-fort in the Nlng- 
nahar tmndn. 

(/. A 7'aidfor winter stores.) 

Up till then we had taken no thought where to camp, where 
to go, where to stay ; we had just marched up and down, 
camping in fresh places, while waiting for news/ It was late 
in the autumn ; most lowlanders had carried in their rice. 
People knowing the local land and water represented that 
the Mil Kafirs up the water of the 'Allshang tuindn grow great 
quantities of rice, so that we might be able to collect winter 
supplies from them for the army. Accordingly we rode out of 
the Nlngnahar dale {julga), crossed (the Baran-water) at Bai- 
kal, and went swiftly as far as the Pur-amin (easeful) valley. 
There the soldiers took a mass of rice. The rice-fields were all 
at the bottom of the hills. The people fled but some Kafirs 
went to their death. A few of our braves had been sent to 
a look-out (ysar-kub) ^ on a naze of the Pur-anim valley ; when 
they were returning to us, the Kafirs rushed from the hill above, 
shooting at them. They overtook Qasim Beg's son-in-law 
Piiran, chopped at him with an axe, and were just taking him 
when some of the braves went back, brought strength to bear, 
drove them off and got Puran away. After one night spent in 
the Kafirs' rice-fields, we returned to camp with a mass of pro- 
visions collected. 

{u. Marriage of MuqhrCs daughter^ 

While we were near Mandrawar in those days, an alliance 
was concluded between Muqim's daughter Mah-chuchuk, now 
married to Shah Hasan Arghun, and Qasim Kukuldash.3 

* This will have been news both of Shaibaq Khan and of Mirza Khan. The Pers. 
trss. vary here (215 f. 173 and 217 f. 148). 

- Index s.?t. 

3 Mah-chuchuk can hardly have been married against her will to Qasim. Her 
mother regarded the alliance as a family indignity ; appealed to Shah Beg and com- 
passed a rescue from Kabul while Babur and Qasim were north of the Oxus [circa 
916 AH.]. Mah-chuchuk quitted Kabul after much hesitation, due partly to reluctance 
to leave her husband and her infant of 18 months, [Nahid Begim,] partly to dread 
less family honour might require her death (Erskine's History, i, 348 and Gul-badan's 

913 AH.— MAY 13th 1507 to MAY 2nd 1508 AD. 343 

^v. Abandonment of the Hindustan project?) 

As it was not found desirable to go on into Hindustan, I sent 
Mulla Baba of Pashaghar back to Kabul with a few braves. 
Meantime I marched from near Mandrawar to Atar and Shiwa 
and lay there for a few days. From Atar I visited Kunar and 
Nur-gal ; from Kunar I went back to camp on a raft ; it was 
the first time I had sat on one ; it pleased me much, and the 
raft came into common use thereafter. 

{w. Shaibdq Khan retires from Qandahdr.) 

In those same days Mulla Baba of Farkat came from Nasir 
Mirza with news in detail that Shaibaq Khan, after taking the 
outer-fort of Qandahar, had not been able to take the citadel 
but had retired ; also that the Mirza, on various accounts, had 
left Qandahar and gone to GhaznI. 

Shaibaq Khan's arrival before Qandahar, within a few days Fol. 215. 
of our own departure, had taken the garrison by surprise, and 
they had not been able to make fast the outer-fort. He ran 
mines several times round about the citadel and made several 
assaults. The place was about to be lost. At that anxious 
time Khwaja Muh. Amin, Khwaja Dost Khawand, Muh. 'Ah, 
a foot-soldier, and ShamI (Syrian ?) let themselves down from the 
walls and got away. Just as those in the citadel were about to 
surrender in despair, Shaibaq Khan interposed words of peace 
and uprose from before the place. Why he rose was this : — 
It appears that before he went there, he had sent his haram to 
Nlrah-tu,^ and that in Nirah-tu some-one lifted up his head and 
got command in the fort ; the Khan therefore made a sort of 
peace and retired from Qandahar. 

{x. Bdbur returns to Kabul.) 

Mid-winter though it was we went back to Kabul by the 
Bad-i-pich road. I ordered the date of that transit and that 
crossing of the pass to be cut on a stone above Bad-i-plch ; ^ 
Hafiz Mirak wrote the inscription, Ustad Shah Muhammad did 
the cutting, not well though, through haste. 

^ Erskine gives the fort the alternative name " Kaliun", locates it in the Badghis 
district east of Heri, and quotes from Abu'l-ghazi in describing its strong position 
{History i, 2^2). H.S. Tirah-tu. 

= f. 133 and note. Abu'1-fazl mentions that the inscription was to be seen in his time. 



I bestowed Ghazni on Nasir Mirza and gave 'Abdu'r-razzaq 
Mirza the Ningnahar tilindn with Mandrawar, Nur- valley, Kunar 
and Nur-gal/ 

(7. Bdbur styles himself Padshah?) 

Up to that date people had styled Timur Beg's descendants 
Mirza, even when they were ruling ; now I ordered that people 
should style me Padshah?- 

{z. Birth of Babur' s first son.) 

At the end of this year, on Tuesday the 4th day of the month 
of Zu'1-qa'da (March 6th 1506 AD.), the Sun being in Pisces 
{Hat), Humayun was born in the citadel of Kabul. The date 
of his birth was found by the poet Maulana Masnadi in the 
words Sultan HumdyUn Khdn,^ and a minor poet of Kabul 
found it in Shdh-i-firUz-qadr (Shah of victorious might). A few 
days later he received the name Humayun ; when he was five 
or six days old, I went out to the Char-bagh where was had 
the feast of his nativity. All the begs, small and great, brought 
gifts ; such a mass of white tankas was heaped up as had never 
been seen before. It was a first-rate feast ! 

' This fief ranks in value next to the Kabul tiiman. 

'^ Various gleanings suggest motives for Babur's assertion of supremacy at this 
particular time. He was the only Timurid ruler and man of achievement ; he filled 
Husain Biu-qard\ place of Timurid headship ; his actions through a long period 
show that he aimed at filling Timur Beg's. There were those who did not admit his 
suzerainty, — Tlmurids who had rebelled, Mughuls who had helped them, and who 
would also have helped Sa'id Khan Chaghatal, if he had not refused to be treacherous 
to a benefactor ; there were also the Arghuns, Chlngiz-khanids of high pretensions. 
In old times the Mughul Khaqans were pddshdh (supreme) ; Padshah is recorded 
in history as the style of at least Satuq-bughra Khan Padshah Ghazi ; no Timurid 
had been lifted by his style above all Mirzas. When however Tlmurids had the 
upper hand, Babur's Timurid grandfather Abu-sa'ld asserted his de facto supremacy 
over Babur's Chaghatal grandfather Yimas (T. R. p. 83). For Babur to re-assert that 
supremacy by assuming the Khaqan's style was highly opportune at this moment. 
To be Babur Supreme was to declare over-lordship above Chaghatal and Mughul, as 
well as over all Mirzas. It was done when his sky had cleared ; Mirza Khan's 
rebellion was scotched ; the Arghuns were defeated ; he was the stronger for their 
lost possessions ; his Auzbeg foe had removed to a less ominous distance ; and Kabul 
was once more his own. 

Gul-badan writes as if the birth of his first-born son Humayun were a part of the 
uplift in her father's style, but his narrative does not support her in this, since the 
order of events forbids. 

3 The "Khan" in Humayim's title may be drawn from his mother's family, since 
it does not come from Babur. To whose family Mahim belonged we have not been 
able to discover. It is one of the remarkable omissions of Babur, Gul-badan and 
Abu'1-fazl that they do not give her father's name. The topic of her family is 
discussed in my Biographical Appendix to Gul-badan's Humdyim-nama and will be 
taken up again, here, in a final Appendix on Babur's family. 

914 AH.— MAY 2nd 1508 to APRIL 21st 1509 AD.^ 

This spring a body of Mahmand Afghans was over-run near 

{a. A Mughal rebellion.) 

A few days after our return from that raid, Quj Beg, Faqlr- 
i-'alT, Karlm-dad and Baba chuhra were thinking about 
deserting, but their design becoming known, people were sent 
who took them below Astarghach. As good-for-nothing words 
of theirs had been reported to me, even during Jahanglr M.'s 
life-time,3 I ordered that they should be put to death at the top 
of the bazar. They had been taken to the place ; the ropes had 
been fixed ; and they were about to be hanged when Qasim 
Beg sent Khalifa to me with an urgent entreaty that I would 
pardon their offences. To please him I gave them their lives, 
but I ordered them kept in custody. 

What there was of Khusrau Shah's retainers from Hisar and 
Qunduz, together with the head-men of the Mughuls, Chilma, foI. 216. 
'All Sayyid,'^ Sakma (?), Sher-qull and Alku-salam (?), and also 
Khusrau Shah's favourite Chaghatal retainers under SI. All 
chuhra and Khudabakhsh, with also 2 or 3000 serviceable 
Turkman braves led by Slunduk and Shah Nazar,5 the whole of 
these, after consultation, took up a bad position towards me. 
They were all seated in front of Khwaja Riwaj, from the Sung- 
qurghan meadow to the Chalak ; 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza, come 
in from Ning-nahar, being in Dih-i-afghan.^ 

^ Elph. MS. f. 1723; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 174^ and 217 f. 1483; Mems. p. 234. 

= on the head- waters of the Tarnak (R.'s Notes App. p. 34). 

3 Babur has made no direct mention of his half-brother's death (f. 208 and n. to 

■♦ This may be Darwesh-i-'ali of f. 210 ; the Sayyid in his title may merely mean 
chief, since he was a Mughul. 

5 Several of these mutineers had fought for Babur at Qandahar. 

^ It may be useful to recapitulate this Mirza's position : — In the previous year he 
had been left in charge of Kabul when Babur went eastward in dread of Shaibani, 
and, so left, occupied his hereditary place. He cannot have hoped to hold Kabul 

346 KABUL 

Earlier on Muhibb-i-'all the armourer had told Khalifa and 
Mulla Baba once or twice of their assemblies, and both had 
given me a hint, but the thing seeming incredible, it had had no 
attention. One night, towards the Bed-time Prayer, when I was 
sitting in the Audience-hall of the Char-bagh, Musa Khwaja, 
coming swiftly up with another man, said in my ear, "The 
Mughuls are really rebelling ! We do not know for certain 
whether they have got 'Abdu'r-razzaq M. to join them. They 
have not settled to rise to-night." I feigned disregard and a 
little later went towards the harams which at the time were in 
the Yurunchqa-garden ^ and the Bagh-i-khilwat, but after page, 
servitor and messenger {yasdwat) had turned back on getting 
near them, I went with the chief-slave towards the town, and 
on along the ditch. I had gone as far as the Iron-gate when 
Khwaja Muh. 'All^ met me, he coming by the bazar road from 

the opposite direction. He joined me of the porch 

of the Hot-bath {hammdin) 3 

if the Auzbeg attacked it ; for its safety and his own he may have relied, and Babur 
also in appointing him, upon influence his Arghun connections could use. For these, 
one was Muqim his brother-in-law, had accepted Shaibanl's suzerainty after being 
defeated in Qandahar by Babur. It suited them better no doubt to have the younger 
Mirza rather than Babur in Kabul ; the latter's return thither will have disappointed 
them and the Mirza ; they, as will be instanced later, stood ready to invade his lands 
when he moved East ; they seem likely to have promoted the present Mughul uprising. 
In the battle which put this down, the Mirza was captured ; Babur pardoned him ; 
but he having rebelled again, was then put to death. 

^ Bagh-i-yurunchqa may be an equivalent of Bagh-i-safar, and the place be one 
of waiting "up to" {iinchqa) the journey {yur). Yurunchqd also means clover 
(De Courteille). 

^ He seems to have been a brother or uncle of Humayun's mother Mahim (Index ; 
A.N. trs. i, 492 and note). 

3 In all MSS. the text breaks off abruptly here, as it does on f. \\%h as though 
through loss of pages, and a blank of narrative follows. Before the later gap of f. 2^\b 
however the last sentence is complete. 

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON 914 to 925 AH.— 1508 to 1519 AD. 

From several references made in the Bdbur-ndma and from 
a passage in Gul-badan's Humdyun-ndma (f 15), it is inferrible 
that Babur was composing the annals of 914 AH. not long 
before his last illness and death.^ 

Before the diary of 925 AH. (15 19 AD.) takes up the broken 
thread of his autobiography, there is a lacuna of narrative 
extending over nearly eleven years. The break was not 
intended, several references in the Bdbur - ndnia shewing 
Babur's purpose to describe events of the unchronicled years.^ 
Mr. Erskine, in the Leyden and Erskine Memoirs, carried 
Babur's biography through the major lacuncE, but without first- 
hand help from the best sources, the Hablbu's-siyar and Tdrikh- 
i-rashldi. He had not the help of the first even in his History 
of India. M. de Courteille working as a translator only, made 
no attempt to fill the gaps. 

Babur's biography has yet to be completed ; much time is 
demanded by the task, not only in order to exhaust known 
sources and seek others further afield, but to weigh and balance 
the contradictory statements of writers deep-sundered in 
sympathy and outlook. To strike such a balance is essential 
when dealing with the events of 914 to 920 AH. because in those 
years Babur had part in an embittered conflict between Sunn! 
and ShI'a. What I offer below, as a stop-gap, is a mere 
summary of events, mainly based on material not used by 
Mr. Erskine, with a few comments prompted by acquaintance 
with Baburiana. 

Compared with what Babur could have told of this most 
interesting period of his life, the yield of the sources is scant, 

Index s.n. Bdbur-ndma, date of composition and gaps. 



a natural sequel from the fact that no one of them had his 
biography for its main therne, still less had his own action in 
crises of enforced ambiguity. 

Of all known sources the best are Khwand-amlr's HabibiCs- 
siyar and Haidar Mirza Dughldt's Tdrikh-i-rashidi. The first 
was finished nominally in 930 AH. (1524-5 AD.), seven years 
therefore before Babur's death, but it received much addition of 
matter concerning Babur after its author went to Hindustan in 
934 AH. (f 339). Its fourth part, a life of Shah Ismail Safawi 
is especially valuable for the years of this lacuna. Haidar's 
book was finished under Humayun in 953 AH. (1547 AD.), when 
its author had reigned five years in Kashmir. It is the most 
valuable of all the sources for those interested in Babur himself, 
both because of Haidar's excellence as a biographer, and through 
his close acquaintance with Babur's family. From his eleventh 
to his thirteenth year he lived under Babur's protection, followed 
this by 19 years service under Said Khan, the cousin of both, 
in Kashghar, and after that Khan's death, went to Babur's sons 
Kamran and Humayun in Hindustan. 

A work issuing from a SunnI Aiizbeg centre, Fazl bin 
Ruzbahan IsfahdnVs Suluku' l-muluk, has a Preface of special 
value, as shewing one view of what it writes of as the spread of 
heresy in Mawara'u'n-nahr through Babur's invasions. The 
book itself is a Treatise on Musalman Law, and was prepared 
by order of *Ubaidu'l-lah Khan Aiizbeg for his help in fulfilling 
a vow he had made, before attacking Babur in 918 AH., at the 
shrine of Khwaja Ahmad Yasawi [in Hazrat Turkistan], that, 
if he were victorious, he would conform exactly with the divine 
Law and uphold it in Mawara'u'n-nahr (Rieu's Pers. Cat. ii, 448). 

The Tdrikh-i Hdji Muhammad ^Arif Qandahdrl appears, 
from the frequent use Firishta made of it, to be a useful source, 
both because its author was a native of Qandahar, a place much 
occupying Babur's activities, and because he was a servant of 
Bairam Khan-i-khanan, whose assassination under Akbar he 
witnessed.^ Unfortunately, though his life of Akbar survives 

* Jumada I, 14th 968 ah. — Jan. 31st 1 56 1 ad. Concerning the book see Elliot 
and Dowson's History of India vi, 572 and JRAS 190 1 p. 76, H. Beveridge's art. 
On Persian MSS. in Indian Libraries. 

914 TO 925 AH.— 1508 TO 1519 AD. 349 

no copy is now known of the section of his General History 
which deals with Babur's. 

An early source is Yahya KazwinVs Lubbu' t-tawdrtkhy written 
in 948 AH. (1541 AD.), but brief only in the Babur period. It 
issued from a Shi'a source, being commanded by Shah Isma'il 
Safawi's son Bahram. 

Another work issuing also from a Safawl centre is Mir 
Sikandar's Tdrikh-i-dlam-ardiy a history of Shah 'Abbas I, with 
an introduction treating of his predecessors which was completed 
in 1025 AH. (16 16 AD.). Its interest lies in its outlook on 
Babur's dealings with Shah Isma'il. 

A later source, brief only, is Firishta's Tdrikh-i-firishta, 
finished under Jahangir in the first quarter of the 17th century. 

Mr. Erskine makes frequent reference to Kh(w)afi Khan's 
Tdrikh, a secondary authority however, written under Aurang- 
zib, mainly based on Firishta's work, and merely summarizing 
Babur's period. References to detached incidents of the period 
are found in Shaikh 'Abdu'l-qadir's Tdrikh-i-baddyuni and Mir 
Ma'sum's Tdrlkh-i-sind. 

914 AH.— MAY 2nd 1508 to APRIL 21st 1509 AD. 
The mutiny, of which an account begins in the text, was 
crushed by the victory of 500 loyalists over 3,000 rebels, one 
factor of success being Babur's defeat in single combat of five 
champions of his adversaries.^ The disturbance was not of long 
duration ; Kabul was tranquil in Sha'ban (November) when 
SI. Sa'ld Khan Ckaghatdi, then 21, arrived there seeking his 
cousin's protection, after defeat by his brother Mansur at Almatu, 
escape from death, commanded by ShaibanI, in Farghana, 
a winter journey through Qara-tigin to Mirza Khan in Qila'-i- 
zafar, refusal of an offer to put him in that feeble Mirza's place, 
and so on to Kabul, where he came a destitute fugitive and 

' The T. R. gives the names of two only of the champions but Firishta, writing 
much later gives all five ; we surmise that he found his five in the book of which 
copies are not now known, the Tarlkh-i Muk. 'Arif Qandahari. Firishta's five are 
'Ali shab-kur (night-blind), 'Ali Sistdm, Nazar Bahadur Ailzbeg, Ya'qub tez-jang 
(swift in fight), and Auzbeg Bahadur. Haidar's two names vary in the MSS. of the 
T.R. but represent the first two of Firishta's list. 


enjoyed a freedom from care never known by him before 
(f. 200^ ; T.R. p. 226). The year was fatal to his family and 
to Haidar's ; in it ShaibanI murdered SI. Mahmud Khan and 
his six sons, Muhammad Husain Mirza and other Dughlat 

915 AH.— APRIL 21st 1509 to APRIL 11th 1510 AD. 

In this year hostilities began between Shah Ismail Safawi 
and Muh. ShaibanI Khan Auzbegy news of which must have 
excited keen interest in Kabul. 

In it occurred also what was in itself a minor matter of 
a child's safety, but became of historical importance, namely, 
the beginning of personal acquaintance between Babur and his 
sympathetic biographer Haidar Mirza Dilghldt. Haidar, like 
Sa'id, came a fugitive to the protection of a kinsman ; he was 
then eleven, had been saved by servants from the death com- 
manded by ShaibanI, conveyed to Mirza Khan in Badakhshan, 
thence sent for by Babur to the greater security of Kabul (f 11 ; 
Index SM. ; T.R. p. 227). 

916 AH.— APRIL 11th 1510 to MARCH 31st 1510 AD. 
a. News of the battle of Merv. 

Over half of this year passed quietly in Kabul ; Ramzan 
(December) brought from Mirza Khan (Wais) the stirring 
news that Ismail had defeated ShaibanI near Merv.^ " It 
is not known," wrote the Mirza, " whether Shahi Beg Khan has 
been killed or not. All the Auzbegs have crossed the Amu. 
Amir Aurus, who was in Qunduz, has fled. About 20,000 
Mughuls, who left the Auzbeg at Merv, have come to Qunduz. 
I have come there." He then invited Babur to join him and 
with him to try for the recovery of their ancestral territories 
(T.R. p. 237). 

* There are curious differences of statement about the date of Shaibanl's death, 
possibly through confusion between this and the day on which preliminary fighting 
began near Merv. Haidar's way of expressing the date carries weight by its precision, 
he giving roz-i-shakk of Ramzan, i.e. a day of which there was doubt whether it was 
the last of Sha'ban or the first of Ramzan (Lane, yaumd uH-shakk). As the sources 
support Friday for the day of the week and on a Friday in the year 915 ah. fell the 
29th of Sha'ban, the date of Shaibanl's death seems to be Friday Sha'ban 29th 
915 AH. (Friday December 2nd 1510 ad.). 

914 TO 925 AH.— 1508 TO 1519 AD. 351 

b. Bdbur's campaign in Transoxiana begun. 

The Mirza's letter was brought over passes blocked by snow ; 
Babur, with all possible speed, took the one winter-route through 
Ab-dara, kept the Ramzan Feast in Bamlan,, and reached 
Qunduz in Shawwal (Jan. 15 11 AD.). Haidar's detail about the 
Feast seems likely to have been recorded because he had read 
Babur's own remark, made in Ramzan 933 AH. (June 1527) that 
up to that date, when he kept it in Slkrl, he had not since his 
eleventh year kept it twice in the same place (f. 330). 

c. Mughal affairs. 

Outside Qunduz lay the Mughuls mentioned by Mirza Khan 
as come from Merv and so mentioned, presumably, as a possible 
reinforcement. They had been servants of Babur's uncles 
Mahmud and Ahmad, and when Shaibani defeated those Khans 
at Akhsl in 908 ah., had been compelled by him to migrate 
into Khurasan to places remote from Mughulistan. Many of 
them had served in Kashghar ; none had served a Timurid 
Mirza. Set free by Shaibani's death, they had come east, 
a Khan-less 20,000 of armed and fully equipped men and they 
were there, as Haidar says, in their strength while of Chaghatais 
there were not more than 5,000. They now, and with them the 
Mughuls from Kabul, used the opportunity offering for return 
to a more congenial location and leadership, by the presence in 
Qunduz of a legitimate Khaqan and the clearance in Andijan, 
a threshold of Mughulistan, of its AOzbeg governors (f 200^). 
The chiefs of both bodies of Mughuls, Sherim Taghai at the 
head of one, Ayub Begchik of the other, proffered the Mughul 
Khanship to Sa'id with offer to set Babur aside, perhaps to kill 
him. It is improbable that in making their offer they con- 
templated locating themselves in the confined country of Kabul ; 
what they seem to have wished was what Babur gave, Sa'id for 
their Khaqan and permission to go north with him. 

Sa'ld, in words worth reading, rejected their offer to injure 
Babur, doing so on the grounds of right and gratitude, but, the 
two men agreeing that it was now expedient for them to part, 
asked to be sent to act for Babur where their friendship could 
be maintained for their common welfare. The matter was 


settled by Babur's sending him into Andijan in response to an 
urgent petition for help there just arrived from Haidar's uncle. 
He " was made Khan " and started forth in the following year, 
on Safar 14th 917 AH. (May 13th 151 1 AD.); with him went 
most of the Mughuls but not all, since even of those from Merv, 
Ayub Begchik and others are found mentioned on several later 
occasions as being with Babur. 

Babur's phrase " I made him Khan " (f 20oh) recalls his 
earlier mention of what seems to be the same appointment 
(f 10^), made by Abu-said of Yunas as Khan of the Mughuls ; 
in each case the meaning seems to be that the Timurid Mirza 
made the Chaghatal Khan Khaqan of the Mughuls. 

d. First attempt on Hisdr. 

After spending a short time in Qunduz, Babur moved for 
Hisar in which were the Auzbeg sultans Mahdi and Hamza. 
They came out into Wakhsh to meet him but, owing to an 
imbroglio, there was no encounter and each side retired (T.R. 
p. 238). 

e. Intercourse between Babur and Ismd'il Safawi. 

While Babur was now in Qunduz his sister Khan-zada 
arrived there, safe-returned under escort of the Shah's troops, 
after the death in the battle of Merv of her successive husbands 
ShaibanI and Sayyid Hadi, and with her came an envoy from 
Isma'll proffering friendship, civilities calculated to arouse a 
hope of Persian help in Babur. To acknowledge his courtesies, 
Babur sent Mirza Khan with thanks and gifts ; Haidar says 
that the Mirza also conveyed protestations of good faith and 
a request for military assistance. He was well received and his 
request for help was granted ; that it was granted under hard 
conditions then stated later occurrences shew. 

917 AH.— MARCH 31st 1511 to MARCH 19th 1512 AD. 
a. Second attempt on Hisdr. 

In this year Babur moved again on Hisar. He took post, 
where once his forbear Timur had wrought out success against 
great odds, at the Pul-i-sangln (Stone-bridge) on the Surkh-ab, 

914 TO 925 AH.— 1508 TO 1519 AD. 353 

and lay there a month awaiting reinforcement. The Aiizbeg 
sultans faced him on the other side of the river, they too, 
presumably, awaiting reinforcement. They moved when they 
felt themselves strong enough to attack, whether by addition to 
their own numbers, whether by learning that Babur had not 
largely increased his own. Concerning the second alternative 
it is open to surmise that he hoped for larger reinforcement 
than he obtained ; he appears to have left Qunduz before the 
return of Mirza Khan from his embassy to Isma'Il, to have 
expected Persian reinforcement with the Mirza, and at Pul-i- 
sangln, where the Mirza joined him in time to fight, to have 
been strengthened by the Mirza's own following, and few, if 
any, foreign auxiliaries. These surmises are supported by what 
Khwand-amir relates of the conditions [specified later] on which 
the Shah's main contingent was despatched and by his shewing 
that it did not start until after the Shah had had news of the 
battle at Pul-i-sangln. 

At the end of the month of waiting, the Auzbegs one morning 
swam the Surkh-ab below the bridge ; in the afternoon of the 
same day, Babur retired to better ground amongst the mountain 
fastnesses of a local Ab-dara. In the desperate encounter which 
followed the Auzbegs were utterly routed with great loss in 
men ; they were pursued to Darband-i-ahanin (Iron-gate) on 
the Hisar border, on their way to join a great force assembled 
at QarshI under Kuchum Khan, Shaibanl's successor as Auzbeg 
Khaqan. The battle is admirably described by Haidar, who 
was then a boy of 1 2 with keen eye watching his own first fight, 
and that fight with foes who had made him the last male 
survivor of his line. In the evening of the victory Mahdl, 
Hamza and Hamza's son Mamak were brought before Babur 
who, says Haidar, did to them what they had done to the 
Mughal Khaqans and Chaghatal Sultans, that is, he retaliated 
in blood for the blood of many kinsmen. 

b. Persian reinfo7xement. 

After the battle Babur went to near Hisar, was there joined 
by many local tribesmen, and, some time later, by a large body 
of Isma'll's troops under Ahmad Beg Safawz, *AlI Khan Istilju 


and Shahrukh SI. Afshdr^ Isma^il's seal-keeper. The following 
particulars, given by Khwand-amlr, about the despatch of this 
contingent help to fix the order of occurrences, and throw light 
on the price paid by Babur for his auxiliaries. He announced 
his victory over Mahdl and Hamza to the Shah, and at the 
same time promised that if he reconquered the rest of Trans- 
oxiana by the Shah's help, he would read his name in the 
khutba, stamp it on coins together with those of the Twelve 
Imams, and work to destroy the power of the Auzbegs. These 
undertakings look like a response to a demand ; such conditions 
cannot have been proffered ; their acceptance must have been 
compelled. Khwand-amlr says that when Isma'll fully under- 
stood the purport of Babur's letter, [by which would seem to be 
meant, when he knew that his conditions of help were accepted,] 
he despatched the troops under the three Commanders named 

The Persian chiefs advised a move direct on Bukhara and 
Samarkand ; and with this Babur's councillors concurred, they 
saying, according to Haidar, that Bukhara was then empty of 
troops and full of fools. 'Ubaid Khan had thrown himself into 
Qarshi ; it was settled not to attack him but to pass on and 
encamp a stage beyond the town. This was done ; then scout 
followed scout, bringing news that he had come out of Qarshi 
and was hurrying to Bukhara, his own fief Instant and swift 
pursuit followed him up the lOO miles of caravan-road, into 
Bukhara, and on beyond, sweeping him and his garrison, 
plundered as they fled, into the open land of Turkistan. Many 
sultans had collected in Samarkand, some no doubt being, like 
Timur its governor, fugitives escaped from Pul-i-sangln. Dis- 
mayed by Babur's second success, they scattered into Turkistan, 
thus leaving him an open road. 

c. Samarkand re-occupied and relations with Ismd^ll Safawt. 

He must now have hoped to be able to dispense with his 
dangerous colleagues, for he dismissed them when he reached 
Bukhara, with gifts and thanks for their services. It is Haidar, 
himself present, who fixes Bukhara as the place of the dismissal 
(T.R. p. 246). 

914 TO 925 AH.— 1508 TO 1519 AD. 355 

From Bukhara Babur went to Samarkand. It was mid-Rajab 
917 AH. (October 151 1 AD.), some ten months after leaving 
Kabul, and after 9 years of absence, that he re-entered the town, 
itself gay with decoration for his welcome, amidst the acclaim of 
its people.^ 

Eight months were to prove his impotence to keep it against 
the forces ranged against him, — AOzbeg strength in arms com- 
pacted by Sunn! zeal, SunnI hatred of a Shfa's suzerainty 
intensified by dread lest that potent Shfa should resolve to 
perpetuate his dominance. Both as a Sunni and as one who 
had not owned a suzerain, the position was unpleasant for Babur. 
That his alliance with Ismail was dangerous he will have known, 
as also that his risks grew as Transoxiana was over-spread by 
news of Ismail's fanatical barbarism to pious and learned Sunnis, 
notably in Herl. He manifested desire for release both now 
and later, — now when he not only dismissed his Persian helpers 
but so behaved to the Shah's envoy Muhammad Jan, — he was 
Najm Sanl's Lord of the Gate, — that the envoy felt neglect and 
made report of Babur as arrogant, in opposition, and unwilling 
to fulfil his compact, — later when he eagerly attempted success 
unaided against 'Ubaid Khan, and was then worsted. It illustrates 
the Shah's view of his suzerain relation to Babur that on hearing 
Muhammad Jan's report, he ordered Najm SanI to bring the 
offender to order. 

Meantime the Shah's conditions seem to have been carried 
out in Samarkand and Babur's subservience clearly shewn.^ Of 
this there are the indications, — that Babur had promised and 
was a man of his word ; that SunnI irritation against him waxed 
and did not wane as it might have done without food to nourish 
it ; that Babur knew himself impotent against the Auzbegs 
unless he had foreign aid, expected attack, knew it was preparing ; 
that he would hear of Muhammad Jan's report and of Najm 
Sanl's commission against himself. Honesty, policy and necessity 

^ If my reading be correct of the Turk! passage concerning wines drunk by Babur 
which I have noted on f. 49 (/« loco p. 83 n. l), it was during this occupation of Kabul 
that Babur first broke the Law against stimulants. 

"" Mr. R. S. Poole found a coin which he took to be one struck in obedience to 
Babur's compact with the Shah (B.M.Cat. of the coins of Persian Shahs 1887, 
pp. xxiv et seq. ; T. R. p. 246 n. ). 



combined to enforce the fulfilment of his agreement. What 
were the precise terms of that agreement beyond the two as to 
the khutba and the coins, it needs close study of the wording 
of the sources to decide, lest metaphor be taken for fact. Great 
passions, — ambition, religious fervour, sectarian bigotry and fear 
confronted him. His problem was greater than that of Henry 
of Navarre and of Napoleon in Egypt ; they had but to seem 
what secured their acceptance ; he had to put on a guise that 
brought him hate. 

Khan-zada was not the only member of Babur's family who 
now rejoined him after marriage with an Auzbeg. His half- 
sister Yadgar-sultan had fallen to the share of Hamza Sultan's 
son 'Abdu'l-latlf in 908 AH. when ShaibanI defeated the Khans 
near Akhsi. Now that her half-brother had defeated her 
husband's family, she returned to her own people (f 9). 

918 AH.— MARCH 19th 1512 to MARCH 9th 1513 AD. 

a. Return of the Ausbegs. 

Emboldened by the departure of the Persian troops, the 
Auzbegs, in the spring of the year, came out of Turkistan, their 
main attack being directed on Tashkint, then held for Babur.^ 
*Ubaid Khan moved for Bukhara. He had prefaced his march 
by vowing that, if successful, he would thenceforth strictly 
observe Musalman Law. The vow was made in Hazrat Turkistan 
at the shrine of Khwaja Ahmad Yasawi, a saint revered in 
Central Asia through many centuries ; he had died about 
II 20 AD.; Timur had made pilgrimage to his tomb, in 1397 AD., 
and then had founded the mosque still dominating the town, 
still the pilgrim's land-mark.^ 'Ubaid's vow, like Babur's of 
933 AH., was one of return to obedience. Both men took oath in 
the Ghazl's mood, Babur's set against the Hindu whom he saw 
as a heathen, 'Ubaid's set against Babur whom he saw as a heretic. 

' It was held by Ahmad-i-qasim Kohbur and is referred to on f. 234/^, as one 
occasion of those in which Dost Beg distinguished himself. 

^ Schuyler's Turkistan has a good account and picture of the mosque. 'Ubaid's 
vow is referred to in my earlier mention of the Suluku' l-muluk. It may be noted 
here that this MS. supports the spelling Babur by making the second syllable rhjone 
to pur, as against the form Bdbar. 

914 TO 925 AH.— 1508 TO lol9 AD. 357 

b. Bdbur's defeat at Kul-i-malik. 

In Safar (April-May) 'Ubaid moved swiftly down and attacked 
the Bukhara neighbourhood. Babur went from Samarkand to 
meet him. Several details of what followed, not given by 
Haidar and, in one particular, contradicting him, are given by 
Khwand-amlr. The statement in which the two historians 
contradict one another is Haidar's that 'Ubaid had 3000 men 
only, Babur 40,000. Several considerations give to Khwand- 
amlr's opposed statement that Babur's force was small, the 
semblance of being nearer the fact. Haidar, it may be said, did 
not go out on this campaign ; he was ill in Samarkand and 
continued ill there for some time ; Khwand-amlr's details have 
the well-informed air of things learned at first-hand, perhaps 
from some-one in Hindustan after 934 AH. 

Matters which make against Babur's having a large effective 
force at Kul-i-malik, and favour Khwand-amlr's statement about 
the affair are these : — 'Ubaid must have formed some estimate 
of what he had to meet, and he brought 3000 men. Where 
could Babur have obtained 40,000 men worth reckoning in 
a fight ? In several times of crisis his own immediate and ever- 
faithful troop is put at 500 ; as his cause was now unpopular, 
local accretions may have been few. Some Mughuls from Merv 
and from Kabul were near Samarkand (T.R. pp. 263, 265) ; 
most were with Sa'ld in Andijan ; but however many Mughuls 
may have been in his neighbourhood, none could be counted on 
as resolute for his success. If too, he had had more than a 
small effective force, would he not have tried to hold Samarkand 
with the remnant of defeat until Persian help arrived ? All 
things considered, there is ground for accepting Khwand-amlr's 
statement that Babur met 'Ubaid with a small force. 

Following his account therefore : — Babur in his excess of 
daring, marched to put the Auzbeg down with a small force 
only, against the advice of the prudent, of whom Muhammad 
Mazld Tarkhan was one, who all said it was wrong to go out 
unprepared and without reinforcement. Paying them no atten- 
tion, Babur marched for Bukhara, was rendered still more daring 
by news had when he neared it, that the enemy had retired 
some stages, and followed him up almost to his camp. 'Ubaid was 


in great force ; many Auzbegs perished but, in the end, they 
were victors and Babur was compelled to take refuge in Bukhara. 
The encounter took place near Kul-i-malik (King's-lake) in 
Safar 918 AH. (April-May 15 12 AD.). 

c. Bdbur leaves Samarkand. 

It was not possible to maintain a footing in Samarkand ; 
Babur therefore collected his family and train ^ and betook him- 
self to Hisar. There went with him on this expedition Mahim 
and her children Humayun, Mihr-jahan and Barbul, — the 
motherless Ma'suma, — Gul-rukh with her son Kamran (Gul- 
badan f 7). I have not found any account of his route ; Haidar 
gives no details about the journey ; he did not travel with 
Babur, being still invalided in Samarkand. Perhaps the absence 
of information is a sign that the Auzbegs had not yet appeared 
on the direct road for Hisar. A local tradition however would 
make Babur go round through Farghana. He certainly might 
have gone into Farghana hoping to co-operate with Sa'id Khan ; 
Tashkint was still holding out under Ahmad-i-qasim Kohbur 
and it is clear that all activity in Babur's force had not been 
quenched because during the Tashkint siege. Dost Beg broke 
through the enemy's ranks and made his way into the town. 
Sairam held out longer than Tashkint. Of any such move by 
Babur into Andijan the only hint received is given by what may 
be a mere legend.^ 

' auruq. Babur refers to this exodus on f. \2b when writing of Daulat-sultan 

^ It is one recorded with some variation, in Niyaz Muhammad KhukandVs Tdrtkh-i- 
shdhrukhl (Kazan, 1885) and Nalivkine's Khanate of Khokand {\t. 63). It says that 
when Babur in 918 ah. (1512 ad.) left Samarkand after defeat by the Auzbegs, one 
of his wives, Sayyida Afaq who accompanied him in his flight, gave birth to a son in 
the desert which lies between Khujand and Kand-i-badam ; that Babur, not daring 
to tarry and the infant being too young to make the impending journey, left it under 
some bushes with his own girdle round it in which were things of price ; that the 
child was found by local people and in allusion to the valuables amongst which it lay, 
called Altun bishik (golden cradle) ; that it received other names and was best known 
in later life as Khudayan Sultan. He is said to have spent most of his life in Akhsi ; 
to have had a son Tingr!-yar ; and to have died in 952 ah. (1545 ad. ). His grandson 
Yar-i-muhammad is said to have gone to India to relations who was descendants of 
Babur (JASB 1905 p. 137 H. Beveridge's art. The Evtperor Bdbur). What is against 
the truth of this tradition is that Gul-badan mentions no such wife as Sa5ryida Afaq. 
Mahim however seems to have belonged to a religious family, might therefore be 
styled Sayyida, and, as Babur mentions (f. 220), had several children who did not live 
(a child left as this infant was, might if not heard of, be supposed dead). There is 
this opening allowed for considering the tradition. 


914 TO 925 AH.— 1508 TO 1519 AD. 359 

d. Bdbur in His dr. 

After experiencing such gains and such losses, Babur was 
still under 30 years of age. 

The Auzbegs, after his departure, re-occupied Bukhara and 
Samarkand without harm done to the towns-people, and a few 
weeks later, in Jumada I (July-August) followed him to Hisar. 
Meantime he with Mlrza Khan's help, had so closed the streets 
of the town by massive earth-works that the sultans were con- 
vinced its defenders were ready to spend the last drop of their 
blood in holding it, and therefore retired without attack.^ Some 
sources give as their reason for retirement that Babur had been 
reinforced from Balkh ; Bairam Beg, it is true, had sent a force 
but one of 300 men only ; so few cannot have alarmed except 
as the harbinger of more. Greater precision as to dates would 
shew whether they can have heard of Najm Sanl's army 
advancing by way of Balkh. 

e. Qarshi and Ghaj-davdn. 

Meantime Najm Sanl, having with him some 11,000 men, 
had started on his corrective mission against Babur. When he 
reached the Khurasan frontier, he heard of the defeat at Kul-i- 
malik and the flight to Hisar, gathered other troops from Harat 
and elsewhere, and advanced to Balkh. He stayed there for 
20 days with Bairam Beg, perhaps occupied, in part, by com- 
munications with the Shah and Babur. From the latter repeated 
request for help is said to have come ; help was given, some 
sources say without the Shah's permission. A rendezvous was 
fixed, Najm Sani marched to Tirmiz, there crossed the Amu 
and in Rajab (Sep.-Oct.) encamped near the Darband-i-ahanln. 
On Babur's approach through the Chak-chaq pass, he paid him 
the civility of going several miles out from his camp to give him 
honouring reception. 

Advancing thence for Bukhara, the combined armies took 
Khuzar and moved on to Qarshi. This town Babur wished to 
pass by, as it had been passed by on his previous march for 
Bukhara ; each time perhaps he wished to spare its people, 

* Babur refers to this on f. 265. 


formerly his subjects, whom he desired to rule again, and who 
are reputed to have been mostly his fellow Turks. Najm SanI 
refused to pass on ; he said QarshI must be taken because it 
was *Ubaidu'l-lah Khan's nest ; in it was *Ubaid's uncle Shaikhim 
Mirza ; it was captured ; the Auzbeg garrison was put to the 
sword and, spite of Babur's earnest entreaties, all the towns- 
people, 15,000 persons it is said, down to the "suckling and 
decrepit ", were massacred. Amongst the victims was Bana'I 
who happened to be within it. This action roused the utmost 
anger against Najm SanI ; it disgusted Babur, not only through 
its merciless slaughter but because it made clear the disregard 
in which he was held by his magnificent fellow-general. 

From murdered Qarshi Najm SanI advanced for Bukhara. 
On getting within a few miles of it, he heard that an Auzbeg 
force was approaching under Timur and AbQ-sa'Id, presumably 
from Samarkand therefore. He sent Bairam Beg to attack them ; 
they drew off to the north and threw themselves into Ghaj-davan, 
the combined armies following them. This move placed Najm 
SanI across the Zar-afshan, on the border of the desert with 
which the Auzbegs were familiar, and with 'Ubaid on his flank 
in Bukhara. 

As to what followed the sources vary ; they are brief ; they 
differ less in statement of the same occurrence than in their 
choice of details to record ; as Mr. Erskine observes their varying 
stories are not incompatible. Their widest difference is a state- 
ment of time but the two periods named, one a few days, the 
other four months, may not be meant to apply to the same 
event. Four months the siege is said to have lasted ; this could 
not have been said if it had been a few days only. The siege 
seems to have been of some duration. 

At first there were minor engagements, ending with varying 
success ; provisions and provender became scarce ; Najm Sani's 
officers urged retirement, so too did Babur. He would listen to 
none of them. At length 'Ubaid Khan rode out from Bukhara 
at the head of excellent troops ; he joined the Ghaj-davan 
garrison and the united Auzbegs posted themselves in the 
suburbs where walled lanes and gardens narrowed the field and 
lessened Najm Sani's advantage in numbers. On Tuesday 

914 TO 925 AH.— 1508 TO 1519 AD. 361 

Ramzan 3rd (Nov. 12th) ^ a battle was fought in which his army- 
was routed and he himself slain. 

f. Bdbur and Ydr-i-ahmad Najm Sam. 

Some writers say that Najm Sanl's men did not fight well ; 
it must be remembered that they may have been weakened by 
privation and that they had wished to retire. Of Babur it is 
said that he, who was the reserve, did not fight at all ; it is 
difficult to see good cause why, under all the circumstances, he 
should risk the loss of his men. It seems likely that Haidar's 
strong language about this defeat would suit Babur's temper 
also. " The victorious breezes of Islam overturned the banners 
of the schismatics. . . . Most of them perished on the field ; 
the rents made by the sword at QarshI were sewn up at Ghaj- 
davan by the arrow-stitches of vengeance. Najm Sani and all 
the Turkman amirs were sent to hell." 

The belief that Babur had failed Najm SanI persisted at the 

Persian Court, for his inaction was made a reproach to his son 

Humayun in 951 AH. (1544 AD.), when Humayun was a refugee 

with Ismail's son Tahmasp. BadayunI tells a story which, with 

great inaccuracy of name and place, represents the view taken 

at that time. The part of the anecdote pertinent here is that 

Babur on the eve of the battle at Ghaj-davan, shot an arrow 

into the Auzbeg camp which carried the following couplet, 

expressive of his ill-will to the Shah and perhaps also of his 

rejection of the Shfa guise he himself had worn. 

I made the Shah's Najm road-stuff for the Auzbegs ; 
If fault has been mine, I have now cleansed the road.=' 

g. The Mughills attack Bdbur, 

On his second return to Hisar Babur was subjected to great 
danger by a sudden attack made upon him by the Mughiils where 
he lay at night in his camp outside the town. Firishta says, but 
without particulars of their offence, that Babur had reproached 

^ The LubbtC t-tawdrtkh would fix Ramzan 7th. 

'^ Mr. Erskine's quotation of the Persian original of the couplet differs from that 
which I have translated {History of India ii, 326 ; Tdrikh-i-baddyUm Bib. Ind. ed. 
f. 444). Perhaps in the latter a pun is made on Najm as the leader's name and as 
vcit.z.rim.g fortune ; if so it points the more directly at the Shah. The second line is 
quoted by Badayuni on his f. 362 also. 


them for their misconduct ; the absence of detail connecting the 
affair with the defeat just sustained, leads to the supposition 
that their misdeeds were a part of the tyranny over the country- 
people punished later by 'Ubaidu'1-lah Khan. Roused from his 
sleep by the noise of his guards' resistance to the Mughul attack, 
Babur escaped with difficulty and without a single attendant ^ 
into the fort. The conspirators plundered his camp and with- 
drew to Qara-tlgin. He was in no position to oppose them, left 
a few men in Hisar and went to Mirza Khan in Qunduz. 

After he left, Hisar endured a desolating famine, a phenomenal 
snowfall and the ravages of the Mughuls. 'Ubaid Khan avenged 
Babur on the horde ; hearing of their excesses, he encamped 
outside the position they had taken up in Wakhsh defended by 
river, hills and snow, waited till a road thawed, then fell upon 
them and avenged the year's misery they had inflicted on the 
Hisarls. Haidar says of them that it was their villainy lost 
Hisar to Babur and gained it for the Auzbeg.^ 

These Mughuls had for chiefs men who when Said went to 
Andijan, elected to stay with Babur. One of the three named 
by Haidar was Ayub Begchik. He repented his disloyalty ; 
when he lay dying some two years later (920 AH.) in Yangl- 
hisar, he told Sa'ld Khan who visited him, that what was 
" lacerating his bowels and killing him with remorse ", was his 
faithlessness to Babur in Hisar, the oath he had broken at the 
instigation of those " hogs and bears ", the Mughul chiefs 
(T.R. p. 3t5). 

In this year but before the Mughul treachery to Babur, Haidar 
left him, starting in Rajab (Sep.-Oct.) to Sa'Id in Andijan and 
thus making a beginning of his 19 years spell of service. 

919 AH.— MARCH 9th 1513 to FEB. 26th 1514 AD. 
Babur may have spent this year in Khishm (H.S. iii, 372). 
During two or three inonths of it, he had one of the Shah's 

* Some translators make Babur go " naked " into the fort but, on his own authority 
(f. 106^), it seems safer to understand what others say, that he went stripped of 
attendance, because it was always his habit even in times of peace to lie down in his 
tunic ; much more would he have done so at such a crisis of his affairs as this of his 
flight to Hisar. 

^ Haidar gives a graphic account of the misconduct of the horde and of their 
punishment (T.R. p. 261-3). 


914 TO 925 AH.— 1508 TO 1519 AD. 363 

retainers in his service, Khwaja Kamalu'd-din Mahmud, who 
had fled from Ghaj-davan to Balkh, heard there that the Balkhls 
favoured an Auzbeg chief whose coming was announced, and 
therefore went to Babur. In Jumada II (August), hearing that 
the Auzbeg sultan had left Balkh, he returned there but was 
not admitted because the Balkhls feared reprisals for their 
welcome to the Auzbeg, a fear which may indicate that he had 
taken some considerable reinforcement to Babur. He went on 
into Khurasan and was there killed ; Balkh was recaptured for 
the Shah by Deo Sultan, a removal from Auzbeg possession 
which helps to explain how Babur came to be there in 923 AH. 

920 AH.— FEB. 26th 1514 to FEB. 15th 1515 AD. 

Haidar writes of Babur as though he were in Qunduz this 
year (TR. p. 263), says that he suffered the greatest misery and 
want, bore it with his accustomed courtesy and patience but, at 
last, despairing of success in recovering Hisar, went back to 
Kabul. Now it seems to be that he made the stay in Khwast to 
which he refers later (f. 241/^) and during which his daughter 
Gul-rang was born, as Gul-badan's chronicle allows known. 

It was at the end of the year, after the privation of winter 
therefore, that he reached Kabul. When he re-occupied Samar- 
kand in 9 1 7 AH., he had given Kabul to his half-brother Nasir 
Mirza ; the Mirza received him now with warm welcome and 
protestations of devotion and respect, spoke of having guarded 
Kabul for him and asked permission to return to his own old fief 
Ghazni. His behaviour made a deep impression on Babur ; it 
would be felt as a humane touch on the sore of failure. 

921 AH.— FEB. 15th 1515 to FEB. 5th 1516 AD. 
a. Rebellion of chief s in Ghazni. 

Nasir Mirza died shortly after {dar hamdn ayydm) his return 
to Ghazni. Disputes then arose amongst the various com- 
manders who were in Ghazni ; Sherim Taghal was one of them 
and the main strength of the tumult was given by the Mughuls. 
Many others were however involved in it, even such an old 
servant as Baba of Pashaghar taking part (f 234/^ ; T.R. p. 356). 
Haidar did not know precisely the cause of the dispute, or shew 



why it should have turned against Babur, since he attributes 
it to possession taken by Satan of the brains of the chiefs and 
a consequent access of vain-glory and wickedness. Possibly 
some question of succession to Nasir arose. Dost Beg dis- 
tinguished himself in the regular battle which ensued ; Qasim 
Beg's son Qarnbar-i-'all hurried down from Qunduz and also did 
his good part to win it for Babur. Many of the rioters were 
killed, others fled to Kashghar. Sherlm TaghaT was one of the 
latter ; as Said Khan gave him no welcome, he could not stay 
there ; he fell back on the much injured Babur who, says 
Haidar, showed him his usual benevolence, turned his eyes from 
his offences and looked only at his past services until he died 
shortly afterwards (T.R. p. 357)-^ 

922 AH.— FEB. 5th 1516 to JAN. 24th 1517 AD. 

This year may have been spent in and near Kabul in the 
quiet promoted by the dispersion of the Mughuls. 

In this year was born Babur's son Muhammad known as 
'Askari from his being born in camp. He was the son of 
Gulrukh Begchik and full-brother of Kamran. 

923 AH.— JAN. 24th 1517 to JAN. 13th 1518 AD. 
a. Babur visits Balkh, 

Khwand-amir is the authority for the little that is known of 
Babur's action in this year (H.S. iii, 367 et seq.). It is connected 
with the doings of Badl'u'z-zaman Bdt-qaraHs son Muhammad-i- 
zaman. This Mlrza had had great wanderings, during a part 
of which Khwand-amIr was with him. In 920 AH. he was in 
Shah Ismail's service and in Balkh, but was not able to keep it. 
Babur invited him to Kabul, — the date of invitation will have 
been later therefore than Babur's return there at the end of 
920 AH. The Mlrza was on his way but was dissuaded from 
going into Kabul by Mahdl Khwaja and went instead into 

' One of the mutineers named as in this afiair (T.R. p. 257) was 81. Qui! chunaq, 
a circumstance attracting attention by its bearing on the cause of the lacunae in the 
Bdbur-ndma, inasmuch as Babur, writing at the end of his life, expresses (f. 65) his 
intention to tell of this man's future misdeeds. These misdeeds may have been also 
at Hisar and in the attack there made on Babur ; they are known from Haidar to 
have been done at Ghazni ; both times fall within this present gap. Hence it is clear 
that Babur meant to write of the events falling in the gap of 914 AH. onwards. 

914 TO 925 AH.— 1508 TO 1519 AD. 365 

Ghurjistan. Babur was angered by his non-arrival and pursued 
him in order to punish him but did not succeed in reaching 
Ghurjistan and went back to Kabul by way of Firuz-koh and 
Ghur. The Mirza was captured eventually and sent to Kabul. 
Babur treated him with kindness, after a few months gave him 
his daughter Ma'suma in marriage, and sent him to Balkh. He 
appears to have been still in Balkh when Khwand-amir was 
writing of the above occurrences in 929 AH. The marriage took 
place either at the end of 923 or beginning of 924 ah. The 
Mirza was then 21, Ma'suma 9 ; she almost certainly did not then 
go to Balkh. At some time in 923 ah. Babur is said by Khwand- 
amlr to have visited that town.^ 

b. Attempt on Qandahdr. 

In this year Babur marched for Qandahar but the move 
ended peacefully, because a way was opened for gifts and terms 
by an illness which befell him when he was near the town. 

The Tdrikh-i-sind gives what purports to be Shah Beg's 
explanation of Babur's repeated attempts on Qandahar. He 
said these had been made and would be made because Babur 
had not forgiven Muqlm for taking Kabul 14 years earlier from 
the Timurid 'Abdu'r-razzaq ; that this had brought him to 
Qandahar in 913 AH., this had made him then take away Mah- 
chuchak, Muqim's daughter ; that there were now (923 AH.) 
many unemployed Mirzas in Kabul for whom posts could not 
be found in regions where the Persians and Auzbegs were 
dominant ; that an outlet for their ambitions and for Babur's 
own would be sought against the weaker opponent he himself was. 

Babur's decision to attack in this year is said to have been 
taken while Shah Beg was still a prisoner of Shah Ismail in the 
Harat country ; he must have been released meantime by the 
admirable patience of his slave Sambhal. 

924 AH.— JAN. 13th 1518 to JAN. 3rd 1519 AD. 

In this year Shah Beg's son Shah Hasan came to Babur after 

quarrel with his father. He stayed some two years, and during 

^ In 925 AH. (fif. 227 and 238) mention is made of courtesies exchanged between 
Babur and Muhammad-i-zaman in Balkh. The Mirza was with Babur later on in 


that time was married to Khalifa's daughter Gul-barg (Rose- 
leaf). His return to Qandahar will have taken place shortly 
before Babur's campaign of 926 a.H. against it, a renewed effort 
which resulted in possession on Shawwal 13th 928 ah. (Sep. 6th 
1522 AD.).^ 

In this year began the campaign in the north-east territories 
of Kabul, an account of which is carried on in the diary of 
925 AH. It would seem that in the present year Chaghan-saral 
was captured, and also the fortress at the head of the valley of 
Baba-qara, belonging to Haidar-i-*all Bajaurl {{. 2i6b).^ 

^ Mir Ma 'sum's Tdrikh-i-sind is the chief authority for Babur's action after 
913 AH. against Shah Beg in Qandahar; its translation, made in 1846 by Major Malet, 
shews some manifestly wrong dates ; they appear also in the B. M. MS. of the work 

* f. 2i6(J and note to " Monday". 

925 AH.— JAN. 3rd to DEC. 23rd 1519 AD.^ 

{a. Bdbur takes the fort of Bajaur.) 

{fan. jrd) On Monday^ the first day of the month of 
Muharram, there was a violent earthquake in the lower part of 
the dale {j'ulga) of Chandawal,3 -which lasted nearly half an 
astronomical hour. 

{fan. ^tk) Marching at dawn from that camp with the 
intention of attacking the fort of Bajaur,4 we dismounted near 
it and sent a trusty man of the Dilazak 5 Afghans to advise its 

^ Elph. MS. f. 173^; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 178 and 217 f. 149; Mems. p. 246. The 
whole of the Hijra year is included in 15 19 ad. (Erskine). What follows here and 
completes the Kabul section of the Babur-nama is a diary of a little over 13 months' 
length, supplemented by matter of later entry. The product has the character of 
a draft, awaiting revision to harmonize it in style and, partly, in topic with the com- 
posed narrative that breaks off under 914 AH. ; for the diary, written some li years 
earlier than that composed narrative, varies, as it would be expected h priori to vary, 
in style and topic from the terse, lucid and idiomatic output of Babur's literary 
maturity. A good many obscure words and phrases in it, several new from Babur's 
pen, have opposed difficulty to scribes and translators. Interesting as such minutiae 
are to a close observer of TurkI and of Babur's diction, comment on all would be 
tedious ; a few will be found noted, as also will such details as fix the date of entry 
for supplementary matter. 

^ Here Mr. Erskine notes that Dr. Leyden's translation begins again ; it broke off 
on f. i8o3, and finally ends on f. 2233. 

3 This name is often found transliterated as Chandul or [mod.] Jandul but the 
Hai. MS. supports Raverty's opinion that Chandawal is correct. 

The year 925 ah. opens with Babur far from Kabul and east of the Khahr (fort) 
he is about to attack. Afghan and other sources allow surmise of his route to that 
position ; he may have come down into the Chandawal-valley, first, from taking 
Chaghan-sara! (f. 124, f. 134 and n.), and, secondly, from taking the GibrI stronghold 
of Haidar-i- 'all Bajaurl which stood at the head of the Baba Qara-valley. The latter 
surmise is supported by the romantic tales of Afghan chroniclers which at this date 
bring into history Babur's Afghan wife, Bibi Mubaraka (f. 220^ and note ; Mems. 
p. 250 n. ; and Appendix K, An Afghan legend). (It must be observed here that 
R.'s Notes (pp. 117, 128) confuse the two sieges, viz. of the Gibri fort in 924 ah. and 
of the Khahr of Bajaur in 925 ah. ) 

'* Raverty lays stress on the circumstance that the fort Babur now attacks has never 
been known as Bajaur, but always simply as Khahr, the fort (the Arabic name for the 
place being, he says, plain Shahr) ; just as the main stream is called simply Rud 
(the torrent). The name Khahr is still used, as modern maps shew. There are 
indeed two neighbouring places known simply as Khahr (Fort), i.e. one at the mouth 
of the " Mahmand-valley " of modern campaigns, the other near the Malakand 
(Fincastle's map). 

5 This word the Hai. MS. writes, passi?n, Dilah-zak. 

368 KABUL 

sultan ' and people to take up a position of service {qulluq) and 
surrender the fort. Not accepting this counsel, that stupid and 
ill-fated band sent back a wild answer, where-upon the army 
was ordered to make ready mantelets, ladders and other 
appliances for taking a fort. For this purpose a day's (^Jan. ^tli) 
halt was made on that same ground. 

{^Jan. 6th) On Thursday the 4th of Muharram, orders were 
given that the army should put on mail, arm and get to horse ; ^ 
that the left wing should move swiftly to the upper side of the 
fort, cross the water at the water-entry,3 and dismount on the 
north side of the fort ; that the centre, not taking the way 
across the water, should dismount in the rough, up-and-down 
land to the north-west of the fort